A 



COMMENTARY 



ON THE 



ORIGINAL TEXT 



OF THE 



ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 



B Y 

HORATIO B. ^lACKETT, D. 

PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE IN 
THEOLOGICAL INSTITUTION, 



A NEW EDITION, 

REVISED AND GREATLY ENLARGED. 



BOSTON: 

GOULD AND LINCOLN, 

59 WASHINGTON STREET. 
NEW YORK: SHELDON, BLAKEMAN & CO. 
CINCINNATI : GEORGE S. BLANCHARD. 

, 1858. 

7 

/ 



D. 

NEWTON 




Entered accordiug to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by 
GOULD AND LINCOLN, 
In the Clerk's OfDce of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



stereotyped and Printed by 
W. r DRAPER, ANDOVER, MASS. 



THE AUTHOR 



Is prmitteJr U Inscribe tliis il0htm^ 

T O 

AUGUSTUS THOLUCK, D. D., 

WHOSE WRITINGS IN ILLUSTRATION OF THE SACRED WORD, AND WHOSE 
PERSONAL INSTRUCTIONS, HAVE CAUSED HIS INFLUENCE TO BE 
FELT AND HIS NAME TO BE HONORED IN FOREIGN 
COUNTRIES AS WELL AS HIS OWN. 



PREFACE 

T O T H E 

FIRST EDITION. 



It has been the writer's endeavor to present to the reader 
in this volume the results of the present state of biblical 
study, as applied to the illustration of the Acts of the Apos- 
tles. Although our language contains already souie valuable 
works devoted to the same general object, it is hoped that 
the dependence of the work here offered to the public on the 
original text, and the advantage taken of the latest investi- 
gations in this department of criticism, will render it not 
superfluous. 

Of the importance of an acquaintance with the contents 
of the Acts, it must be unnecessary to speak. A single re- 
flection will render this sufficiently obvious. No person can 
be prepared to read the Epistles of the New Testament with 
the greatest advantage until he has made himself familiar 



VI 



PEEEACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



with the external history of the Apostle Paul, and with his 
character ai^d spirit, as Luke has portrayed them in his nar- 
rative. Those portions of the Acts, constituting the greater 
part of the whole, which relate to the great Apostle, must be 
thoroughly mastered before any proper foundation is laid for 
the exegetical study of the Epistles. It is the object of these 
Notes to assist the reader in the acquisition of this knowl- 
edge and discipline ; to enable him to form his own inde- 
pendent view of the meaning of the sacred writer in this 
particular portion of the New Testament, and, at the same 
time, furnish himself to some extent with those principles 
and materials of criticism which are common to all parts of 
the Bible. If the plan of the work and the mode in which 
it is executed are such as to impart a just idea of the process 
of biblical interpretation, and to promote a habit of careful 
study and of self-reliance on the part of those who may use 
the book, it will be a result much more important than that 
all the opinions advanced in it should be approved ; it is a 
result beyond any other which the writer has been anxious to 
accomplish. The grammatical references and explanations 
will enable the student to judge of the consistency of the in- 
terpretations given with the laws of the Greek language. The 
authorities cited will show the state of critical opinion on all 
passages that are supposed to be uncertain or obscure. The 
geographical, archaeological, and other information collected 
from many difterent sources, will unfold the relations of the 



PEETACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



VII 



book to the contemporary history of the age in which it was 
written, and serve to present to the mind a more vivid con- 
ception of the reality of the scenes and the events which the 
narrative describes. 

No single commentary can be expected to ansAver all the 
purposes for which a commentary is needed. The writer has 
aimed at a predominant object ; and that has been, to deter- 
mine by the rules of a just philology the meaning of the 
sacred writer, and not to develop the practical applications, 
or, to any great extent, the doctrinal implications of this 
meaning. With such a design, no one will object to the use 
which has been made of the labors of foreign scholars ; it 
would have been a matter of just complaint not to have used 
them, although with a different aim it would be equally in- 
excusable not to have brought into view more frequently the 
connections which exist between the Acts and the practical 
religious literature contained in our own language. 

******** 

I am indebted to various friends for advice and cooperation 
in the performance of this labor. Among these it becomes 
me to mention in particular the Rev. B. B. Edwards, D. D., 
Professor at Andover. It is doubtful whether I should have 
undertaken the work, or persevered in it, had it not been for 
his generous sympathy and encouragement. 

******** 

The author can recall no happier hours than tjiose which 



VIII PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 

he has spent in giving instruction on this book of the New- 
Testament to successive classes of theological students. May 
the fruits of this mutual study be useful to them in the active 
labors of the sacred work to which they are devoted. They 
are now^ sent forth into a wider sphere ; — and, here also, may 
God be pleased to own them as a means of contributing to 
a more diligent study and a more perfect knowledge of his 
Holy Word. 

Newton Theological Ikstitution, 
October 31, 1851. 



\ 



PEEFACE TO THE IlEYISED EDITION. 



The present edition as compared with the former has been 
in parts rewritten, and, also, enlarged by the addition of about 
a hundred pages. In the interval since the work was first 
published, the writer has continued to study the Acts both in 
a private way and occasionally as the teacher of theological 
classes. As the result of this further labor, the view on some 
passages has been modified ; expressions that were found to 
be obscure have been made plainer ; new points in the text 
have been elucidated ; former explanations of a debatable 
character, according to the apparent evidence in the case, 
have been placed in a stronger light, or advanced with less 
confidence ; and, in general, pains have been taken in this 
revised form to render the notes not less critical than before, 
and yet freer and more varied in their contents. The last six 
years, too, have been signally fruitful in the appearance of 
valuable works relating to the Acts, either directly exegetical 
or subsidiary to that end. The reader will find ample proof 
in the following pages of the extent of my indebtedness to 
these contributions to biblical literature, and at the same 
time, will appreciate the difficulty of using the abundant ma- 
terial with independence and judgment. 

2 



X PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. 

It has been of some service to me that since the publica- 
tion of the first edition, I have been enabled to visit the 
countries in which the Saviour and the apostles lived, and the 
cross gained its earliest victories. The journey has made it 
ten fold more a labor of love to trace again the footsteps of 
Paul and his associates, and should add something to the in- 
terpreter's power to unfold the history of their sufferings and 
their triumphs. 

Not to render the Commentary too heterogeneous, it has 
seemed best to discard the idea of a supplement for the dis- 
cussion of certain miscellaneous topics, as was proposed at 
first. As a substitute for such an appendage, the points 
which it was designed to embrace have been enlarged upon 
more fully in the present notes, and references have been 
given to appropriate works in which the student who desires 
will find more complete information. I will only add that the 
Greek text has been reviewed more carefully in this edition, 
and, unless I have erred through some inadvertence, all the 
variations which affect the sense materially have been brought 
to the reader's notice. At the suggestion of various friends, 
the Greek words in the notes have been translated in all cases 
where the remarks might otherwise be obscure to the English 
reader, and thus the explanations will be readily understood 
by all into whose hands the work may fall. 

May the Divine blessing rest upon this renewed endeavor 
to illustrate this portion of the Holy Scriptures. 

Newton Centre, March 1, 1858. 



INTKODUCTION 



^ 1. The Writer of the Acts. 

The evidence that the book of Acts was written by Luke, to 
whom the Christian world are accustomed to ascribe it, is of a 
three-fold character. It will be sufficient for the object here in 
view merely to indicate the line of argument which establishes 
the correctness of that opinion. A more complete and systematic 
view of the evidence must be sought in works which treat pro- 
fessedly of the formation and transmission of the Canon of the 
Scriptures. 

In the first place, we have the explicit testimony of the early 
Christian writers, that Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles. 
IrensBus, who became bishop of Lyons in A. D. 178, and who 
was born so early that he was intimate with those who had seen 
the apostles, says expressly that Luke was the author of the 
Acts ; he quotes from him various single passages, and, in one 
place, gives a distinct summary of the last twelve chapters of the 
book (Adv. Hseres. 3. 14. 1). He treats this authorship of the 
work as a matter which he had no occasion to defend, because 
no one of his contemporaries had called it in question. From 
the generation which separated Irenseus from the age of Luke, 
we have only a few scanty remains ; but these, although they 
contain expressions^ which, according to the admission of nearly 
all critics, pre-suppose an acquaintance with the Acts, are silent 
respecting the writer. To have mentioned him by name would 
have been at variance with the informal mode of citing the 
Christian Scriptures, which distinguishes the writings of that 

1 See the passages, in Kirchhofer's Sammlung zur Geschiclite des N. T. 
Canons, p. 161 sq., in Lardner's Credibility, and similar works. 



12 



INTRODUCTION. 



early period. The next witness is Clemens of Alexandria, who 
flourished about A. D. 190. This father not only speaks of Luke 
as having composed the Acts, in his Stromata (Lib. 5), but is 
known to have Avritten a commentary on it, which has not been 
preserved. Tertullian, who hved about A. D. 200, offers the 
same testimony. He has not only quoted the Acts repeatedly, 
but named Luke as the author, in such a way as makes it evi- 
dent that he merely followed in this the universal opinion of his 
age (De Jejun. c. 10; De Prsescript. Haeret. c. 22; De Bapt. c. 
10, etc.). Eusebius wrote about A. D. 325. He has recorded 
both his own belief and that of his time, in the following impor- 
tant statement : " Luke, a native of Antioch, by profession a 
physician, was mostly Paul's companion, though he associated 
not a little with the other apostles. He has left us examples of 
the art of healing souls, wliich he acquired from the apostles, in 
two divinely inspired books ; first, in the Gospel which he testi- 
fies to have written according to what eye-Avitnesses and minis- 
ters of the word delivered to him from the beginning, all which, 
also, he says that he investigated from the first ; ^ and, secondly, 
in the Acts of the Apostles, which he composed, not from report, 
as in the other case, but according to his own personal observa- 
tion." (Hist. Eccl. 3. 4.) 

It would be superfluous to pursue this testimony further. It 
may be proper to add, that no trace of any opposition to it, or dis- 
sent from it, has come down to us from the first ages of the 
church. Some of the early heretical sects, it is true, as the Mar- 
cionites, Manicheans, Severians, rejected the religious authority 
of the Acts ; but as they did tliis because it contradicted their 
peculiar views, and as they admitted without question the source 
from which their opponents claimed to receive it, their rejection 
of the book, under such circumstances, becomes a conclusive tes- 
timony to its genuineness. 

In the second place, the relation in which the Acts of the 
Apostles stands to the Gospel which is ascribed to Luke, proves 
that the author of the two productions must be the same individ- 
ual. The writer introduces his work as a continuation or second 
part of a previous history, and dedicates it to a certain Theophi- 
lus, who can be no other than the person for whose special in- 
formation the Gospel was written. As to the identity of the 
writer of the Acts with the writer of the Gospel attributed to 

1 As the relative may be neuter or masculine, many take the sense of the 
Greek to be, all whom he accompanied ; but the manifest allusion to Luke 1, 2. 3 
renders the other the more obvious translation. 



WRITER OF THE ACTS. 



13 



Luke, no well-founded question has been, or can be, raised. 
Consequently, the entire mass of testimony which proves that 
Luke the Evangelist wi-ote the Gospel wliich bears liis name, 
proves ^vith equal force that he wi'ote also the Acts of the Apos- 
tles. Thus the Acts may be traced up to Luke, tlii-ough two 
independent series of witnesses. And it may be confidently 
asserted, that, unless the combined historical evidence from this 
twofold source be admitted as conclusive in support of Luke's 
claim to the authorsliip of the Acts, there is then no ancient book 
in the world, the author of which can ever be ascertained by us. 

In the tliird place, the hterary pecuharities which distinguish 
the Gospel of Luke mark also the composition of the Acts, and 
show that it must have come from the same hand. The argu- 
ment here is founded on a different relation of the Gospel to the 
Acts from that to which we have just adverted. Luke being 
acknowledged as the author of the Gospel, we know from that 
■ source what the characteristics of his style are ; and it is main- 
tained that these re-appear in the Acts to such an extent, that 
we can account for the agreement only by referring the two pro- 
ductions to the same writer. The reality of the resemblance 
here asserted is conceded by critics of every name. It will be 
necessary to restrict the illustration of it to a few examples.^ In 
Luke's Gospel, verbs compounded with prepositions are more 
numerous than in the other Evangehsts ; they are found in the 
same proportion in the Acts. Matthew has avv three times, 
Mark five times, John tliree times, or, according to another read- 
ing, but t^vice ; wliile Luke employs it in liis Gospel twenty-four 
times, and in the Acts fifty-one times. Luke has used aTras in 
his two books thirty-five times ; whereas it occurs in all the 
others but nine times. Tropevea-^ai is found in the Gospel forty- 
nine times, and in the Acts thirty-eight times, but is rarely found 
in other parts of the New Testament. The constraction of 
ctTretv and XaXeiv with Trpos, instead of the dative of the person 
addressed, is confined almost exclusively to Luke. No other 
wiiter, except John in a few instances, ever says ctTretv -n-pog, and 
XaA-etv Trpos occurs out of Luke's writings only in 1 Cor. 14, 6 ; 
Heb. 5, 5 and 11, 18. As in Luke's Gospel, so in the Acts we 

1 They are drawn out, more or less fully, in Gersdorf Beitraege, p. 160 sq. ; 
Credner's Einleitung in das neue Testament, p. 130 sq. ; Ebrard's Kritik der 
evangelisclien Geschichte, p. 671, ed. 1850; Guericke's Gesammtgeschichte des 
N. T., p. 166 sq. ; Lekebusch's Composition und Entstehung der Apostelge- 
scHchte, p. 37 sq. ; and Dr. Dayidson's Introduction to tlie New Testament, 
Vol. I. p. 190, and Vol. 11. p. 8. 



14 



INTRODUCTION. 



have a cliaracteristic use of Se Kal to express emphasis or grada- 
tion, a similar use of koX avros or avToL, the insertion of the neuter 
article before interrogative sentences, the omission of after //.ev 
ovv, the uniform preference of 'lepovo-aXTj/^ to 'lepoaoX-vfjia, and still 
others. Credner, in his Introduction to the New Testament, has 
enumerated not fewer than sixty-five distinct idioms which he 
considers as peculiar to Luke's diction as compared with that of 
the other New Testament writers ; and nearly all these he points 
out as occurring at the same time both in the Gospel and the 
Acts. It is impossible, then, to doubt, unless we deny that any 
confidence can be placed in this species of criticism, that, if 
Luke wrote the Gospel which we accredit to him, he must have 
wiitten also the Acts, 



§ 2. Biographical Sketch of Luke. 

According to Eusebius, as already quoted, and Jerome, who 
may be supposed to represent the opinion of their times, Luke 
was a native of Antioch. As he appears in the Acts to have 
spent so much time at Pliihppi, some modern writers have con- 
jectured that he may have been a native or inhabitant of that 
city. The historical testimony deserves more regard than an 
inference of that nature. That he was a Gentile by birth appears 
to be certain from Col. 4, 11. 14, where Paul distinguishes him 
from those whom he denominates ol oVre? ck TrepLTo/xrjs. His for- 
eign extraction is confijmed also by the character of his style, 
which approaches nearer to the standard of classical Greek than 
that of any other writer of the New Testament, with the excep- 
tion of the apostle Paul. This feature of his language renders it 
probable that he was of Greek origin. Some have inferred this 
also from his Greek name ; but it was not uncommon for Jews, 
as well as Romans and other foreigners, to assume such names 
at this period. Whether he was a proselyte to Judaism before 
his conversion to Christianity, or not, is a question on which 
critics differ. The supposition that he adopted first the Jewish 
religion, and had done so perhaps in early life, accounts best for 
his intimate acquaintance mth the opinions and customs of the 
Jews, his knowledge of the Septuagint, and the degree of Hebra- 
istic tendency which shows itself in liis style. It appears from 
Col. 4, 14, that Luke was a physician ; and the general voice of 
antiquity, in accordance with that passage, represents him as 
having belonged to the medical profession. The effect of his fol- 
lowing such an employment can be traced, as many critics tliink, 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF LUKE. 



15 



in various passages of Luke's witings ; comp. the Note on 28, 8. 
The fact that he was trained to such a pursuit, that he was a 
man, therefore, of culture and observing habits of mind, is an im- 
portant circumstance. It has been justly remarked, that, as 
many of the miracles wliich the first promulgators of the gospel 
wrought in confirmation of its truth were cases of the healing of 
maladies, Luke, by virtue of liis medical skill and experience, 
was rendered pecidiarly competent to judge of the reality of such 
miracles. 1 

Of the manner in which the miter of the Acts was brought to 
a knowledge of the gospel, we have no information. The sug- 
gestion of some of the later fathers* that he was one of the 
seventy disciples, is not only Avithout ground, but opposed to his 
O^vn statement in the introduction of his Gospel, where he dis- 
tinguishes liimself from those who had been personal attendants 
on the mmistry of Christ. It is e\'ident that, after his conversion, 
he devoted himself to public Christian labors, for the most part 
in connection ^^dth the apostle Paul, whom he accompanied from 
place to place, and aided in liis efforts for the extension of the 
gospel. The fii'st explicit allusion wliich he makes to himself 
occurs in 16, 10 sq., where he gives an account of the apostle's 
departure from Troas to Macedonia. In that passage Luke em- 
ploys the fii'st person plural, and thus shows that he was one of 
the companions of Paul on that occasion. He goes ^iath the 
apostle from Troas to Philippi, and speaks of himself again in 
20, 6, as one of the several individuals who sailed ^vith Paul 
from- the same city on his last journey to Jerusalem. Whether 
Luke had been separated from Paul during the interval, or re- 
mained with him, cannot be certainly known. It is eminently 
characteristic of the sacred witers, that they keep themselves 
out of view in their narratives. Hence some have argued that 
we are not to infer that Luke was necessarily absent when he 
employs the third person, but rather that it Avas a sort of inadver- 
tence, as it Avere, against his design, that he has now and then 
disclosed his personal connection with the history. The other 
opinion is the surer one. "We cannot be certain that Luke was 
in the company of Paul, except at the times when his language 
shows that he was personally concerned in what he relates. It 
is clear, even according to this view, that Luke, in addition to his 
accompaming Paul on his fii'st journey from Troas to Pliihppi, 

1 I have made no allusion in the text to 2 Cor. 8, 18 ; for it is barelv possible 
thnt the auvhor of our narrative can be meant there as "the brother whose praise 
is in a'l tlie churches." See De "Wette's note on that passage in Iiis Exegetisches 
Handbuch zuni N. Testament. 



16 



INTRODUCTION. 



remained with, him, without any known interruption, from the 
period of his leaving Philippi the second time to the end of his 
career. He goes with the apostle to Jerusalem, where the latter 
was apprehended and given up to the custody of the Romans 
(20, 6 sq. ; 21, 1 sq.) ; he speaks of himself as still with him at 
the close of his imprisonment at Csesarea (27, 1) ; proceeds with 
him on his voyage to Rome (27, 1 sq.) ; and, as we see from 
the Epistles which Paul wrote while in that city, continued to 
be associated with, him down to the latest period of his life of 
which any record remains. The apostle mentions Luke as 
residing with him at Kome in Col. 4, 14 ; Phil. v. 24 ; and in 
2 Tim. 4, 11. Of his subsequent history, nothing authentic has 
been preserved. The traditions which relate to this period are 
uncertain and contradictory. According to Gregory Nazianzen, 
whom several later writers follow, he suffered martyrdom ; ac- 
cording to others, and those whose testimony has greater weight, 
he died a natural death. 

§ 3. Authenticity of the Acts. 

The foregoing sketch shows us how ample were Luke's means 
of information in regard to the subjects of which his history 
treats. Of most of the events which he has recorded, he was an 
eye-witness. The materials which compose the body of the 
work lay within the compass of his own personal knowledge. 
The particulars which he communicates respecting Paul's life 
and labors before his own acquaintance with him, he could have 
learned, at a subsequent period, in his intercourse with that 
apostle. His extensive journeyings could hardly fail to have 
brought him into connection with most of the other persons who 
appear as actors in the history. Some of his information he 
derived, no doubt, from written sources. The official documents 
which he has inserted (15, 23 sq. ; 23, 26 sq.) were public, and 
could have been copied. We assume nothing at variance with 
the habits of antiquity in supposing that the more extended dis- 
courses and speeches, which Luke himself did not hear, may 
have been noted down by others at the time of their delivery, or 
soon afterwards, while the impression made by them was still 
vivid. If the writer of the Acts had any occasion for the use of 
such reports, his travels from one country to another must have 
given him access to the persons who could furnish them.^ 

' Some critics, as Schleiermacher, Bleek, De "Wette, have thrown out the idea 
that Luke may have derived those parts of the Acts in which the narrator em- 



AUTHENTICITY OF THE ACTS. 



17 



We are to recollect, further, that the declaration which Luke 
makes at the commencement of his Gospel applies equally to the 
Acts. It was his habit, as we learn there, to avail himself of 
every possible source of inquiry, in order to ascertain the certainty 
of what he wrote. With such opportunities at his command, and 
with such a character for diligence in the use of them, the writer 
of the Acts, considered simply in the light of an ordinary histo- 
rian comes before us with every title to confidence which can be 
asserted in behalf of the best accredited human testimony. 

But this is not all. We have not only every reason to regard 
the history of Luke as authentic, because he wrote it with such 
facihties for knowing the truth, but because we find it sustaining 
its credit under the severest scrutiny to which it is possible that 
an ancient work should be subjected. 

First. This history has been confronted Avith the Epistles of 
the New Testament ; and it has been shown as the result, that 
the incidental correspondences between them and the Acts are 
numerous and of the most striking kind. They are such as pre- 
clude the supposition of their being the result either of accident 
or design. It is impossible to account for them, unless Ave admit 
that the transactions which Luke records really took place in the 
manner that he has related. It is the object of Paley's Horse 
Paulinse to develop this argument ; and the demonstration of the 
truth of the Acts, and of the New Testament in general, which 
he has furnished in that work, no objector has ever attempted to 
refute. 

Secondly. The speeches in the Acts which purport to have 
been delivered by Peter, Paul, and James, have been compared 
with the known productions of these men ; and it is found that 
they exhibit an agreement with them, in point of thought and 
expression, wliich the supposition of their common origin would 
lead us to expect. The speeches attributed to Peter contain 
peculiar phrases and ideas, which impart a characteristic similar- 
ity to them as compared with the other speeches, and which 
appear again in his Epistles, but in no other portion of the New 
Testament. In like manner, the speeches of Paul evince an 
aflinity both to each other and to his Epistles, in the recurrence 
of favorite words, modes of construction, and turns of thought, 
such as belong to no other writer. We have but one address 

ploys the first person plural from a history of Paul's missionary labors written by 
Timothy ; see the note on 20, 6. Among the writers who have shoAvn the unten- 
ableness of that hypothesis, are Ebrard, Kritik, u. s. w., p. 732 sq. ; Lekebusch, 
Composition, u. s. w., p. 131 sq. ; and Davidson, Introduction, Vol. II. p. 9 sq. 

3 



18 



INTRODUCTION. 



from James, but even here we discover striking points of connec- 
tion with the Epistle wliich bears his name. Occasion will be 
taken, in the course of the Commentary, to illustrate this pecu- 
liar feature of the history. 

Tliirdly. We have a decisive test of the trustworthiness of 
Luke in the consistency of his statements and allusions with the 
information which contemporary writers have given us respect- 
ing the age in which he lived and wrote. The liistory which we 
read in the Acts connects itself at numerous points mth the 
social customs of different and distant nations ; with the fluctu- 
ating civil affairs of the Jews, Greeks, and E-omans ; and with 
geographical or political divisions and arrangements, which were 
constantly undergoing some change or modification. Tlirough 
all these circumstances, which underlie Luke's narrative from 
commencement to end, he pursues his way without a single 
instance of contradiction or collision. Examples of the most 
unstudied harmony with the complicated relations of the times 
present themselves at every step. No writer who was conscious 
of fabricating his story would have hazarded such a number of 
minute allusions, since they increase so immensely the risk of 
detection ; and still less, if he had ventured upon it, could he 
have introduced them so skilfully as to baffle every attempt to 
discover a single well-founded instance of ignorance or oversight. 
It adds to the force of the argument to remark, that in the pages 
of Luke every such allusion falls from him entirely without efibrt 
or parade. It never strikes the reader as far-fetched or contrived. 
Every incident, every observation, flows naturally out of the pro- 
gress of the narrative. It is no exaggeration to say, that the 
well-informed reader, who will study carefully the book of the 
Acts, and compare the incidental notices to be found on almost 
every page with the geography and the pohtical history of the 
times, and with the customs of the different countries in which 
the scene of the transactions is laid, will receive an impression of 
the writer's fidelity and accuracy, equal to that of the most forci- 
ble treatises on the truth of Christianity. 

The objections which sceptical writers have urged against the 
authenticity of the Acts relate chiefly to the supernatural charac- 
ter of its narrations. It does not belong to the province of Bibli- 
cal criticism to reply to such objections. They have adduced 
also a few instances of alleged offence against history, or chron- 
ology, or archasology ; but these result from an unnecessary inter- 
pretation. We may understand the passages which are said to 
contain the inconsistency in a different manner, and thus remove 
entirely the occasion for it. 



OBJECT AND 



PLAN OF THE BOOK. 



19 



§ 4. Object and Plan of the Book. 

The common title of the Acts — 7rpdi€L<; rtov aTroa-roXiov — is 
ancient, but is supposed generally to have been prefixed, not by 
the author, but by some later hand. It is read differently in dif- 
ferent manuscripts. It is too comprehensive to describe accu- 
rately the contents of the book. The wiiter's object, if we are to 
judge of it from what he has performed, must have been to fur- 
nish a summary history of the origin, gradual increase, and ex-, 
tension of the Clnistian church, thi'ough the instrumentahty 
chiefly of the apostles Peter and Paul. In fact, we have not a 
complete history, but a compendium merely of the labors of these 
two apostles, who were most active in their efforts to advance 
the gospel, while the other apostles are only referred to or named 
incidentally in connection with some particular occurrence. It 
is not to be supposed that Luke has recorded aU the facts which 
were known to him respecting the early spread of Cliristianitj^ 
On what principle he proceeded in making his selection from the 
mass of materials before liim, we cannot decide with certainty. 
He may have been infl.uenced in part by the personal relation 
wliich he sustained to the individuals introduced, and the events 
described by hmi. It is still more probable, that the wants of 
the particular class of readers whom he had in view may have 
shaped, more or less consciously, the course of his nan-ative ; and 
these readers, in the absence of any surer indication, we may 
consider as represented by Theophilus, who was, in aU proba- 
bility, a convert from heathenism. (See note on 1, 1.) 

In wiiting for such readers, we should expect that Luke would 
lean towards those aspects of the history which illustrated the 
design of God in reference to the heathen ; their right to partici- 
pate in the blessings of the gospel without submitting to the 
forms of Judaism ; the conflict of opinion which preceded the full 
recognition of tliis right, and the success more particularly of 
those apostolic labors which were performed in behalf of heathen 
countries. It cannot be denied that the contents of the Acts 
exhibit a predilection for this class of topics ; and to that extent 
the book may be said to have been written in order to illustrate 
the unrestricted nature of the blessings of the gospel. On the 
other hand, it should be observed that this predilection is merely 
such as would spring naturally from the writer's almost uncon- 
scious sympathy with liis Gentile readers, and is by no means so 
marked as to authorize us, according to the view of some writers^ 



20 



INTEODUCTION. 



to impute to him any thing hke a formal purpose to trace the 
relation of Judaism to Christianity. 

In accordance with this trait of the Acts here alluded to, we 
have a very particular account of the manner in which Peter was 
freed from his Jewish scruples. The reception of the first hea- 
then converts into the church is related at great length. The 
proceedings of the council at Jerusalem, with reference to the 
question whether circumcision should be permanent, occupy one 
of the leading chapters of the book. And the individual of the 
, apostles who preached chiefly to the Gentiles, and introduced 
the gospel most extensively into heathen countries, is the one 
whom the writer has made the central object of his history, and 
whose course of labor he has described in the fullest manner. 

Luke has pursued no formal plan in the arrangement of the 
Acts. The subject of his history, however, divides itself natu- 
rally into two principal parts. The first part treats of the apos- 
tolic labors of Peter, and hence particularly of the spread of 
Christianity among the Jews, occupying the first twelve chap- 
ters ; the second, of the labors of Paul, and hence the promulga- 
tion of the gospel in Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Rome, occu- 
pying the remaining chapters. But the book contains other 
topics which are related to these only in a general way. The 
following division marks out to view the different sections more 
distinctly. 1. Outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost, 
and the antecedent circumstances. 2. Events relating to the 
progress of the gospel in Judea and Samaria. 3. The transition 
of the gospel to the heathen, in the conversion of Cornelius and 
others. 4. The call of the apostle Paul, and his fii-st missionary 
tour. 5. The apostolic council at Jerusalem. 6. The second 
missionary tour of Paul. 7. His third missionary tour, and his 
apprehension at Jerusalem. 8. His imprisonment at Csesarea, 
and voyage to Rome. 

§ 5. Time and Place of Writing the Acts. 

The time when the Acts was written could not have been far 
distant from that of the termination of Paul's imprisonment at 
Rome, mentioned at the close of the history. The manner in 
which Luke speaks of that imprisonment implies clearly, that, at 
the time when he wrote, the apostle's condition had changed ; 
that he was no longer a prisoner, either because he had been lib- 
erated, or because he had been put to death. 

It does not afiect the present question whether we suppose 



TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING THE ACTS. 21 



that he was imprisoned twice, or only once (see note on 28, 31 j. 
If we suppose that he was set at hberty, we have then a most 
natural explanation of the abrupt close of the book, in the fact 
that Luke published it just at the time of the apostle's release ; 
or so soon after that event, that the interval furnished nothing 
new which he deemed it important to add to the history. On the 
other hand, if we suppose that Paul's captivity terminated in his 
martyrdom, it is not easy to account for the writer's silence re- 
specting his death, except on the ground that itwas so recent and 
so well known in the circle of his readers, that they did not need 
the information. Thus, in both cases, the time of writing the 
Acts would coincide very nearly with the end of the Roman cap- 
tivity of which Luke has spoken. 

The question arises now, Do we know the time when that 
captivity ended, whether it may have been by acquittal or death. 
Here we must depend upon the surest chronological data which 
exist, though it is not pretended that they are certain. Accord- 
ing to a computation which has received the assent of most 
critics, Paul was brought as a prisoner to Rome in the year A. D. 
61 or 62. In the year 64 followed the conflagration in that city, 
which was kindled by the agency of Nero, but which, for the 
sake of averting the odium of the act from himself, he charged 
on the Christians. This led to the first Christian persecution, so 
called, which is mentioned by Tacitus (Annal. 15. 44), Suetonius 
(Ner. 16), and possibly Juvenal (Serm. 1. 146 sq.). If now Paul 
was set at liberty after his confinement of two years, it must have 
been just before the commencement of Nero's persecution, that 
is, in the year A. D. 63, or near the beginning of 64. But if, 
according to the other supposition, the two years were not com- 
pleted until the persecution commenced, he must, in all probabil- 
ity, as the leader of the Christian sect, have soon shared the 
common fate, and so, have been put to death about the year 64. 
Hence we may consider this date, or the close of A. D. 63, as not 
improbably the time when Luke wrote, or at least published, the 
Acts of the Apostles. 

But if Luke wrote the book thus near the expiration of the two 
years that Paul was a prisoner at Rome, it is most natural to con- 
clude that he wrote it in that city. This was also the opinion of 
many of the early Christian fathers. The probability of this con- 
clusion is greatly strengthened by the fact, that Luke makes no 
mention of Paul's liberation, or martyrdom, as the case may have 
been. At Rome, every reader of the apostle's history knew of 
course what the result of his captivity there was ; and if Luke 



22 



INTRODUCTION. 



vnote it at that place, the absence of any alhision to his fate 
would not seem to be so veiy surprising. On the contrary, if 
Luke wrote it at a distance from the scene of the apostle's cap- 
tivity, the omission would be much more extraordinary. 

§ 6. Chronology of the Acts. 

The subject of the clironology of the Acts is attended still 
\\-itli uncertainties, which no efforts of critical labor have been 
able wholly to remove. " After all the combinations," says 
Schott,! " which the ingenuity of scholars has enabled them to 
devise, and all the fulness of historical learning which they have 
applied to the subject, it has been impossible to arrive at results 
which are satisfactory in all respects." The source of the diffi- 
culty is, that the notations of time are for the most part entirely 
omitted ; or, if they occur here and there, are contained in gen- 
eral and indefinite expressions. We must content ourselves, 
therefore, with endeavoring to fix the dates of a few leading 
events, which may be ascertained with most certamty ; and must 
then distribute the other contents of the book with reference to 
these, on the basis of such incidental intimations as may be 
found to exist, or of such probable calculations as we may be 
able to form. 

1. The Year of Paul's Conversion. 

The date of this event is very uncertain ; but an attempt has 
been made to approximate to it by means of the folloudng combi- 
nation. In Gal. 1, 15-18, it is stated that Paul went up to Jeru- 
salem from Damascus three years from the time of liis conver- 
sion ; and we learn from 2 Cor. 11, 32, that Damascus, when 
Paul made his escape from it on that occasiou, was in the hands 
of Aretas, king of Ai-abia. As this city belonged to the Romans, 
it is remarkable that it should have been, just at that time, 
wi-ested from them ; and the circumstances under which such an 
event took place must have been pecuhar. It is conjectured that 
a juncture like this may have led to that occurrence. Josephus 
relates that an army of Herod Antipas had been defeated about 
this time by Aretas, king of Arabia. Upon this, the Emperor 
Tiberius, who was a friend and ally of Herod, directed Viteliius, 
Pvoman Governor of Syria, to collect an adequate force, and to 

1 Erorterung einiger chronologischen Punkte in der Lebensgeschichte des 
Apostel Paul, § 1. 



CHRONOLOGY 



OF THE 



ACTS. 



23 



take Aretas prisoner, or slay liim in the attempt. Before Vitel- 
lius could execute this order, news came that the emperor was 
dead, and as a consequence of this, the mihtary preparations on 
foot were suspended. Tliis sudden respite afforded Aretas an 
opportunity to march upon Damascus, and reduce it to liis pos- 
session. The city, however, supposing him to have become 
master of it, could not have remained long m liis power. We 
find that the difficulties with Arabia were all adjusted in the fii'st 
years of the reign of Cahgula, the successor of Tiberius, i. e. 
witliin A. D. 37-39 ; and the policy of the Romans would lead 
them, of course, to insist on the restoration of so important a 
place as Damascus. If now we place the escape of Paul in the 
last of these years (so as to afford time for the incidental delays), 
and deduct the tliree years during which he had been absent 
from Jerusalem, we obtain A. D. 36 as the probable epoch of the 
apostle's conversion. It is in favor of tliis conclusion, says Nean- 
der, that it gives us an interval neither too long nor too short for 
the events wliicli took place in the church between the ascen- 
sion of Christ and the conversion of Paul. Among others who 
fix upon the same year, or vary from it but one or two years, may 
be mentioned Eicliliorn, Hug, Hemsen, Schott, Guericke, Meyer, 
De Wette, Anger,^ Ebrard, Alford, Howson.^ Tliis date deter- 
muies that of Stephen's mart}T.'dom, which took place, appa- 
rently, not long before Paul's conversion, and also that of Paul's 
fii'st journey to Jerusalem, and his subsequent departure to 
Tarsus. 

2. The Death of Herod Agrippa. 

This occurred at Cggsarea in the year A. D. 44. The state- 
ments of Josephus are decisive on this point. He says that 
Agi-ippa, who, under Cahgula, had reigned over only a part of 
Palestine, received the entire sovereignty of his grandfather, 
Herod the Great, on the accession of Claudius, viz. in the year 
A. D. 41 (Antt. 19. 5. 1); and further, that at the time of his 
death he had completed the tliird year after this extension of liis 
power (Antt. 19. 8. 2). Tliis date fixes the position of several 
other important events; such as the execution of ^ James the 
elder, the arrest and deUverance of Peter, the return of Paul to 

1 De tempomm in Actis Apostolorum ratione, p. 121 sq. 

*^ "Wieseler (Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 175-213) assigns 
Paul's conversion to A. D. 40. It was gratifpng to me to find that, with this 
exception, all his othei* dates agree with those which I had been led to adopt 
before consulting his able treatise. 



24 



INTRODUCTION. 



Antiocli from his second visit to Jerusalem, and his departure on 
his first missionary excursion. 

3. The Third Journey of Paul to Jerusalem. 

In Gal. 2, 1, the apostle speaks of going up to Jerusalem after 
fourteen years, which are to be computed, in all probability, from, 
the time of his conversion. It has been made a question, 
whether this journey is to be understood as the second or third 
of the several journeys which Paul is mentioned in the Acts as 
having made to Jerusalem. The general opinion is, that it 
should be understood of the third; first, because the object of 
that journey, as stated in 15, 1 sq., coincides exactly with that 
which occasioned the one mentioned in the Epistle to the Gala- 
tians ; and, secondly, because the circumstances which are de- 
scribed as having taken place in connection with the journey in 
15, 1 sq., agree so entirely with those related in the Epistle.-^ 
Supposing, then, the identity of the two journeys to be estab- 
lished, we add the fourteen years already mentioned to the date 
of Paul's conversion, viz. 36, and we have A. D. 50 as the year 
when he went up to Jerusalem the third time after he had be- 
come a Christian.2 With this year coincides that of holding the 
Council at Jerusalem. Paul departed on his second missionary 
tour soon after his return to Antioch from this third visit to Jeru- 
salem ; and hence we are enabled to assign that second tour to 
the year A. D. 51. 

4. The Procuratorship of Felix. 

The time of this officer's recall, on being superseded by Fes- 
tus (see 24, 27), is assigned by most critics to the year A. D. 60 
or 61. The names of both these men are well known in secular 
history ; but it so happens that we meet with only indirect state- 
ments relating to the point which concerns us here. It is gen- 

1 The reasons for this conclusion are well stated by Hemsen, in his Der Apos- 
tel Paulus, u. s. w., p. 52 sq., translated by the writer in the Christian Keview, 1841, 
p. 66 *sq. Dr. Davidson has discussed the question with the same result in his 
Introduction, Vol. II. pp. 112-122. See, also, Conybeare and Howson, Life and 
Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. I. p. 509 sq,, (2d ed.) and Jowett on Galatians, 
p. 252. 

2 It is proper to appi-ize the reader that some reckon the fourteen years in 
Gal. 2, 1, from the apostle's first return to Jerusalem (Gal. 1, 18) ; and in that 
case his third journey to that city would be dated three years later. But few 
comparatively adopt this view. The apostle's conversion is the governing epoch, 
to which the mind of the reader naturally turns back from Gal. 2, 1, as well as 
from Gal. 1, 18. 



CHRONOLOGY OF THE ACTS. 



25 



erally agreed that these statements justify the following opinion. 
It is certain that Felix could not have been recalled later than 
the year 62. Josephus states (Antt. 20. 8. 9) that Felix, soon 
after his return to Rome, was accused before the emperor, by a 
deputation from the Jews in Palestine, of maladministration 
while in office, and that he would have been condemned had it 
not been for the influence of his brother Pallas, who stood high 
at that time in the favor of Nero. This Pallas now, according to 
Tacitus (Ann. 14, 65), was poisoned by Nero in the year 62. 
The only circumstance which impairs the certainty of this con- 
clusion is that Tacitus states (Ann. 13. 14) that Pallas had lost 
the favor of Nero some time before this, and had been entirely 
removed from public business. Hence some have placed the 
appointment of Festus as successor of Felix several years earlier 
than A. D. 61. But there is reason to believe that the disgrace of 
which Tacitus speaks may have been only temporary, and that 
Pallas may afterwards have recovered his influence with the em- 
peror. Since it is certain, according to Tacitus himself, that the 
death of this favorite did not occur till A. D. 62, it can be more easily 
supposed that Nero was again reconciled to him than that this 
revengeful tyrant should have suffered him to live several years 
after he had become odious to him. De Wette, Anger, Meyer, 
Wieseler, and others, admit this supposition, under the circum- 
stances of the case, to be entirely natural. 

It is less easy to fix the limit on the other side. The general 
belief is that Festus could not have succeeded Felix earlier than 
A. D. 60 or 61. Josephus relates (Antt. 20. 8. 11) that Festus, after 
having entered on his office, permitted a deputation of the Jews 
to repair to Rome, in order to obtain the decision of Nero in a 
controversy between himself and them ; and that Poppsea, the 
wife of Nero, interceded for them, and enabled them to gain 

1 Some, as Neander, Wieseler, object to the stricter sense of yw-fj in the pas- 
sage of Josephus, but it is defended by Schrader, Meyer, and others, as the more 
obvious sense, whether we consider the historical facts or the usage of the word. 
Neander (Pflanzung, u. s. w. Vol. I. p. 493) expresses himself with much hesitation 
respecting this date of the succession of Felix and Festus. It is important, for 
the purpose of laying up in the mind a connected view of the history, to settle 
upon the precise years as nearly as possible ; and Ave ought not to deprive our- 
selves of this advantage, merely because some of the conclusions, or the grounds 
of them, cannot be placed entirely beyond doubt. It is admitted that of the dates 
proposed in the above scheme of chronology, the second (that of Herod's death) 
and the last in a lower degree (that of Paul's arrival at Rome) are the only ones 
that can be brought to a state of comparative certainty. In regard to the others, 
I have not meant to claim for them anything more than the character of an 
approximation to the truth. 

4 



26 



INTRODUCTION. 



their object. But this woman did not become the wife^ of Nero 
until the year 62 (Tac. Ann. 14. 49 ; Suet. Ner. 35) ; and hence, 
as Festus must have been in Judea some time before this diffi- 
culty with the Jews arose, and as, after that, some time must 
have elapsed before the case could be decided at Rome, Festus 
may have received his appointment in the year 60 or 61. The 
best recent authorities, as Winer, De Wette, Anger, Meyer, 
Wieseler, adopt one or the other of these years. 

We reach very nearly the same result from what Josephus 
says of his journey to Rome in behalf of the Jewish priests whom 
Felix had sent thither for trial before liis removal from office. 
He informs us in liis Life (§3), that he made this journey in 
the twenty-sixth year of his age, and as he was born in the ffi-st 
year of the reign of Caligula, i. e. A. D. 37 (Life, § 1), he visited 
Rome on this occasion about 63. His narrative, without being 
deffiiite, implies that Felix, at this time, had not only been re- 
called, but must have left Palestine two or three years earher 
than this. Festus was the immediate successor of Felix. 

It is the more important to settle as nearly as possible some 
epoch in this portion of the apostle's history, since there would 
be otherwise so much uncertainty as to the mode of arranging 
the events in the long interval between this and Paul's third 
journey to Jerusalem. Upon tliis date depends the year of the 
apostle's arrest in that city on his fifth and last visit thither, 
before he was sent to Rome. His captivity at Csesarea, wliich 
followed that arrest, contmued two years, and must have com- 
menced in the spring of A. D. 58 or 59. 

5. The Arrival of Paid in Rome. 

The extreme limit beyond which we cannot place tliis event 
may be regarded as certain. It could not have been later than 
the year 62 ; for after 64, when the Christians at Rome began to 
be persecuted by the Roman government, their situation was 
such that the apostle could not have remained there and preached 
the gospel for two years Avithout molestation, as stated by Luke 
at the end of the Acts. It is impossible to obtam a more deffiiite 
result than this from secular history.^ But the date in question 
follows as a deduction from the one considered in the last para- 
graph. It is evident from the Acts, that Paul proceeded to Rome 
almost immediately after the entrance of Festus on his office ; 
and if this took place in A. D. 60 or 61, he must have arrived in 

1 Whether this result is confirmed by tS aTparoiTsddpxr) in 28, 16, depends on 
the explanation of the article ; see the note on that passage. 



CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. 



27 



Rome early in the spring of 61 or 62. Hence, if he anived even 
in A. D. 62, he could have remained two years in captivity, and 
then have regained liis freedom (if we adopt that opinion), since 
Nero's persecution of the Clnistians did not commence till the 
summer of A. D. 64. 

^ 7. The Contents in Chronological Order. 

A. D. 

33. Ascension of Christ. Appointment of Mattliias as an apos- 
tle. Outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost. The gift of 
tongues conferred. Discourse of Peter. Three thousand 
are converted. — Pilate, under whom the Saviour was 
crucified, is still procurator of Judea. Tiberius continues 
emperor till A. D. 37. 

33-35. Peter and John heal the lame man. They are arraigned 
before the Sanhedrim, and forbidden to preach. Death of 
Ananias and Sapphira. The apostles are scourged. Dea- 
cons appointed. Apprehension and martyrdom of Stephen. 
Saul makes havoc of the church. 

36. Persecution scatters the believers at Jerusalem. Pliilip 
preaches the gospel in Samaria. Hypocrisy of Simon the 
Magian. Baptism of the Eunuch. The word is made 
known in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and at Aiitiocli in Syria. 
Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus. Con- 
version of Paul. 

37-39. Paul spends these three years at Damascus and in Arabia. 
During the same time other laborers spread the gospel in 
Judea, Galilee, and along the coast of the Mediterranean. 
— Caligula becomes emperor in A. D. 37. 

39. Paul escapes from Damascus, and goes to Jerusalem for the 
first time since liis conversion. Barnabas introduces him 
to the disciples. He remains there fifteen days, but is 
persecuted and departs thence to Tarsus. 

40-43. During this period Paul preaches in Syria and Cilicia. 
Churches are gathered there. Barnabas is sent to search 
for him, and conducts him to Antioch. Li the mean time 
Peter visits Joppa, Lydda, and Csesarea. Dorcas is re- 
stored to life. Cornelius is baptized. Peter defends hun- 
self for visiting the heathen. — Claudius becomes emperor 
in the beginning of A. D. 41. On his accession he makes 
Herod Agrippa I. king over all Palestine. 



28 



INTEODUCTION. 



Paul labors " a whole year " with Barnabas at Antioch. 
Agabus predicts a famine in Judea. James the eldei^ is 
beheaded at Jerusalem. Peter is cast into prison ; his lib- 
eration and flight, — Herod Agrippa dies at Csesarea in the 
summer of this year. Judea is governed again by pro- 
curators. 

Paul goes to Jerusalem the second time, on the alms-errand, 
accompanied by Barnabas. He returns to Antioch, and 
under the direction of the Spirit, is set apart by the church 
to the missionary work. In the same year, probably, he 
goes forth with Barnabas and Mark on his first mission to 
the heathen. 

46, 47. He was absent on this tour about two years. He pro- 
ceeds by the way of Seleucia to Salamis and Paphos in 
Cyprus ; at the latter place Sergius Paulus believes, and 
Elymas is struck blind. Crossing the sea, he lands at 
Perga, where John Mark abruptly left him. He preaches 
in the synagogue at Antioch. Labors with success at 
Iconium. At Lystra he is about to be worshipped as a 
god, and afterward is stoned. Escapes to Derbe. Re- 
traces his way to Perga ; sails from Attaleia and comes 
again to Antioch in Syria. 

48, 49. Here he abode, it is said, "a long time." We may 
assign these two years to that residence. He extended 
his labors, no doubt, to the neighboring regions. 

50. Apostohc council at Jerusalem. Paul makes his tliird jour- 
ney to that city, in company with Barnabas and others, as 
delegates from the church at Antioch. Returns to Antioch 
with the decrees. Paul and Barnabas separate. 

51-54. The apostle's second missionary tour. Silas, Timothy, 
and Luke are associated with him. Paul revisits the 
churches in Syria and Cilicia. Plants the churches in 
Galatia. At Troas he embarks for Europe, and, among 
other places, visits Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, 
Corinth. In this last city he remained at least a year and 
a half. Labored with Aquila at tent-making. Left the 
synagogue and preached to Greeks. He is arraigned before 
Gallio. In this city Paul wrote the First and Second 
Epistles to the Thessalonians.-^ In the spring, probably, 

1 The reasons for assigning the different Epistles to the times and places men- 
tioned are stated in the body of the Commentary. 



44. 



45. 



CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. 



29 



of A. D. 54, he leaves Corinth, embarks at Cenchrea, 
touches at Ephesns, lands at Csesarea, and from there 
goes for the fourth time to Jerusalem, and thence to Anti- 
och. We may allot three years, or three and a half, to 
this journey. — Felix became procurator of Judea in A. D. 
52. In A. D. 53, Claudius bestowed on Herod Agiippa 
II., the former tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias, with the 
title of king. In A. D. 54, Nero succeeded Claudius as 
emperor. 

54-57. In the autumn of A. D. 54, according to some, or early in 
A. D. 55, according to others, Paul entered on his third 
missionary tour. He goes through Galatia and Phrygia to 
Ephesus, where he spends the greater part of the next 
three years. Just before his arrival, ApoUos left Ephesus 
for Corinth. Certain disciples of John are baptized. 
Nearly all Asia hears the Gospel. The Exorcists defeated. 
An uproar at Ephesus. The Asiarchs befriend Paul. 
During this sojourn here, Paul wrote the Epistle to the 
Gaiatians, and the First Epistle to the Corinthians. 
Within the same time he made, probably, a short journey 
to Corinth, either directly across the ^gean, or tlirough 
Macedonia. While on this excursion, some suppose that 
he wrote the Fhst Epistle to Timothy, and after his return 
to Ephesus, that to Titus. 

58, 59. In the spring of A. D. 58, or perhaps A. D. 57 (if this 
tour began in 54), the apostle leaves Ephesus, and pro- 
ceeds to Macedonia, where he wiites his Second Epistle 
to the Corinthians. He spent the summer in that region, 
and travelled probably as far west as Ulyricum. In the 
autumn or early winter of this year, he arrives at Corinth, 
and remains there three months. The Jews plot his 
destruction. At this time he wrote the Epistle to the 
Komans. In the ensuing spring, he returns through 
Macedonia to Troas, where he preached and "broke 
bread." Miraculous recovery of Eutychus. At Miletus 
he addressed the Ephesian elders. Landing at Ptolemais, 
he proceeded to Csesarea, and thence to Jerusalem, which 
is his fifth and last visit to that city. This journey occu- 
pied about four years. 

58 or 59. At Jerusalem Paul assumes a vow, to conciliate the 
Jewish believers. He is seized by the Jews in the tem- 
ple, but is rescued by Lysias the chiliarch. Speech to 



« 



III 



80 



INTRODUCTION. 



tlie mob from the stairs of the castle. His Roman citizen- 
ship saves him from the tortm-e. He stands before the 
Sanhedrim and narrowly escapes \\ath liis hfe. Forty 
Jews conspire against liim. Lysias sends hhn as a state - 
prisoner to Felix at Csesarea. 

59-61. His captivity here continnes two years. He pleads liis 
cause before Felix, who detams lihn in the hope of a 
bribe. The Jews renew their charge against him before 
Festns. Paul is compelled to appeal to Csesar. He 
speaks in the presence of king Agiippa, and is pronounced 
innocent. — Felix was superseded by Festus in A. D. 60 
or 61. 

62-64. In the autumn of A. D. 60 or 61, Paul embarked at 
Csesarea for Rome, and arrived there early in the follow- 
ing spring. He remains in custody two years. During 
this period he wrote the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colos- 
sians, Phihppians, Philemon, and, if he suffered martyr- 
dom at this time, the Second Epistle to Timothy, just 
before his death. The Epistle to the Hebrews was 
wi'itten, probably, m this latter part of the apostle's life. 
Most of those who maintain that Paul was imprisoned 
twice at Rome, suppose (the correct opinion, as it seems 
to me) that he wrote the First Epistle to Timothy, and 
that to Titus, in the intei-^^al between his fu-st and second 
captivity, and his Second Epistle to Timothy m the near 
prospect of liis execution, after liis second an-est. 



COMMENTARY. 



FOR THE READER. 



The works on the Greek language to which most frequent reference has been 
made, are the following : — 

W., WijS'er's Grammatik des neutestamentlichen SpracMdioms, sixth edition, 
1855 (the divisions in the English Translation, fourth edition, sometimes differ). 
S., Prof. Stuart's Ch-ammar of the New Testament Dialect, second edition. 
K., Kuehner's Greek Grammar, translated by Edwards and Taylor. 
C, Crosby's Greek Gi'ammar. 
B., Buttmann's, Eobinson's Translation. 

Mt., Matthi^'s, third edition of the original, or Blomfield's Translation. 

Dnld. Gr., Donaldsoist's Complete Greek Grammar (London 1848). 

Bernh. Synt., Bernhardy's Wissenschaftliche Syntax. 

Hart. Partkl., Hartung's Lehre von den Partikeln, u. s. w. 

Kl. Devr., Devaritjs de Gr. Ling. Particidis edidit Klotz. 

Lob. Phi'yn., Phrynichi Eclogae Nominum edidit Lobeck. 

Tittm. Synm., Tittmann de Synonymis in N. Testamento. 

Pape Lex., Handiconerhuch der GriecMschen Sprache, von Dr. W. Pape 
(Braunsschweig 1842). 

E.. and P. Lex., Passoio, Handwdrterhuch der G)\ Sprache, neu bearbeitet, u. s.w., 
von Dr. Eost uud Dr. Palm (Leipzig 1841-56). 

Some other names, especially those of commentators or critics, mentioned 
often, as well as titles of books quoted often, have been abbreviated. A list of 
such contractions will be found at the end of the volume. 



COMMENTARY. 



CHAPTER I. 

Verses 1-3. Relation of the Acts to the Gospel of Lulze. 

V. 1. /xei/, solitarmm, i. e., without any following 8e. This omis- 
sion, which occurs in the best writers, is very common in this 
book ; see v. 18 ; 3, 13 ; 19, 4 ; 26, 4, etc. K. \ 322. K 4 ; W. ^ 
63. 1 2. e. Tlie Avriter frames the clause in which he refers to 
his first history (/xeV), as if he had intended to add here (8e) that 
he would now relate how extensively the name of Jesus had been 
made Imown, and by what means. Being led by the allusion 
to the ascension of Christ to state the circumstances of that 
event, he drops the proposed antithesis, and leaves the subject 
of the book to unfold itself from the course of the narrative. — 
TrpioTov stands for the stricter Trporepov, like the interchange of f,rst 
and former in English; comp. John 1, 15, 30; 15, 18 ; and per- 
haps Luke 2, 2. — Xoyov, history, as in Herod. (6. 19), and thence 
onward. — ©eoc^iXe, He appears from Luke 1, 3 to have been a 
man of rank, since Kparto-rc, when prefixed in the Acts to the name 
of a person, refers not to character, but to station; see 23, 26 ; 
24, 3; 26, 25. From the fact that Luke wrote his Gospel con- 
fessedly for Gentile readers, and that both there and here he has 
uniformly supplied such information respecting Jewish customs 
and places as they would need, we may conclude that Theophilus 
belonged to that class of readers, and that he was not, therefore, 
a Jew, or a resident in Palestine. Tlie manner in w^hich the 
book terminates (see Introduct, p. 21), favors the supposition 
that he may have lived at Rome, or in Italy. Some have urged 

5 (33) 



34 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. I, 1. 



it as an argument for that opinion, that Luke has merely enu- 
merated the names of places in Italy as if his readers were fa- 
miliar with them ; but the proof is not conclusive. He takes for 
granted a similar knowledge of the geography of Asia Minor and 
Greece. He inserts no explanatory notices in this part of the 
history, unless we are to except 16, 12 ; 27, 12. — wv rip^aro, k. t. 
X., which Jesus both did and taught from the beginning, viz. of his 
career — wv stands by attraction for a. r^p^aro carries back the 
mind to the commencement of the Saviour's history, and is equiv- 
alent in sense to c| o.p^<i. Hence this verb marks the limit of the 
narrative in one direction, as a^i y]ixipa<i does in the other. 
This adverbial sense belongs usually to the participle (Mt. ^ 558), 
but may be admitted also in the verb. (Hmph.^ adopts this an- 
alysis in his 2d ed.) It gives the same result, though less directly, 
if we consider the expression as elliptical : which he began and 
proceeded both to do, etc. ; comp. v. 22 ; Matt. 20, 8 ; Luke 23, 5. See 
W. k 66. 1. c. Other explanations have been proposed. Meyer 
finds in it an implied contrast between the labors of Christ and 
those of the apostles ; he laid the foundation — they were to build 
upon it and finish what he began. This seems to me far-fetched. 
(But in his last edition Meyer retracts this opinion, and says justly 
that 'It^o-ovs with that contrastive force would naturally precede 
the verb.) Olshausen thinks that Luke intended to suggest by 
^p^aro, that Christ only commenced his work on earth — that he 
still continues, and will complete it in heaven. Baumgarten^ (p. 
8 sq.) contends for the same view, and deduces from it what he 
supposes to be Luke's special design in Avriting the Acts, viz. to 
represent the Saviour after his ascension as still acting through 
the apostles, and thus carrying forward, by their agency, the 
merely incipient labors of his life on earth. Of course this ac- 
tivity of Christ, who is ever present with his people (Matt. 28, 
20), could not fail to be recognized in the history (as in 3, 26 ; 4, 
30; 19, 13 ; etc.) ; but it is impossible that the writer, Avith that 
object in view, should have left it to be so obscurely intimated. 
This alleged contrast between Luke's Gospel as simply a begin- 
ning, and the Acts as a continuation of Christ's personal work, so 
far from being put forward with prominence, as we should expect, 
is not distinctly drawn out in a single passage. The truth is, as 
Lekebusch remarks (Composition, u. s. w., p. 203), the narrative 

1 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, by W. G. Humphrey, B. D., 
late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, etc. (London 1854.) 

2 Die Apostclgeschichte oder der Entwickelungsgang der Kirche von Jerusalem 
bis Rom, von M. Baumgarten (1852). 



Chap. I, 2. 3. 



COMMENTARY. 



35 



contains no liint of any sucli relation of the two histories to each 
other, unless this be found in rjp^aro ; and even this word, as we 
have seen, admits much more naturally of a different explanation, 
A caution against regarding this verb as superfluous here, or in 
any passage, can hardly be needed. See W. ^ 65. 7. d. 

V. 2. "5? r)fji€pa<5 = Trj<; rj/xepas rj, as in Matt. 24, 38 ; Luke 1, 20. 

— €VT€LXdfxa/ov, I understand, with Meyer and others, as referring 
to Christ's command to preach the Gospel to all the world, as re- 
corded in Matt. 28, 1 9 ; and which, from its memorable character, 
Luke could assume as well known to his readers. De Wette 
supposes it to be the command in v. 4 ; but we have then an un- 
necessary repetition of the same thing, and, contrary to the nat- 
ural order, the allusion first, and the fuller notice last. Some 
have proposed to extend the meaning of the word so as to em- 
brace all the instructions which Christ gave to the apostles in 
relation to their future work ; but the term is too specific for so 
general an idea, and, besides, the obvious implication is that the 
giving of the command was something almost immediately ante- 
cedent to the ascension. — 8ta Trvev/xaros aylov, through the Holy 
Spirit, his influence, guidance. This noun, as so used, may omit 
the article or receive it, at the option of the writer, since it has 
the force of a proper name. W. ^ 19. 1. See also Ellicott's note 
on Gal. 4, 5. These words attach themselves naturally to the 
participle wliich they accompany, and it is forced, as well as un- 
necessary, to connect them with the verb in the next clause. 
This passage, in accordance with other passages, represents the 
Saviour as having been endued abundantly with the influences 
of the Spirit, and as having acted always in conformity with its 
dictates; see 10, 38; Luke 4, 1 ; John, 3, 34, etc. That subjec- 
tion was one of the laws of his dependent nature. That he re- 
vealed the command through the Holy Spirit cannot be meant, for 
the history shows that he gave this direction to them in person. 

— ou? e^cA-e^aro, ivhom he had chosen. The aorist stands often for 
our pluperfect after a relative or relative expression. W. MO. 5. 

— av€X-i^<^^r},tvas taken up, sc. eis tov ovpavov; comp. Mark 16, 19; 
and Luke 24, 51. The abbreviation shows how accustomed the 
early disciples were to recur to this event. 

V. 3. ots Kol TrapicTTTja-cv. KaC joins TrapicrTrjcrev to ou? e^e/Xe^aro. 
The persons whom Christ had selected as his apostles were the 
same to whom also he shoived himself, etc. Thus they not only re- 
ceived their office directly from Christ, but were able to testify 
from their own personal knowledge to the reality of his resurrec- 
tion: comp. 2, 32, and 3, 15. See note on v. 22. — ^era to iraB^^vv 



36 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. I, 3. 4. 



avrov, after he had suffered, viz. the death of the cross ; see Heb. 
13, 12 ; and 1 Pet. 3, 18. The term occurs thus absohitely in 3, 
18 and 17, 3 ; (comp. also 26, 23), and is a striking usage. It 
arose probably out of the impression which the painful nature of 
Christ's sufferings had made on the first disciples. — kv TroXXoi? 
T€Kfxr]pLOLs, in many proofs ; or if, as De Wette suggests, the idea 
of the verb mingles with that of the noun, in many convincing 
mayiifestations. TCKix-^piov does not occur elsewhere in the New 
Testament, and is a very expressive term. Plato uses it to de- 
note the strongest possible logical proof, as opposed to that which 
is weaker, and Aristotle employs it to signify demonstrative evi- 
dence. The language seems to show that the first Christians 
had distinctly revolved the question whether the Saviour's resur- 
rection was real or not, and had assured themselves of its reality 
by evidence which did not admit in their minds of the shadow 
of a doubt. Our " infallible signs " (E. V, Gen. V. : infallible to- 
kens, — both founded on Bezn!s certissimis signis), does not ex- 
press the sense too strongly. Compare the idea with 1 John ], 

I. — Si i7/xepa)v, k. t. X., during forty days appearing to them, (as in 
all the earlier E. Vv.), i. e. from time to time, as related by the 
Evangelists ; not pass, seen by them (E. V.). oTrravo/xei/o?, (not 
elsewhere in N. T.), agrees best as middle, with the active 
sense of the other verbs, and with 1 Kings 8, 8 (Sept.); see 
Tromms's Concord, s. v. Wahl (Clav. Apocr. s. opaco) should 
not have put down the use in Tob. 12, 9, as certainly pas- 
sive. Some have argued too positively from this word, that 
Christ rose from the grave with a glorified body. It represents 
his appearing to the disciples perhaps as occasional and sudden 
(comp. a)^S-7] in 7, 26) ; but does not decide whether the state out 
of which he appeared was a spiritual and invisible one, or merely 
some place of retirement after a temporary absence. The Sav- 
iour had accomplished the great end of his earthly work, when 
he rose from the dead, and after that, until his ascension, appears 
to have mingled only at times with his followers. Some mys- 
tery rests, no doubt, on the last days of his hfe ; but the idea 
that he possessed a spiritual body before his return to heaven, 
appears to me irreconcilable with Luke 24, 39, and John 20, 27. 
See the article on our Lord's resurrection body, in Bibl. Sac. Vol. 

II. p. 405 sq. 

Verses 4. 5. The Promise of the Saviour to send the Spirit. 

V. 4. (TwaXi^o/ACT/os, sc. avTOLs, being assembled, (E. V.), as men- 
tioned in Luke 24, 49; not sc. avTovs, assembling them (Kuin. 



Chap. I, 4. 6. 



COMMENTARY. 



37 



Olsh. and earlier E. Vv.). Nearly all the later critics reject the 
middle sense as unproved. — Trcpt/xemv ryjv cTrayycAtW, to aivait the 
promise, its fulfilment, realization, comp. Gal. 3, 14 ; not irrayyeX- 
iav = ro eTrayyeAXo/xcvov, i. e. the promised Holy Spirit (Rob. N. T. 
Lex.), which is less congruous with the following verb. See W. 
^ 34. 3. It is said to be the promise of the Father, because it 
was foretold in the Old Testament that he would bestow it. See 
2, 16 ; Joel 3, 1. 2. — rjv rjKova-ari jxov, which you heard from me, as 
recorded in Luke 24, 49 ; see also John 15, 26 ; 16, 13. For the 
verb with the accusative and genitive, see K. h 273. R. 18 ; W. k 
30. 7. c. The style of discourse changes suddenly from the in- 
direct to the direct, as in 17, 3 ; 23, 22, and often. W. \ 63. II. 
2.; S. h 196. 2. 

V. 5. tJSart, with water as the element by which, Iv TrvcvfiaTi 
djLM, in the Holy Spirit, as the element in which the baptism is 
performed. The insertion of Iv may be slightly localizing with 
reference to a copious impartation of the Spirit's gifts and influ- 
ences. — ov //.era, k. r. X., not after these many days, after not many, 
a few. This mode of inverting the signification of an adjective 
is frequent in Luke's style. If this assurance was given on the 
day of the ascension, only ten days were now to pass before the 
promised effusion of the Spirit (comp. v. 3, with 2, 1.) But if, as 
maintained below, we are to distinguish the meeting in v. 4 from 
that in v. 6, we cannot decide exactly how long the interval was, 
not knowing on which of the forty days (v. 3) the earlier inter- 
view took place. ravTa^, being the pronoun which points out 
what is near at hand (eKctvos what is more remote), represents 
the days as closely connected with the present. It is not super- 
fluous, therefore, but strengthens the idea of the brevity of the 
interval. 

Verses 6-11. His Last Interview with the Disciples, and His 
Ascension. 

V. 6. ol ix€v ovv o-vi/eX-^oi/Tcg, They therefore (the avroh in v. 4) 
having come together on a subsequent occasion (Calv. Olsh. E. V. 
and earlier E. Vv. except Wicl. and Rhem.) ; or they who came 
together at the time spoken of in v. 4 (Vulg. Mey. DeWet. Alf). 
I incline to the first view, because, as Olshausen suggests, Luke 
in his Gospel (24, 49 as compared with v. 50) appears to assign 
the direction to remain at Jerusalem to an earlier interview than 
the one which terminated in Christ's ascension (as even DeWette 
admits in his Synop. Evang. p. 298), and because orweX%Vres 
when understood of the same assembling becomes so nearly tan- 



38 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. I, 6. 8. 



tological after crwaXi^ofxeuo'; in v. 4. ovv depends naturally on v. 
3. The kingdom of God liaving been the subject of so much dis- 
course between Christ and the apostles, they therefore, in this last 
interview, asked him, etc. Hence no necessary inference can be 
di'awn from this particle (as Alf urges) against supposing a sepa- 
ration after the coming together in v. 4. — cl iv t(3 xP^^V> 
if in this time thou dost restore ? Their inquiry indicates an es- 
tablished faith in him as the Messiah, but betrays at the same 
time an expectation that his kingdom would be to some extent a 
temporal one ; that it would free the nation from their depend- 
ence on the Romans, and restore to them their ancient prosperity 
and power. This worldly view may have been the preponderant 
one in the question which they ask, though we are to suppose, 
of course, that, after having been so long associated with Christ, 
they had far more intelligent views respecting the spiritual nature 
of the Messiah's mission than the great mass of the Jews enter- 
tained, el introduces a direct question, wliich is contrary to class- 
ical usage, though not uncommon in the New Testament and the 
Septuagint. K. § 344. 5. i. ; W. § 57. 2. Originally u may have 
involved a suppressed thought in such cases : saying we desire 
to know if etc. See Meyer on Matt. 12, 10. aTroKa^tcrravets is 
present for an immediate future. W. MO. 2 ; K. § 255. K 4. 

V. 7. xP^vov; ^ Kaifjovs, times or occasions. See Tittm. de Sy- 
non. N. T. p. 39. It is one thing to know the general period of 
an event ; another, to know the precise time of its occurrence. — 
ov<s .... l^ovala, which the Father arranged, or fixed in his own 
power, i. e. in the sovereign exercise of it; comp. Matt. 21, 23 
(DeWet. Mey. Hmph.). The implied inference is, that he may 
be expected to reserve the knowledge of such decisions to him- 
self All the E. Vv. (as far as I know) render hath put (defended 
also by Alf 2i^ = hath kept). The perfect would be the more 
obvious form with that meaning, though the aorist, put, placed, 
may imply the same. The question of the disciples, as Bengel 
observes, relates merely to the time when Christ would estabhsli 
his kingdom ; and his answer, as here given, he confines to the 
same point. Their remaining misconceptions as to the nature of 
that kingdom were soon to be removed more effectually than by 
any formal instruction. 

V. 8. oXXa marks the opposition between what was denied to 
the disciples on the one hand, and what was to be granted to 
them on the other. — Swa/xiv, efficiency, i. e. every needful qualifi- 
cation to render them efficient in their apostolic sphere ; see Luke 
24, 49. The power of working miracles is included, but does not 



Chap. I, 8-11. 



COMMENTARY. 



39 



exhaust the idea. — eTreX^ovro? , . . . i(j> v/xas. This clause desig- 
nates the time when they should receive this power, as well as 
the source of it. The construction is that of the genitive abso- 
lute. The dependence of Trvevfjiaro? on Swa/xiv (we miss the arti- 
cle in that case) is less easy, but is preferred by some. — Read 
fxov for ifxoL after £cr€o-.«^€. — l(T)(aTov, sc. jxipovs. Compare the lan- 
guage here with Matt. 28, 19; Mark 16, 15. It is impossible 
that the disciples should not have understood from it that their 
sphere of labor was to be coextensive with the world. See the 
remarks on 2, 39. The foregoing conversation may have taken 
place on Olivet (see v. 12), or during the walk thither. 

V. 9. Tavra cittwv, saying these things, and still others (Luke 24, 
51). His last accents were those of love and benediction. — 
iTrrjp^r), was taken up, i. e. into the air, not yet into heaven, on ac- 
count of the next verb ; hence different, also, from aveXrjcji^r] in v. 
2, which represents the act as completed. — viriXapev, received up, 
(lit. under, with the cloud as it were beneath him), and at the 
same time by a pregnant construction, ttwa?/, hence followed by 
airo. See W. h 66. 2. This verb describes the close of the 
scene, as far as it was visible to the spectators. 

V. 10. d)s drei/t^ovTC9, k. t. A., as they were gazing towards heaven. 
This compound imperfect is stronger than the simple, both as to 
the duration of the act, and the prominence given to it. The 
student should note this usage ; though not rare in the classics, it 
is still more common in the New Testament. See Green's Gr. 
p. 103, K. h 238. R. 7. Kuinoel refers ets rov ovpavov to Tropev- 
ofxivov, which separates the words from their natural connection, 
and leaves aT€vtt,ovT€s without any indirect object, as in 3, 4. 12 ; 
14, 9, and elsewhere. — koI ISov, then behold, = Jnsril ; comp. Matt. 
9, 10 ; Luke 2, 15 ; 24, 4. This Hebraistic use of kul in the apodo- 
sis of a sentence, after an expression or idea of time, is frequent 
in the New Testament. See Briid. Gr. Concord, p. 456 ; W. § 
53. 3. f — avSpes, men in form, really angels ; see Mark 16, 5; 
Luke 24, 4. — Trapao-ri^KeLa-av, were standing while the disciples 
gazed ; pluperf = imperf in this verb. 

V. 11. ot KoX etTTov, who also said as well as appeared to them; 
see on v. 3, — tl ka-r-^Karey k. t. A., ivhy stand ye, etc. The precise 
import of this address of the angels is not certain. As compared 
with such passages as Luke 24, 5. 25. 26, and others, it may sug- 
gest that the apostles should have been prepared in some meas- 
ure for the event which had filled them with such astonishment. 
They had been distinctly apprized by Christ (see John 6, 62 ; 20, 
17) that he must ascend again to God from whom he came ; and 



40 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. I, 11. 12. 



the wonders which they had seen in their intercourse with him 
should have diminished their surprise at what had taken place. 
The inquiry, as so understood, leads naturally to the announce- 
ment which follows. It should abate the astonishment of the 
disciples at what had taken place, to know that it was not the 
only event of the kind which was to enter into the history of the 
Saviour ; he whom they had seen ascend into heaven was destined 
to come again in like manner. According to Calvin, the disciples 
linger on the spot, distressed at the Saviour's sudden departure 
from them, and still gazing upward, not without a hope that pos- 
sibly he might reappear. The address of the angels reproves 
them for this expectation, and at the same time consoles them 
with the assurance of his return at some future time. Meyer's 
view is nearly the same. — ov Tpoirov, in what manner, i. e. visibly, • 
and in the air (Bng. DeWet. Mey. Olsh.). The expression is 
never employed to affirm merely the certainty of one event as 
compared with another. The assertion, that the meaning is 
simply, that, as Christ had departed, so also he would return, is 
contradicted by every passage in which the phrase occurs ; see 
7, 28 ; Matt. 23, 37 ; Luke 13, 34 ; 2 Tim. 3, 8. 

Verses 12-14. Return of the Disciples to Jerusalem, 

V. 12. (XTTo opovs, K. T. X., from the mount (definite from the an- 
nexed clause, though rov could be used ; see Luke 19, 29) which is 
called Olivet. We are indebted for this beautiful name to the 
Latin Olivetum (in Vulg.), i. e. a place set with olives, hence the 
exact import of eXatcov. This word is so accentuated also by Lchm. 
Tsch. Mey., even in Luke 19, 29, and 21, 37, instead of iXatwv 
in the common editions. In Matt. 21, 1, we have opog twv eXaiwi/, 
mount of the olives. Josephus employs the designation which oc- 
curs here in Antt. 7. 9. 2. Olive trees still grow on the mount of 
ascension, and thus vindicate the propriety of the ancient name. 
On their return to Jerusalem the disciples must have passed Geth- 
semane. What new thoughts would crowd upon their minds as 
they gazed at the spot after the scene just witnessed ! — ^(pvy 
having, amounting to ; not = cmk^^ov, distant, as often repre- 
sented. A Sabbath day's journey was the distance — about three 
quarters of a mile — to which " the traditions of the elders " re- 
stricted the Jews in travelling on the Sabbath. In Luke 24, 50. 
51, it is said that our Saviour led the disciples as far as to Beth- 
any, and that there, while in the act of blessing them, he was 
parted from them and carried up into heaven. It was at Bethany, 



Chap. I, 12. 13. 



COMMENTARY. 



41 



therefore, or in the vicinity of Bethany, that the ascension took 
place. That account is entirely consistent with this. Bethany 
was on the eastern declivity of the Mount of Olives ; and, as ap- 
pears from Mark 11, 1, and Luke 19, 29, was reckoned as a part 
of it ; so that the disciples, in returning from that place to the 
city, took their way naturally across the mountain. See Rob. 
Bibl. Res. Vol. II. p. 100 ; or p. 431 in ed. of 1856. Luke speci- 
fies here the distance of Olivet from the city, instead of that of 
Bethany, which was about two miles (comp. John 11, 18), because 
the former was better known to most of his readers, and conveyed 
a sufficiently definite idea of the scene of the ascension. 

V. 13. elsrjX^v, had entered (tense as in v. 2) into the city 
probably, not the house. What precedes suggests the place, 
rather than what follows. — el<s to vTvepQov, into the upper room of 
some private house, not of the temple. The opinion that it 
was the latter some have supposed to be required by Luke 
24, 53. But StttTravTo?, as used there, need not signify any thing 
more than a frequent resort; they were in the temple always 
on the occasions when men in their state of mind would natur- 
ally repair thither; see 2, 46 ; Luke 2, 37. Even DeWette allows 
that the passages involve no discrepancy. As the disciples must 
have been well known as the followers of Christ, we cannot 
well suppose that the Jewish rulers would have allowed them to 
occupy an apartment in the temple. The upper room, either 
directly under the flat roof, or upon it with a roof of its own, was 
retired, and hence convenient for private or social worship. The 
Hebrews were accustomed to use it for such purposes ; see 20, 
8, and Dan. 6, 10 (Sept.). Travellers describe such rooms at the 
present day as airy and spacious. See Bibl. Res. Vol. II. p. 229 
ed. 1856. On the formation of vTrepwov, see W. k 16. 2. — ov rjo-av 
Kara/Ati/ovres, where were abiding; weakened in E. V. {abode), if 
it were the simple imperf ; see on v. 10. We could understand 
this of constant residence, but more naturally here of frequent re- 
sort for religious conference and prayer (DeWet.). — 'Icckod/Jo? 
'AX<f>aLov, sc. vlos, James the son of Alphceus ; but after 'lovSa? we 
supply 6.Se\<j)6^, Judas the brother of James (see Jude, v. 1). The 
nature of the relationship in such a case is not determined by the 
construction, but is left to the knowledge of the reader. W. k 
30. 3; C. ^ 389. — 6 ^?/Xa>r7jc = KavaviVi;? in Matt. 10, 4, from the 
Hebrew its-]^. He is supposed to have received this epithet 
on account of his former zeal as a supporter of Judaism. As 
there was another Simon among the apostles, he appears to have 
retained the name after he became a disciple, as a means of dis- 

6 



42 COMMENTAEY. Chap, I, 14. 15. 

tinction, though it had now ceased to mark the trait of character 
from which it arose. It has been said, that he took the appella- 
tion from his having belonged to a political sect known as the 
zealots, who are mentioned by Josephus ; but the party distin- 
guished by that name in Jewish history did not appear till a later 
period. 

V. 14. oixoS^vfxaSov, with one mind. The term characterizes the 
entire harmony of their views and feelings ; comp. Rom. 15, 6. 
— T7J Trpoaevxrj, unto the (work of) prayer i where rr^ points out that 
as the appropriate. way in which they were occupied. koX rfj 
Se-^o-ei, the best editors regard as an addition to the text. It serves 
merely to strengthen the expression; comp. Phil. 4, 6. — (tvv 
yvvac^L, with luomen. Among them may have been those who fol 
lowed Christ from Galilee ; see Luke 23, 55 ; 24, 10. It is incor- 
rect to suppose that they are meant exclusively. The absence 
of the article forbids that restriction. — koX Mapta, and (among 
them especially) Mary. KaC combines often a part with its whole 
for the sake of prominence. This is the last time that the mother 
of Jesus is named in the New Testament. — ah^X^oh avrov may 
mean his brethren in a strict sense, or more generally, his kins- 
men, relatives. The same question arises in regard to Matt. 13, 
55, though the closer relationship there, as well as here, is the 
more obvious one, and fibids very strong support from Matt. 1, 25. 
The brethren of Jesus had not believed on him at first (see John 
7, 5) ; but we discover here that they had now joined the circle 
of his followers. 

Verses 15-22. The Address of Peter on the choice of a new 

Apostle. 

V. 15. ev rats rjfjL€paL<5 rawats is indefinite as a notation of time. 
The same language in Matt. 3, 1, marks an interval of tliirty 
years; comp. also Exod. 2, 11. Here a short time only could 
have elapsed, as the ascension of Christ forms the limit on one 
side, and the day of Pentecost on the other. — t€. It is worth 
remarking, that this particle rarely occurs in the New Testament, 
out of the Acts and the writings of Paul. — ovojxaTwv = av^poiirwVi 
as in Pvev. 3, 4 ; 11, 13. The term may have acquired this sense 
from the practice of taking the census by registration or enrol- 
ment, inasmuch as the names on such a record are equivalent to 
persons. — e-Trt to avTo, lit. unto the same place, implying an antece- 
dent motion. It means, not that they were so many collectively, 
but that so many came together at this time ; see 2, 1 ; 3, 1 ; 1 
Cor. 11, 20 ; 14, 23. — kKarov €LKoa-Lv. We are to understand these 



Chap. I, 16-18. 



COMMENTARY. 



43 



hundred and twenty as the number of the disciples at Jerusalem, 
not as the entire number of those who had believed ; see 1 Cor. 
15, 6. 

V. 16. avdpes is not superfluous, but renders the address more 
respectful. It is a compliment to be recognized as men ; see 2, 
29 ; 37 ; 7, 2 ; 13, 15, and often. — eSei, was necessary. The tense 
is past, because the speaker has his mind on the part of the pre- 
diction already accomplished. — ravT-qv refers to the double cita- 
tion in V. 20. The parenthetic character of vs. 18. 19, accounts 
for the distance of the antecedent, which in this case follows the 
pronoun. See K. § 332. 8. — rjv Trpod-rre, k. t. A.., which the Holy 
Spirit spake beforehand, etc. We have a similar testimony to the 
inspiration of the Scriptures from the same apostle in 2 Pet. 1, 
21. — irepi 'WSa belongs both by position and construction to 
TTpoeLTre, not to TrXrjpoyS^rjvai. iv or iiri would have followed the lat- 
ter verb. — Tov yevofjiivov oSrjyov, who became (not ims, E. V.) guide, 
who acted so base a part, though professedly a friend. See 
Matt. 26, 47 ; John 18, 2 sq. 

V. 17. Here the second passage in v. 20 was before the 
speaker's mind. That passage contemplates the case of an ofiice 
transferred from one person to another ; and since forfeiture im- 
plies previous possession, it is the object of on . . . . iv rjfxlv to 
remind us that Judas had fulfilled that condition of the passage : 
Jbr he was numbered among us, i. e. the apostles. For that limit- 
ation of rjfuv, see the next clause, and also v. 26. The full con- 
nection, therefore, is this : The prophecy speaks of an kincrKOTrrj 
which another shall take ; Judas held such an office, for he was 
numbered, etc., so that the words apply to him. To render on, 
although (Hmph.), is not allowable. — tov KXrjpov .... TavTr]<;, the 
lot, or ofice, of this ministry which we possess, i. e. the apostle- 
ship, comp. Rom. 11, 13. KXrjpov loses often its figurative sense, 
so as to denote a possession without any reference to the mode 
of its attainment. Our word clergy comes from this term, being 
founded on the idea of the order as one divinely appointed. 

V. 18. This verse and the next are considered by most critics 
as an explanatory remark of Luke (Calv. Kuin. Olsh. Hmph.), 
not as a part of Peter's address. The reader might need this 
information, but those who listened to the apostle may be sup- 
posed to have been familiar with the fate of Judas. It is evident 
that ware KXrjS^rjvai .... at/xaro?, though appropriate to the history, 
could hardly have belonged to the discourse, ydp in v. 20 appears 
to demand this view of the intervening verses, [xev ovv does not 
forbid this supposition (Alf ) ; since Luke certainly could adjust 



44 



COMMENTAUY. 



Chap. I, 18. 



his own words to the context, as well as those of Peter, reported 
by him. Some such horrible end of the traitor was to be inferred 
(ovv, therefore) from the ypacf>r]v ravrqv (see on v. 20) ; and it was 
not at all unnatural that Luke should interrupt the speech at this 
point, and inform us how remarkably the death of Judas agreed 
with tliis prediction. Further, it is strange that the citation in v. 
20 should be kept back so long after Tavrrjv in v. 16, except on the 
view that Luke inserted what intervenes. Bengel restricts the 
parenthesis to the explanation respecting Aceldama, fieu stands 
alone, as in v. 1. — iKT-^a-aro, purchased, or caused to he purchased, 
gave occasion for it, i. e. it was in consequence of his act, and 
with the money gained by his treachery, that the field was pur- 
chased, as related in Matt. 27, 6 sq. The great body of critics 
adopt this view of the meaning (Bez. Bretsch. Kuin. Frtz. 
Thol.i Olsh. Ebr. Mey. Rob.). This briefer mode of expression 
is common in every language, and may be employed without 
obscurity where the reader is presumed to be familiar with the 
facts in the case, or when the nature of the act itself suggests 
the proper modification. The following are analogous examples 
in 'the New Testament. Matt. 27, 60; "And Joseph laid the 
body of Christ in his own new tomb, which he had hewn out in 
a rock," i. e. caused to be hewn out for him ; John 4, 1 : " And 
when the Lord knew that the Pharisees heard that Jesus made 
more disciples than John," i. e. through his disciples ; for he him- 
self baptized not. See further, 7, 21; 16, 22.; Matt. 2, 16 ; 1 
Cor. 7, 16 ; 1 Tim. 4, 16, etc. These cases are plain ; and no one 
refuses to admit the causative sense (not directly expressed, but 
implied) which belongs to the verb in such passages. The prin- 
ciple which this mode of speaking involves, the law recognizes 
even in regard to actions in its well-known maxim, Qui facit per 
alium facit per se. It is only by refusing to extend this usage to 
kKT-qa-aTo that such Writers as Strauss make out their allegation of 
a want of agreement between this passage and Matt. 27, 5. 
Fritzsche's suggestion ^ as to the reason why Luke expressed 
himself in this unusual manner deserves notice. He finds in it 
a studied, significant brevity, a sort of acerha irrisio, bringing the 
motive and the result into pointed antithesis to each other : This 
man thought to enrich him-self by his treachery, but all that he 
gained was that he got for himself a field where blood was paid 
for blood. — 7rpr]vr}<s is strictly the opposite of vtttlos, i. e. on the 

1 In unpublished Notes on the Gospels. 

2 Evangelium Matthsei recensuit et cum Commentariis perpetuis edidit Carol. 
Fr. A. Eritzsche, p. 799. 



Chap. I, 19. 



COMMENTARY. 



45 



face. His falling in that position may have occasioned the burst- 
ing asunder ; that view agrees well with yevo/xevo9, though 7rpr]vri<s 
admits also of the vaguer sense headlong. — iXaK-rjce is the first 
aorist from Uctko). W.^ 15; K. ^ 230. — In Matt. 27, 5, it is said 
that Judas, after having brought his money and thrown it dovm 
in the temple, went and hanged or strangled himself. Objectors 
have represented that account also as inconsistent with this, but 
without reason. Matthew does not say that Judas, after having 
hanged himself, did not fall to the ground and burst asunder ; nor, 
on the contrary, does Luke say that Judas did not hang himself 
before he fell to the ground ; and it is obvious that the matter 
should have been so stated, in order to warrant the charge of in- 
consistency. We have no certain knowledge as to the mode in 
which we are to combine the two accounts, so as to connect the 
act of suicide with what happened to the body. It has been 
thought not improbable that Judas may have hung himself from 
the limb of a tree, on the edge of a precipice near the valley of 
Hinnom, and that, the rope breaking by wliichhe was suspended, 
he fell to the earth and was dashed to pieces.^ It wiU be observed 
that Luke's statement is entirely abrupt, and supposes some an- 
tecedent history. In this respect Matthew's account, instead of 
involving any contradiction, becomes in fact confirmatory of the 
other. It shows, first, that Luke was aware that something pre- 
ceded which he has omitted to mention ; and, secondly, it puts us 
in the way of combining events so as to account better for the 
incomplete representation in the Acts, than would otherwise 
have been possible. 

V. 19. Koi yvoio-Tov lyivero, and it became known, viz. that he 
came to so miserable an end. — 'AKeA.8a/>(.a=i=-&t^'n ^j^n belongs to 
the Aramaean or Syro- Chaldaic spoken at that time in Palestme. 
On that language, see Bibl. Kepos., Vol. I. p. 317 sq. It was for 
a twofold reason, therefore, says Lightfoot, that the field received 
this appellation : first, because, as stated in Matt. 27, 7, it had 
been bought with the price of blood ; and, secondly, because it 

1 As I stood in this valley on the south of Jerusalem, and looked up to the 
rocky terraces which hang over it, I felt that the explanation proposed above is 
entirely natural, I was more than ever satisfied with it. I measured the precipit- 
ous, almost perpendicular walls, in different places, and found the heiglit to be, 
variously, forty, thirty-six, thirty-three, thirty, and twenty-five feet. Trees still 
flourish on the margin of these precipices, and in ancient times must have been 
still more numerous in the same place. A rocky pavement exists, also, at the bot- 
tom of the ledges ; and hence on that account, too, a person falling from above 
would be liable to be crushed and mangled, as well as killed. The traitor may 
have struck, in his fall, upon some pointed rock, which entered the body, and 
caused " his bowels to gush out.'* 



46 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. I, 20. 



was sprinkled with the man's blood who took that price. This is 
the common view, and so in the first edition ; but I incline now 
to doubt its correctness. First, Trprjvrj's yevo/juvos, in v. 18, does not 
define at all where Judas fell ; secondly, x'^P^^^ €kclvo here recalls 
naturally x^ptov above, merely as the field purchased with " the 
reward of iniquity ; " and, thirdly, if Judas fell into the valley of 
Hinnom, no spot there at the foot of the rocks could well have 
been converted into a place of burial. Nor does the conciliation 
with Matt. 27, 7, demand this view. Luke may be understood 
here as saying that " the field of blood " which the priests pur- 
chased with the money paid to Judas, whether situated in one 
place or another, was called Aceldama, because the fact of the 
traitor's bloody end was so notorious. Matthew (27, 6) mentions 
another reason for the appellation, which was, that the money paid 
for the field was the " price of blood ; " not a different but con- 
current reason, showing that the ill-omened name could be used 
with a double emphasis. Tradition has placed " the potter's 
field " (Matt. 27, 6) on the side of the hill which overlooks the val- 
ley of Hinnom. It may have been in that quarter, for argillace- 
ous clay is still found there, and receptacles for the dead appear 
in the rocks, proving that the ancient Jews were accustomed 
to bury there. ' 

V. 20. The Avriter returns here to the address, yap, for, spec- 
ifies the prophecy to which ravr-qv points in v. 16, hence namely (as 
in Matt. 1, 18). See B. § 149 ; K. ^ 324. 2. The first passage is 
Ps. 69, 25, slightly abridged from the Septuagint, with an exchange 
of avTQiv for avTov. Its import is, Let his end be disastrous, liis 
abode be desolate, and shunned as accursed. It is impossible to 
understand the entire Psalm as strictly Messianic, on account of 
V. 5 : " O God, thou knowest my foolishness, and my sins are not 
hid from thee." It appears to belong rather to the class of Psalms 
which describe general relations, which contain prophecies or 
inspired declarations which are verified as often as individuals 
are placed in the particular circumstances which lay within the 
view, not necessarily of the writer, but of the Holy Spirit, at 
whose dictation they were uttered. When Peter, therefore, de- 
clares that this prophecy which he applies to Judas was spoken 
with special reference to him (see v. 16), he makes the impress- 
ive announcement to those whom he addressed, that the conduct 
of Judas had identified him fully with such persecutors of the 
righteous as the Psalm contemplates, and hence it was necessary 

' I have taken the liberty to repeat a few sentences here, ah-eady published in 
another work. See Illustrations of Scripture suggested by a tour through the 
Holy Land, p. 266. I have taken a similar liberty in a few other passages. 



Chap. 1, 21. 22. COMMENTARY. 47 

that he should suffer the doom deserved by those who sin in so 
aggravated a manner. — The other passage is Ps. 109, 8, in the 
words of the Seventy. We are to apply here the same principle 
of interpretation as before. That Psalm sets forth, in like man- 
ner, the wickedness and desert of those who persecute the peo- 
ple of God ; and hence, as Judas had exemplified so fully this 
idea, he too must be divested of his office, and its honors be 
transferred to another. 

V. 21. ovv, therefore ; since, as foretold, the place of the apos- 
tate must be filled. — rdv a-vveX^vTwv .... av8pQ)v depends prop- 
erly on ha, in v. 22, where the connection so long interrupted is 
reasserted by tovtwv. — cV Travrt XP^^^^ every time. The concep- 
tion divides the period into its successive parts. — iv ^ . . . . itf 
rjixa<;, in which he came in unto us, and went out, i. e. hved and as- 
sociated with us. The entire life or course of life is described 
by one of its most frequent acts. It is a Hebrew mode of speak- 
ing (comp. Deut. 28, 19 ; 31, 2, etc.), and is used properly of those 
who sustain ofecial relations, or perform public labors. See 9, 
28. An exact construction of the Greek would have placed 
r]ixa<; after the first verb, and inserted a<f rjfjiiov after the second. 
W. § 66. 3. 

V. 22. apidfxevo^ .... eco5, beginning and continuing unto, etc. 
The supplementary idea was too obvious to need to be expressed. 
See W. § 66. I. c. — (xtto tov y8a7rTto-/xaTo?, from the baptism of John, 
i. e. from its beginning as a well-known epoch. The history 
shows that he had been baptizing a few months before our Lord 
made his public appearance, and continued to do so for a time 
afterwards (see John 3, 27) ; but that difference for the purpose 
of so general a designation was unimportant. Not from the close 
of John's baptism (Hinph.), since Jesus called the other apos- 
tles earlier, and not from his own baptism by John (Kuin.), since 
the phrase does not admit of that restriction (comp. 18, 25 ; Mark 
11, 30; Luke 7, 29, etc.). — fxaprvpa . . . .yevia-^ai. The resur- 
rection is singled out as the main point to which the testimony 
of the apostles related, because, that being established, it involves 
every other truth in relation to the character and work of Christ. 
It proves him to be the Son of God, the Justifier and Redeemer 
of men, their Sovereign and Judge. See 4, 33 ; John 5, 22 ; 
Eom. 1,4; 4,24; 10,9; Gal. 1, 1, etc. Hence Paul mentions 
it as one of the proofs of his apostleship, and of his quahfications 
for it, that he had seen Christ after his resurrection. See 1 Cor. 
9, 1. 



48 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. I, 23. 24. 



Verses 23-26. The Appointment of Matthias as an Apostle. 

V. 23. The act here is that of those addressed (see v. 15), not 
that of the apostles merely. — ta-rqo-av hvo, they placed two, i. e. 
before them, in their midst (see 5, 27 ; 6, 6) ; or according to 
some, appointed two as candidates (DeWet.). — 'lovo-ros, Justus. 
It was not uncommon for the Jews at this period to assume 
foreign names. See on 13, 9. Barsabas is mentioned only here. 
Some have conjectured, without reason, that he and Barnabas 
(4, 36) were the same person, Matthias also appears only in this 
transaction. The traditional notices of him are not reliable ; see 
Win. Realw.i Vol. II. p. 61. 

V. 24. 7rpoaevidfji€voi eiTTov, they prayed, saying. The participle 
contains the principal idea. It may be supposed to be Peter who 
uttered the prayer, since it was he who suggested the appoint- 
ment of a successor to Judas. — o-u, Kupic, k. r. \. Whether this 
prayer was addressed to Christ or God has been disputed. The 
reasons for the former opinion are that Kvpio<i, when taken abso- 
lutely in the New Testament, refers generally to Christ ; 2 that 
Christ selected the other apostles as stated in v. 2 ; that the first 
Christians were in the habit of praying to him (see on 7, 59 ; 9, 
14) ; and that Peter says to Christ in John 21, 17, " Lord, thou 
knowest aU things," which is the import exactly of KapStoyi/coo-ra. 
The reasons for the other opinion do not invalidate these. That 
KapSioyj/wo-TTys is used of God in 15, 8, shows only that it does not 
apply exclusively to Christ. The call of Peter in 15, 7, which is 
ascribed to God, was a call, not to the apostleship, but to preach 
the gospel to the heathen ; and even if that case were parallel to 
this, it would be an instance only of the common usage of refer- 
ring the same or a similar act indiscriminately to Christ or God. 
This latter remark applies also to such passages as 2 Cor. 1, 1 ; 
Eph. 1, 1 ; 2 Tim. 1,1. To deny that Peter would ascribe om- 
niscience to Christ because in Jer. 17, 10, it is said to be the pre- 
rogative of God to know the heart, contradicts John 21, 17. Some 
have supposed the apostle intended to quote that passage of the 
prophet, but the similarity is too slight to prove such a design ; 
nor, if the idea of KaphoyvCixTra were drawn from that source, 
would the application of it here conform necessarily to its appli- 
cation there. — em (omitted in E. V. after Cranm.) belongs to w, 

* Biblisches Realworterbuch, von Dr. Georg Benedict Winer (3d ed. 1848). 
2 See Professor Stuart's article on the meaning of this title in the New Testa- 
ment, Bibl. Repos., Vol. I. p. 733 sq. 



Chap. I, 25. 26. 



COMMENTARY. 



49 



which one, or perhaps in apposition, whom, viz. one that he, etc. 
Tynd. and Gen. render that the one may take, etc. 

V. 25. For KXrjpov, see on v. 17. — ScaKovla^ .... aTroo-roX-^S, this 
ministry and (that) an apostleship. km adds a second term ex- 
planatoiy of the first, i. e. essentially an instance of hendiadys 
(Mey. De Wet), ^Ae ministry of this apostleship. — c| ^9 Trapi/Sj], 
from ivhich he ivent aside, as opposed to the idea of adhering 
faithfully to the character and service which his apostleship re- 
quired of liuTi ; ad normam Hebr. "nJiG sq. 'j'a = deserere munus" 
( Walil). — TTopevSyjvaL .... tStov, that he might go unto his oiun 
place. The clause is tehc, depending on Trapi^-q. So long as 
Judas retained his office, he was kept back, as it were, from liis 
proper destiny. He must relinquish it, therefore, in order to suffer 
his just deserts. In this way the apostle would state strongly the 
idea, that the traitor merited the doom to which he had been con- 
signed. The folloAving comment of Meyer presents the only 
view of the further meaning of the passage which has any re- 
spectable critical support : " What is meant here by 6 T67ro<i 6 I'Stos 
is not to be decided by the usuage of roVos in itself considered 
(for TOTTos may denote any place), but merely by the context. 
That requires that we imderstand by it Gehenna, which is con- 
ceived of as the place to which Judas, in virtue of his character, 
properly belongs. Since the treachery of Judas was in itself so 
fearful a crime, and was still further aggravated by self-murder 
(which alone, according to Jewish ideas, deserved punisliment in 
hell), the hearers of Peter could have had no doubt as to the 
sense to be attached to roVos t'Sios. Tliis explanation is demanded 
also by the analogy of Rabbinic passages, e. g. Baal Turim on 
Numb. 24, 25 (see Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. ad loc.) : Balaam ivit in 
locum suum, i. e. in Gehennam." De Wette assents entirely to 
this interpretation. r6Tro<i lSlos, therefore, " is a euphemistic desig- 
nation of the place of punishment, in which the sin of Judas 
rendered it just that he should have his abode." ( Olsh.) 

V. 26. Koi eSiDKav K\rjpov<s, and they placed (probably = *)ln5 as 
often in New Testament) then lots in a vase or something simi- 
lar ; or perhaps gave them to those whose business it was to col- 
lect them. avTO)v (T. K) or avrois (Lch. Tsch.), for them, refers 
to the candidates because the lots pertained to them. The two 
names were written probably on slips of parchment, perhaps sev- 
eral duplicates of them, and then shaken up ; the one first drawn 
out decided the choice. The idea of tlu'owing up the lots agrees 
better with /3aAAeiv KXrjpov<s than with this expression. — Ittco-cv fell, 
came out, without reference to any particular process. — 6 KXrjposy 

7 



50 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. 11, 1. 



the lot, definite because it was the decisive one. — (TvyKartxl/q^Lo-^ri 
.... a-TToa-ToXwvy was numbered together with the eleven apostles, i. e. 
was recognized as one of their order, and had the character of an 
apostle henceforth accorded to him. Hesychius sanctions this 
sense of the verb, though it means properly to vote against, con- 
demn, which is out of the question here. De Wette renders was 
chosen, elected, which not only deviates from the classic usage, 
but ascribes the result to their own act, instead of a divine inter- 
position. The subsequent appointment of Paul to the apostle- 
ship did not discredit or abrogate this decision, but simply en- 
larged the original number of the apostles. See Guericke's 
remarks on this point in his Church History (Prof. Shedd's trans- 
lation), p. 47. 



CHAPTER II. 

Verses 1-4. Descent of the Holy Spirit. 

V. 1. ev Tw (TVfji'TrX'qpovcrS^aL, k. t. X., when the day of Pentecost 
was fully come, arrived. See Luke 9, 51. The action of the 
verb (lit. to he completed) refers not to the day itself, but to the 
completion of the interval which was to pass before its arrival 
(Olsh. Bmg.). Some translate while it is completed, i. e. in the 
course of it, on that day (Mey. De Wet.). The present infinitive 
is consistent with this view or that. — r^? Trev-ny/coo-T^? the Greek 
Jews employed as a proper name. See 20, 16 ; 1 Cor. 16, 8; 2 
Mace. 12, 32. T^^^ipa or koprrj determined the form. Tliis festival 
received its name from its occurring on the fiftieth day from the 
second day of the Passover ; so that the interval embraced a 
cycle of seven entire weeks, i. e. a week of weeks. It is usually 
called in the Old Testament, with reference to this circumstance, 
the festival of weeks. Its obsei'vance took place at the close of 
the gathering of the han'^est, and was no doubt mainly commem- 
orative of that event. See Jahn's Ai'chseol. ^ 355. According to 
the later Jews, Pentecost was observed also as the day on which 
the law was given from Sinai ; but no trace of this custom is 
found in the Old Testament, or in the works of Pliilo or Josephus. 
It is generally supposed that this Pentecost, signalized by the 
outpouring of the Spirit, fell on the Jewish Sabbath, our Satur- 



Chap. U, 2. 3. 



COMMENTxVKY. 



51 



day. According to the best opinion, our Lord celebrated his last 
Passover on the evening wliich began the fifteenth of Msan 
(Num. 33, 3), and hence as he was crucified on the next day, 
which was our Friday, the fiftieth day or Pentecost (beginning, 
of course, vdih the evening of Friday, the second day of the 
Passover) would occur on the Jewish Sabbath. See Wiesl. 
Chronologic, u. s. w. p. 19. — airavre^, all the believers then in 
Jerusalem; see 1, 15. — oixoS-vjxa^ov ~oixo\l/v^<x)<t, ivith one accord. 
Its local sense, together, becomes superfluous, followed by eVt to 
avTo. See on 1, 15. 

V. 2. wcTTTcp .... jSiaca^, as of a mighty wind, (lit. blast), rush- 
ing along; not genit. absolute, but dependent on ^X^^j (^^^ 
3). TTvo-q — TTvevfjia. The more uncommon word is chosen here 
perhaps on account of the difierent sense of TrvevfjLa in this con- 
nection, e. g. V. 4. As used of the wand, (f^ipea-SaL denotes often 
rapid, violent motion ; see the proofs in Kypke's Obss. Sacr. Vol. 
II. p. 11, and in Kuin. ad loc. — k-TrX-qpina-^v, sc. ■^x^^' which is the 
only natural subject furnished by the context. — oIkov is probably 
the house referred to in 1, 13 ; not the temple, for the reasons 
there stated, and because the term employed in this absolute 
way does not signify the temple or an apartment of it. 

V. 3. Koi w(^^7](rav, k. t. X., And there appeared to them tongues 
distributed, i. e. among them, and one (sc. yA.coo-cra), sat upon each 
of them. So Eng. Olsh. Wahl, De Wet. Bmg. Hmph. Eob. and 
most of the later critics, as weU as some of the older. (Meyer 
comes over to this ^dew in his last ed.). The distributive idea 
occasions the change of number in cKa^tcre. W. k 58. 4. avrots 
belongs strictly to the verb, but extends its force to the participle. 
According to this \dew the fire like appearance presented itself 
at first, as it were, in a single body, and then suddenly parted in 
this direction and that, so that a portion of it rested on each of 
those present. It could be called a tongue, in that case, from its 
shape, as extended, pointed, and may have assumed sach an ap- 
pearance as a s^mibol of the miraculous gift which accompanied 
the wonder. Tliis secures to Sta/^ept^o/xe'at its proper meaning ; 
see V. 45 ; Matt. 27, 35 ; Luke 23, 34, etc. ; and explains why the 
first verb is plural, while the second is singular. Calvin, Hein- 
richs, (also Alf ), and many of the older commentators, render the 
participle disparted, cleft (as in the E. Yv. generally), and sup- 
pose it to describe the flame as exhibiting in each instance a 
tongue-like, forked appearance. The objection to this view is, 
that it rests upon a doubtful sense of the word, and especially 
that it oflers no explanation of the change from the plural verb 



52 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. 11, 4. 



to the singular. De Wette, after others, has adduced passages 
here from the Rabbinic writers to show that it was a common 
belief of the Jews that an appearance like fire often encircled 
the heads of distinguished teachers of the law. To this it has 
been added, that instances of a similar phenomenon are related 
by the Greek and Roman writers. We are directed by such co- 
incidences to an important fact in the history of the divine reve- 
lations, and that is, that God has often been pleased to reveal 
himself to men in conformity with their own conceptions as to 
the mode in which it is natural to expect communications from 
him. The appearance of the star to the Magians may be re- 
gEU'ded as another instance of such accommodation to human 
views. 

V. 4. i-TrXrj&T^aav, k. r. X., were all filled with the Holy Spirit 
(anarthrous, as in 1, 2) ; a phrase referring usually to special gifts 
rather than moral qualities, and to these as transient rather than 
permanent ; comp. 4, 8. 31 ; 13, 9. etc. — yjiavro XaXelv, began (like 
our " proceeded ") to speak as soon as the symbol rested on them. 
Tliis use of apxofxaL as introducing what is next in order has not 
been duly recognized in the New Testament. — erepais yXworo-atg, 
with other to7igues, i. e. than their native tongue. That Luke de- 
signed to state here that the disciples were suddenly endued with 
the power of speaking foreign languages, before unknown to them, 
would seem to be too manifest to admit of any doubt. It is sur- 
prising that such a writer as Neander should attempt to put a dif- 
ferent construction on the text. He objects that the miracle would 
have been superfluous, inasmuch as the apostles are not known 
to have employed this gift of tongues in preaching the gospel. It 
may be replied, first, that we have not sufiicient information con- 
cerning the labors of the apostles, to aflirm that they may not 
have employed the endowment for that purpose ; and, secondly, 
that we are not obliged to regard such a use of it as the only 
worthy object of the miracle. It may have been designed to 
serve chiefly was an attestation of the truth of the gospel, and 
of the character of the apostles as divine messegers. It is cer- 
tain, at least, that Paul entertained that view of the yXwcrcrat 
spoken of in 1 Cor. 14, 22 : " "Wherefore tongues are for a sign, 
not to them that believe, but to them that believe not." The 
effect produced on this occasion (see v. 12) shows how well 
suited such a miracle was to impress the minds of those who 
witnessed it. A miracle, too, in this form, may have had a sym- 
bolic import, which added to its significancy. It was necessaiy 
that even the apostles should be led to entertain more enlarged 



Chap. 11, 4. 5. 



COMMENTARY. 



63 



views respecting the comprehensive design of the new dispensa- 
tion. This sudden possession of an abihty to proclaim the salva- 
tion of Christ to men of all nations (even if we allow that it was 
not permanent), was adapted to recall their minds powerfully to 
the last command of the Saviour, and to make them feel that it 
was their mission to publish his name to the ends of the earth. 
Such a mode of conveying instruction to them was not more in- 
direct than that employed in the vision of Peter (10, 9 sq.), which 
was intended to teach the same truth. But we are not left to 
argue the question on grounds of this natm'e ; the testimony of 
Luke is explicit and decisive. Even critics who would explain 
away the reality of the mhaclg admit that it was the writer's 
intention to record a miracle. Thus Meyer says : " The erepat 
yXo)(T(TaL are to be considered, according to the text, as absolutely 
nothing else than languages which were different from the native 
language of the speakers. They were Galileans, and spoke now 
Partliian, Median, Persian, etc. ; therefore, foreign languages, and 
those too — the point precisely wherein appeared the wonderful 
effect of the Spirit — unacquired languages (yAwo-crat? Katmis, in 
Mark 16, 17), i. e. not previously learned by them. Accordingly 
the text itself defines the sense of yXwao-ai as that of languages, 
and excludes as impossible the other explanations different from 
this, which some have attempted to impose on the word." — 
KaStos, accordmg^ as, in respect to manner; since the languages 
were diverse. 

Verses 5-13. Impression of the Miracle on the Multitude. 

V. 5. 8e, noiv, transitive. — KaroiKovvr^'^, dwelling, whether for a 
season or permanently ; hence more general than liri^yiixovvTe^ (v. 
10; 17, 21); but not excluding the sojourners there. No doubt 
many of the Jews in question had fixed their abode at Jerusalem, 
as it was always an object of desire \\dth those of them who 
lived in foreign countries to return and spend the close of life in 
the land of their fathers. The prevalent belief, that the epoch 
had now arrived when the promised Messiah was about to ap- 
pear, must have given increased activity to that desire. The 
writer mentions this class of Jews in distinction from the native 
' inhabitants, because the narrative which follows represents that 
many were present who understood different languages. The 
number of these strangers was the greater on account of the fes- 
tival which occurred at that tune. — evXa/S^l^, devout, God-fearing ; 
see 8, 2 ; Luke 2, 25. This sense is peculiar to the Hellenistic 
Greeks The term is applied to those only whose piety was of 



54 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap, n, 6. 



the Old Testament type. — rwv, sc. ovrwv. The strong expression 
here is a phi'ase signifying /rom many and distant lands. A pln-ase 
of this kind has an aggregate sense, which is the true one, while 
that deduced from the import of the separate words is a false sense. 

V. 6. yevo/xeVi?? .... ravr-q'i. These words are obscure. The 
principal interpretations are the following. (1.) <fiO)VT]<s ravnys re- 
fers to CT€/Dats yXwo-o-ats m V. 4, and the implication is, that the 
voices of those who spoke were so loud as to be heard at a dis- 
tance, and in this way were the occasion of dramng together the 
multitude. This interpretation secures to ravrrjs a near antece- 
dent, but has against it that (/)cov^? is singular, and not plural, and 
that the participle is hardly congruous with the noun in that sense. 
Neander, who adopts tliis view, regards (fxDvrj as a collective term. 
(2.) cfiojvrj has been taken as synonymous with 4>r]f/.-q: now when 
this report arose, i. e. the report concerning this. The meaning 
is good, but opposed to the usage of the noun, while it puts 
ravTTjs in effect for -n-epl tovtov, which is a hard construction. Many 
of the older critics and the authors of nearly all the E. Vv. un- 
derstood the expression in tliis way. (3.) We may regard cf>m'7]<s 
as repeating the idea of rjxos in v. 2 : now when this sound — that 
of the descending Spirit — occurred. For that signification of 
(^(livrj, conip. Jolm 3, 8 ; E-ev. 1,15; 9, 9; 14, 2, etc. yevoixivr]<s 
appears to answer to eyeVero in v. 2, and favors this explanation. 
The objection to it is that rauVv^s forsakes the nearer for a remoter 
antecedent ; but that may occur, if the latter be more prominent, 
so as to take the lead in the writer's mind. See W. § 23. 1. This 
meaning agrees with the context. The participial clause here 
may involve the idea of cause as well as time, and we may un- 
derstand, therefore, that the sound in question was audible be- 
yond the house where the disciples were assembled ; that it 
arrested the attention of those abroad, and led them to seek out 
the scene of the wonder. So Hess,-^ Schrader, Meyer, De Wette, 
Alford, and others. The house (v. 2) may have been on one of 
the avenues to the temple, thronged at this time by a crowd of 
early worsliippers (v. 15). — rjKovov, (invpei-f.), ivere hearing. — 
cKao-To? alone (v. 8) or with el? distributes often a plural subject ; 
see 14, 29; Matt. 18, 35; John 16, 32. K. § 266. 3. — t8ia, his 
mvn ; usually emphatic. W. § 22. 7. — StaXe/cro) = yXwo-ora. See 
V. 11. The term in its narrower sense here would be too nar- 
row ; for though some of the languages differed only as dialects, 
it was not true of all of them. — XakovvTwv avroiv. We are not to 

1 Gescliichte und Schriften der Apostel Jesu, Vol. I. p. 24 (Zuiich 1820). 



Chap. II, 7-9. 



COMMENTARY. 



55 



understand by this that they all spoke in the languages enumer- 
ated, but that one of them employed this, and another that. In 
so brief a narrative, the writer must have passed over various 
particulars of the transaction. We may suppose that at this 
time the apostles had left the room where they assembled at first, 
and had gone forth to the crowd collected in the vicinity. 

V. 7. ovK, which leads the sentence, belongs properly to ela-tv; 
comp. 7, 48. W. § 61. 4. — Trai/rcs (T. R.) was inserted here prob- 
ably from V. 12. — ovtol, these, emphatic. — VaXiXaloL. They were 
known as Galileans, because they were known as the disciples 
of Christ. Had the different speakers belonged to so many dif- 
ferent countries, the wonder would have been diminished or 
removed. 

V. 8. TTws, how, since they were all Galileans. The object of 
aKovojjLcv follows in v. 11 ; but the connection having been so long 
suspended, the verb is there repeated. — eKao-ro?, as in v. 6. — iv 
rj iyevvrj'^rjixev, in which we were horn. This remark excludes the 
possibility of Luke's meaning that the tongues were merely an 
ecstatic or impassioned style of discourse. 

V. 9. In the enumeration of the countries named in this verse 
and the next, the writer proceeds from the northeast to the west 
and south. — Ilap^ot. Parthia was on the northeast of Media 
and Hyrcania, and north of Aria, surrounded entirely by moun- 
tains. — M.rjhoi. Media bordered north, on the Caspian Sea, west 
on Armenia, east on Hyrcania, and south on Persia. — 'EAa/Atrai, 
i. e. the inhabitants of Elymais or Elam, which was east of the 
Tigris, north of Susiana, (annexed to it in Dan. 8, 2), and south 
of Media, of which Ptolemy makes it a part. — ^lovhaCav. It has 
excited the surprise of some that Judea should be mentioned in 
tliis catalogue, because, it is said, no part of the wonder consisted 
in hearing Aramaean at Jerusalem. But we need not view the 
writer's design in that light. It was rather to inform us in how 
many languages the disciples addressed the multitude on this 
occasion ; and as, after all, the native Jews formed the greater 
part of the assembly, the account would have been deficient 
without mentioning Judea. It has been proposed to alter the text 
to 'l8oi;/xiav, but there is no authority for this. — The catalogue 
now passes from Cappadocia and Pontus on the east and north- 
east to the extreme west of Asia Minor. — t^v 'Ao-tW. Phrygia 
being excluded here, Kuinoel and others have supposed Asia to 
be the same as Ionia ; but Winer says it cannot be shown that 
in the Roman age Ionia alone was called Asia. He thinks, with 
an appeal to Pliny, that we are to understand it as embracing 



56 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 10-12. 



Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, with Ephesus as the principal city. See 
his Realw. Vol. I. p. 96. Others, as Bottger,^ whom De Wette 
follows, understand Mysia, ^olis, Ionia, Lydia, Caria. All admit 
that the term denoted not so much a definite region as a jurisdic- 
tion, the limits of which varied from time to time according to 
the plan of government which the Romans adopted for their 
Asiatic Provinces. 

V. 10. ^piryiav. Phrygia was separated by the Taurus from 
Pisidia on the south, with Bithynia on the north, Caria, Lydia, 
and Mysia on the west, Gallacia, Cappadocia, and Lycaonia on 
the east. — Pamphylia was on the Mediterranean, adjacent on 
other sides to Cilicia, Caria, and Pisidia. — ra /ac/ot^, k. t. X., the 
parts of Lyhia towards Cyrene. Lybia was an extensive region 
on the west of Egypt. One of the principal cities there was 
Cyrene, (now Grenna,) on the sea, originally a Greek colony, but 
where at this time the Jews constituted a fourth part of the pop- 
ulation. See Jos. Antt. 14. 7. 2. It was the native place of Si- 
mon, who bore the Saviour's cross to Golgotha (Luke 23, 26). 
This part of Africa comes into view in making the voyage from 
Malta to Alexandria. — ot i7rLSr)[xovvre<s 'Pw/xatot, the Romans so- 
journing at Jerusalem ; comp. 17, 21. — 'loDSatot re Kat Trpoo-T^Xvroi, 
both Jews and proselytes a few critics restrict to 'Pco/x.atot merely, 
but most (De Wet. Mey. Wiesl.) refer them to all the preced- 
ing nouns. The Jews generally adopted the languages of the 
countries where they resided. The proselytes were originally 
heathen who had embraced Judaism. The words sustain the 
same grammatical relation to KpT^reg Kat "Apa^Se?, or, at all events, 
are to be repeated after them. The last two names follow as an 
after-thought, in order to complete the list. 

V. 11. The declarative form which the English version as- 
signs to the sentence here {we do hear) is incorrect. The ques- 
tion extends to l^eov. See on v. 8. — to. fxeyaX^la rov ^eov, the great 
things of God, done by him thi-ough Christ for the salvation of 
men (comp. v. 38). 

V. 12. i^laravTo describes their astonishment at the occurrence 
in general ; hrpropow, their perplexity at being unable to account 
for it. — Tt av ^iXoi, K. T. X., What may this perhaps mean, av at- 
taches a tacit condition to the inquiry : if, as we think, it must im- 
port something. See W. M2. 1 ; K. § 260. 4. This is the question 
of the more serious party. The hesitating form of it indicates 



1 Schauplatz der Wirksamkeit des Apostels Paulus, u. s. w.,p. 23. 



Chap. II, 13. 14. 



COMMENTARY. 



57 



the partial conviction which the miracle had wrought in their 
minds. 

V. 13. hepoL .... eXeyov. Among those who scoffed may- 
have been some of the native inhabitants of the city, who, not 
understanding the foreign languages spoken, regarded the dis- 
course of the apostles as senseless because it was unintelligible 
to them. — X'^^^^o^''"^^ is well supported as Sta^^Xeva^ovreg, 

and expresses the idea less forcibly. Calvin : " Nihil tam ad- 
mirabile esse potest, quod non in ludibrium vertant, qui nulla Dei 
cura tanguntur." — ort, that, declarative. — yXevKovs, siveet ivine, 
not new, as in the E. V. after all the earlier E. Vv. The Pente- 
cost fell in June, and the first vintage did not occur till August. 
It is true, yXevKo<s designated properly the sweet, unfermented 
juice of the grape ; but it was applied also to old wine preserved 
in its original state. The ancients had various ways of arresting 
fermentation. One of them, in use among the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, was this : An amphora was taken and coated with pitch 
within and without ; it was filled with mustum lixivium, i. e. the 
juice before the grapes had been fully trodden, and corked so as 
to be perfectly air-tight. It was then immersed in a tank of cold 
fresh water, or buried in wet sand, and allowed to remain for six 
weeks or two months. The contents, after this process, were 
found to remain unchanged for a year, and hence the name del 
yXevKo?, i. e. semper mustum^ Diet, of Antt., art. Vinum} Jahn 
says that siveet wine was produced also from dried grapes, by 
soaking them in old wine, and then pressing them a second time. 
See his Archseol. $ 69. This species of wine was very intoxi- 
cating. 

Verses 14-36. The Discourse of Peter. 

The address embraces the following points, though interwoven 
somewhat in the discussion : — first, defence of the character of 
the apostles (14, 15) ; secondly, the miracle explained as a fulfil- 
ment of prophecy (16-21) ; thirdly, this effiision of the Spirit an 
act of the crucified, but now exalted Jesus (30-33) ; and, fourthly, 
his claim to be acknowledged as the true Messiah (22-29, and 
34-36). 

V. 14. avv Toh evScKa, with the eleven, i. e. in their name, and 
with their concurrence in what he said. As the multitude was 
so great, it is not improbable that some of the other apostles ad- 

1 Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by W. Smith, London. 
The abbreviation in the text refers always to this work. 

8 



58 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 15-17. 



dressed different groups of them at the same time ; see on v. 6. 
On such an occasion they would all naturally pursue a very sim- 
ilar train of remark. — avSpes 'lovSatot are the Jews born in Jerusa- 
lem ; ol KaTOLKovvTe<; are the foreign Jews and Jewish converts. 
See on v. 5. — hoyrla-aa-^e. — 'I'^tHJi , a Hellenistic word. 

V. 15. yap justifies the call to attention. It brings forward a 
refutation of the charge which had been made against them. — 
ovToi, these whom they had heard speak (see v. 4 sq.), and who 
were then present; not the eleven merely with Peter (Alf) — 
Sipa TpLTT], the third hour, i. e. about nine o'clock, A. M., according 
to our time. This was the first hour of pubhc prayer, at which 
time the morning sacrifice was ofiered in the temple. During 
their festivals the Jews considered it unlawful to take food earlier 
than this, still more to drink wine. See Light. Hor. Hebr. ad 
loc. The other hours of prayer were the sixth, (10, 4,) and the 
ninth (3, 1.) 

V. 16. dAAa rovTo, k. t. X., but this (which you witness) is that 
ivhich was said. The Greek identifies the prophecy with its ful- 
filment. — Sia rov TTpocfi-qrov, through the 'prophet, because he was 
the messenger, not the author of the message. The expression 
recognizes the divine origin of the book which bears liis name. 
See the note on 1, 16. — Tischendorf has no adequate reason for 
omitting 'Iwt^X after irpo^rfrov. 

V. 17. The citation which follows from Joel 3, 1-5 (2, 28-32 
in E. V.) runs for the most part in the words of the Seventy, 
The two or three verbal deviations from the Hebrew serve either 
to unfold more distinctly the sense of the original passage, or to 
enforce it. It is the object of the prophecy to characterize the 
Messianic dispensation under its two great aspects, — that of 
mercy and that of judgment. To those who beheve, the gospel 
is " a savor of life unto life ; " but to those who disbelieve, it is 
"a savor of death unto death;" see 2 Cor. 2, 16. Under its one 
aspect, it was to be distinguished by the copious outpouring of 
the Divine Spirit on those who should acknowledge Christ ; and 
under its other aspect, it was to be distinguished by the signal 
punishment awaiting those who should disown his authority and 
reject liim. — koa. co-rat .... •^/^epat? stands for 'j5"'i'nn5< •^^O'^-' 
dered more closely in the Septuagint by /cat eo-rat /^cra rawa. Pe- 
ter's expression denotes always in the New Testament the age 
of the Messiah, which the Scriptures represent as the world's 
last great moral epoch. The prophet designates the same period 
under a more general phrase. Again, Peter places Aeyct 6 ^eos at 
the beginning of the declaration, the prophet at the close of it. 



Chap. H, 17. 18. 



COMMENTAKY. 



59 



The position of the words here fixes attention at once upon the 
source of the prophecy, and prepares the mind to Hsten to it as 
God's utterance. — iKx^C) is future, a later Greek form. W. § 13. 
3; K. 154, R. 1. — koL (consequential) TrpoKji-qrevaovo-LVy and thus 
they shall prophesy. This verb in the New Testament signifies, 
not merely to foretell future events, but to communicate rehgious 
truth in general under a divine inspiration. It corresponds in this 
use to in the original passage ; see Gesen. Lex. s. v. The 
order of the next two clauses in the Hebrew and Septuagintis the 
reverse of that adopted here ; viz., first, ol TrpecrjSvTepoL .... iwTr- 
vtacr-^T^crovrat, then ot veavto-Kot .... oxpovrai. Hengstenberg-^ suggests 
that the change may have been intentional, in order to place the 
youth with the sons and daughters, and to assign to the aged a 
place of honor. — evuTrvtoi? IvvTrviad^iQa-ovTaL, shall dream ivith 
dreams, the dative, as in 4, 17 ; 23, 24. W. k 54. 3. Some au- 
thorities have cvvirvia, which was probably substituted for the 
other as an easier construction. 

V. 18. Katye =: dji. annexes an emphatic addition, and even 
(Hart. Partik. Vol, I. p. 396.). — i^ov, which is wanting in the He- 
brew, is retained here from the Septuagint. The prophet declares 
that no condition of men, however ignoble, would exclude them 
from the promise. The apostle cites the prophet to that effect ; 
but takes occasion from the language — hovXovi fxov — which de- 
scribes their degradation in the eyes of men, to suggest by way 
of contrast their exalted relationship to God. Bengel: " Servi 
secundum carnem .... iidem servi Dei." Similar to this is the 
language of Paul in 1 Cor. 7, 22 : " For he that is called in the Lord, 
being a servant, is the Lord's freeman ; likewise also he that is 
called, being free, is Christ's servant." If we cast the eye back 
over this and the preceding verse, it will be seen that the 
effusion of the Spirit was to be universal as to the classes 
of persons that were to participate in it ; in other words, 
it was to be without distinction of sex, age, or rank. — The 
modes of divine revelation and of the Spirit's operation, which 
are specified in this passage, were among the more extra- 
ordinary to which the Hebrews were accustomed under the 
ancient economy. These, after having been suspended for so 
long a time, were now, at the opening of the Christian dispensa- 
tion, renewed in more than their former power. The prophecy 
relates chiefly, I think, to these special, communications of the 

1 Christology of the Old Testament, and a Commentary on the Predictions of 
the Messiah by the Prophets, Vol. III. p. 140 (Dr. Keith's Translation). 



V 



60 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 18. 19. 



Spirit, wMch were granted to the first Christians. The terms of 
the prophecy direct us naturally to something out of the ordinary 
course ; and when we add to this that the facts recorded in the Acts 
and the Epistles sustain fully that view of the language, it must 
appear arbitrary, as well as unnecessary, to reject such an interpre- 
tation. Yet the prophecy has indirectly a wider scope. It portrays 
in reahty the character of the entire dispensation. Those special 
manifestations of the Spirit, at the beginning, marked the econ- 
omy as one that was to be eminently distinguished by the Spirit's 
agency. They were a pledge, that those in all ages who em- 
brace the gospel should equal the most favored of God's ancient 
people ; they enjoy a clearer revelation, are enlightened, sanc- 
tified by a Spirit more freely imparted, may rise to the same or 
higher religious consolations and attainments. 

V. 19. The apostle now holds up to view the other side of 
the subject. He adduces the part of the prophecy which fore- 
tells the doom of those who reject Christ and spurn his salvation. 
Having appealed to the hopes, the' apostle turns here to address 
himself to the fears of men ; he would persuade them by every 
motive to escape the punishment which awaits the unbelieving 
and disobedient. See v. 40 and 43 below. In the interpretation 
of the passage before us, I follow those who understand it as 
having primary reference to the calamities which God inflicted 
on the Jews in connection wdth the overthrow of Jerusalem, and 
the destruction of the Jewish state and nation. The reasons for 
this opinion are briefly these : — (1) The law of correspondence 
would lead us to apply this part of the prophecy to the same 
period to which the other part has been applied, i. e. to the early 
times of the gospel. (2) The expression, the day of the Lord, in 
V. 20, according to a very common use in the Hebrew prophets, 
denotes a day when God comes to make known his power in the 
punishment of his enemies, a day of the signal display of his 
vengeance for the rejection of long-continued mercies, and the 
commission of aggravated sins. The subversion of the Jewish 
state was such an occasion. It appropriates fully every trait of 
that significant designation. (3) Part of the language here coin- 
cides almost verbally with that in Matt. 24, 29 ; and if the lan- 
guage there, as understood by most interpreters, describes the 
downfall of the Jewish state,i we may infer from the similarity 
that the subject of discourse is the same in both places. (4) 

iThis view is defended in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1843, p. 531 sq., and contro- 
verted in the same work, 1850, p. 452 sq. 



Chap. II, 19. 20. 



COMMENTARY. 



61 



The entire phraseology, when construed according to the laws 
of prophetic language, is strikingly appropriate to represent the 
unsurpassed horrors and distress which attended the siege and 
destruction of Jerusalem, and to announce the extinction of the 
Jewish power and glory of the Jewish worship which that catas- 
trophe involved. Yet here too (see on v. 18) we are to recognize 
the wider scope of the prophecy. The destruction of the Jews 
is held forth by the apostle, as a type of the destruction which is 
to come upon every rejecter of the gospel ; see v. 21. — For the 
sake of contrast, Peter inserts the words avw, ar)fx€ia, Karo), which 
are not in the Hebrew, ripara iv tw ovpavw, o-T^/xeta cttI rrjs yrj<;, 
means prodigies celestial and terrestrial, such as. may appear in 
the air or on the earth ; in other words, prodigies of every sort, 
and of the most portentous kind. The idea is, that calamities were 
to ensue, equal in severity and magnitude to those which the 
most fearful portents are supposed to announce. The mode of 
speaking is founded on the popular idea, that, when great events 
are about to occur, wonderful phenomena foretoken their approach. 
Hence what the prophet would affirm is, that disasters and judg- 
ments were coming such as men are accustomed to associate 
with the most terrific auguries ; but he does not mean necessarily 
that the auguries themselves were to be expected, or decide 
whether the popular belief on the subject was true or false. — 
alfjia, TTvp, ar/xtSa Karrvov, stand in apposition with ripara kol arjfxeLa, 
and show in what they consisted : blood, perhaps, rained on the 
earth (De Wet), or, as in Egypt (Ex. 7, 17), infecting the streams 
and rivers ( Hng.) ; Jire, i. e. appearances of it in the air, and va- 
por of smoke, dense smoke, hence = ninjs'ijn, pillars or clouds 
of smoke, which darken the heavens and earth. Many have sup- 
posed these terms to signify directly slaughter and conflagration, 
but their grammatical relation to ripara koL o-T^/xeta decides that 
they are the portents themselves, not the calamities portended. 
That view, too, confounds the day of the Lord with the precursors 
of the day. 

V. 20. 6 rjXio<5 .... €19 (TKOTOf;, the sun shall he turned into dark- 
ness. Its light shall be withdrawn ; the heavens shall become 
black. A day is at hand which will be one of thick gloom, of 
sadness, and woe. For the frequency and significance of this 
figure in the prophets, see Ezek. 32, 7 ; Is. 13, 10 ; Am. 5, 18. 20, 
etc. — y] a-^X-qvy]. Repeat here /xerao-Tpa^^o-crat. The moon, too, 
shall give forth signs of the coming distress. It shall exhibit an 
appearance like blood. Men shall see there an image of the car- 
nage and misery which are to be witnessed on earth. — iTncjiavyj, 



62 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 21. 22. 



illustrious, signal in its character as an exhibition of divine justice. 
It conveys the idea of t^'nis , fearful, but is less definite. 

V. 21. TTtts OS av, every one whosoever. For av with this expan- 
sive efiect, comp. v. 39 ; 3, 22. 23 ; 7, 3, etc. The mercy is free 
to all who fulfil the condition ; see the note on v. 39. — cTriKa- 
Xkcr-qraL, shall have called upon; subj. aor. after av=zi\xi. exact, in 
Latin. The act in this verb must be past before the future in 
(joi^r}a7]Tat can be present. See W. ^ 42. 1. 3. b. — to ovo^a Kvptov, 
the name of the Lord, i. e. of Clirist, comp. v. 36 ; 9, 14 ; 22, 16 ; 
Rom. 13 ; not simply upon him, but upon him as possessing the 
attributes and sustaining to men the relations of which his name 
is the index. Compare the note on 22, 16. — awS^rja-^raL, shall be 
saved from the doom of those who reject Christ, and be admitted 
to the joys of his kingdom. 

V. 22. 'I(TparjXLTai = 'lovBaLOL in N. T., here both the native and 
foreign Jews. — Na^wpaiov = Na^apaios. The former was the 
broader Syriac pronunciation, as heard especially in Galilee. Hence 
Peter's rustic XaXia (Matt. 26, 73) betrayed him in the very words 
of his denial. See Win. Chald. Gr.^ p. 12. The epithet is added 
for the sake of distinction, as Jesus was not an uncommon name 
among the Jews. — avSpa . . . . ets r/xas, a man from God (as the 
source of the approval) accredited unto you (not as in E. V., among 
you) ; aTToSeSuyfiivov, lit. shown forth, confirmed (25, 7) viz. in his 
Messianic character. The meaning is, that in the miracles which 
Christ performed he had God's fullest sanction to all that he did 
and taught, that is, to his claim to be received as the Son of God, 
the promised Saviour of men. Some put a comma after ^eov, 
and render « man (sent) from God, accredited as such by miracles, 
etc. The ultimate idea remains the same, ^ since to sanction his 
mission as from God was the same thing as to sustain his truth 
as to what he claimed to be. But the first is the more correct 
view, because it renders the ellipsis (^sent, not apt to be omitted) 
unnecessary, and because (as Alf suggests) the point to be es- 
tablished was that the Messiah was identical with a man whom 
they had seen and known. We have cltto after the participle, 
instead of vtt6; because the approbation was indirect, i. e. testified 
through miracles. See W. M7. 4 ; Bemh. Synt. p. 223. — Sum- 
fxio-L Koi repam kol ar]pL€LOL<; form obviously an intensive expression, 
but they are not synonymous with each other. Miracles are called 
SvvdfjLus, because they are wrought by divine power ; rlpara, prod- 

1 Grammar of the Chaldee language as contained in the Bible and the Targums, 
translated from the German by the writer (Andover 1845). 



Chap. II, 23. 24. 



COMMENTARY. 



63 



igies, because they appear inexplicable to men ; and a-rj/xua, signs, 
because they attest the character or claims of those who perform 
them (2 Gor. 12, 12). See Olsh. on Matt. 8. 1. It cannot be said 
that the terms are used always with a distinct consciousness of 
that difference. — oh is attracted into the case of its antecedent. 
— Kac after Ka^ws good authorities omit. If retained, it must con- 
nect otSare with cTrotryo-e, what he did ye also know; or else 
strengthen avroi, also yourselves as well as we. 

V. 23. rovTov is both resumptive and emphatic ; see Matt. 24, 
13 ; 1 Cor. 6, 4. W. ^ 23. 4. — ihpta-fiitn] (SovXrj, according to the 
established (firmly fixed, see Luke 22, 22) counsel, plan ; the dative 
is that of rule or conformity. W. § 31. 6. b. ; K. ^ 285. 3. (SovXrj 
and Trpoyvwa-Ls may differ here as antecedent and consequent, since 
God's foreknowledge results properly from his purpose. — ckSotov, 
delivered up to you, i. e. by Judas. — \a(36vT€<s the best editors re- 
gard as an addition to the text. — 8ia x'^ipCiv avofxwv, by the hands or 
hand (if after Grsb. Lchm. Tsch., and others, we read x^^P^^) 
lawless ones (partitive, hence without the article, see on 5, 16), 
i. e. of the heathen, as Pilate and the Roman soldiers ; comp. 
Wisd. 17. 2 ; 1 Cor. 9, 21. The indignity which Christ suffered 
was the greater on account of his being crucified by the heathen. 
See 3, 13. avo/xwv may agree with x^P^'^* lawless hands; but as 
the adjective must refer still to the heathen, it is not so easy a 
combination as the other. — TrpoorTnj^avTes, sc. tw o-ravpo), havhig 
fastened to the cross, i. e. with nails do-iven through the hands and 
feet (John 20, 25. 27). See Bynseus de Morte Christi, L. III. c. 
6, and Jahn's Archseol. h 262. He imputes the act of crucifixion 
to the Jews because they were the instigators of it ; comp. 4, 10 ; 
10, 39. — dv€tAaT€ is first aorist, an Alexandrian form. W. k 13. 
1 ; S. ^ 63. 11. R. 

V. 24. o.vk(rrr](T^, raised up, not into existence, as in 3, 22, but 
from the dead. The context demands this sense of the verb ; 
see V. 32. — ra? wStvas rou ^avarov, the pains of death ; quoted ap- 
parently from the Sept., for ni^a-^b^n in Ps. 18, 5, cords of death. 
\v(ra<;, having loosed, agrees better with the Hebrew idea ; but 
taken less strictly, having ended, it is not inappropriate to wSivas. 
We may conceive, m the latter case, of the pains of death as 
not ceasing altogether with the life which they destroy, but as 
still foUov/ing their victim into the grave. Hence though the 
Greek expression as compared with the Hebrew changes the 
figure, it conveys essentially the same thought, and may have 
been adopted because it was so familiar to the foreign Jews. 
Some contend that wSZvas means cords in the Hellenistic Greek 



64 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. II, 25. 26. 



(Kuin. Olsh.) ; but the assertion is destitute of proof. Iii that 
case, too, Luke would have said avriov at the end of the sentence 
instead of avrov, out of regard to the figure. Others have found 
an allusion in the word to the resurrection as a birth (see Col. 1, 
18), and hence to death as enduring (so to speak) the pangs in- 
separable from giving back the dead to life. It is strange that 
Meyer should revive this almost forgotten interpretation. — Ka%rL 
.... hvvarovy because it was not possible, since the Divine purpose 
cannot fail. The confirmatory ydp shows that to be the nature 
of the impossibility in the writer's mind. 

V. 25. The quotation is from Ps. 16, 8-11, in accordance with 
the Septuagint. It will be observed that in v. 29-31 Peter takes 
pains to show that the portion of the Psalm under consideration 
there could not have referred to David, but had its fulfilment in 
Christ. In 13, 36, Paul too denies the applicability of that pas- 
sage to David, and insists on its exclusive reference to the Mes- 
siah. We may conclude, therefore, that they regarded the entire 
Psalm as Messianic ; for we have in it but one speaker from com- 
mencement to end, and in other respects such a marked unity of 
thought and structure, that it would be an arbitrary procedure to 
assign one part of it to David and another to Christ. See Prof. 
Stuart's Interpretation of this Psalm in Bibl. Eepos., 1831, p. 51 
sq. — €15 avTov, in reference to him. — Trpooipwfirjv, k, t. X., I saw the 
Lord before me (where Trpo is intensive merely), looked unto him 
as my only helper and support ; not foresaw (E. V. after the Genv. 
v.), or saw beforehand (Tynd.). The verb answers to "iHT^, I 
placed, except that this marks more distinctly the efibrt made in 
order to keep the mind in that posture. — on, because, states why 
the eye is thus turned unto Jehovah. — Ik Se^iCjv describes one's 
position as seen off from the right. A protector at the right hand 
is one who is near and can afford instantly the succor needed. — 
iva is telic, in order that. 

V. 26. ^v^pav^y]. On the augment in verbs which begin with 
cv, see W. H2. 1. 3 ; K. §125. K 1. — i] yXwo-ad fxov stands for '''I'ias, 
my glory, i. e. soul, whose dignity the Hebrews recognized in that 
way. The Greek has substituted the instrument which the soul 
uses in giving expression to its joy. We may render both verbs 
as present if we suppose them to describe a permanent state of 
mind. K. § 256. 4. — crt 8e km, but further also, climacteric, as in 
Luke 14,26. — rj crdp$ fxov, my flesh, body ecs distinguished from 
the soul. — KaTa(rK7}vd)(T€L, shall rest, viz. in the grave, as defined 
by the next verse. — Itt' eXTrtSt, in hope, = in confidence, i. e. 



Chap. II, 27-29. 



COMMENTARY. 



65 



of a speedy restoration to life. The sequel exhibits the ground of 
this confident hope. 

V. 27. ort . . . . €is aSov, because (not that) thou wilt not abandon 
my soul unto hades, ij/vxi^v [xov — '^'i'S3, my soul, according to Hebrew 
usage, an emphasized pronoun. aSrj<; = h'M<^, denotes properly the 
place of the dead, but also, by a frequent personification, death 
itself, considered as a rapacious destroyer. See Gesen. Heb. Lex. 
s. V. The sense then may be expressed thus : Thou wilt not 
give me up as a prey to death ; he shall not have power over me, 
to dissolve the body and cause it to return to dust. On the ellip- 
tical aSov, see K. § 263. b. Later critics (Lchm. Tsch.) read aSrjv, 
after ABCD, and other authorities. — iSetv, to see, experience, as 
in Luke 2, 26. 

v. 28. eyvcopto-a?, k. t. X., thou didst make known to me the ways 
of life, i. e. those which lead from death to life. The event was 
certain, and hence, though future, could be spoken of as past. 
The meaning is, that God would restore him to life, after having 
been put to death and laid in the grave. Kuinoel, De Wette, 
Meyer, concede that this is the sense which Peter attached to 
the words ; and if so, it must be the true sense. The Greek 
here expresses the exact form of the Hebrew. — /x.eTa rov Trpoo-w- 
TTov o-ov, loith (not = 8ta, by) thy presence, i. e. with thee where thou 
art, viz. in heaven. The Redeemer was assured that he would 
not only escape the power of death, but ascend to dwell in the im- 
mediate presence of God on high. It was for that "joy set before 
him, that he endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set 
down at the right hand of the throne of God." (Heb. 12, 2). 

V. 29. The object of the remark here is to show that the pas- 
sage cited above could not have referred to David. — e^w, sc. 
k(ni, not €crT(o, it is lawful, proper. — /xcra TrappT^o-ia?, with freedom, 
without fear of being thought deficient in any just respect to his 
memory. His death was recorded in the Old Testament ; no one 
pretended that he had risen, and the Psalm, therefore, could not 
apply to him. — David is called Trarptapx^s, as being the founder 
of the royal family. This title in its stricter use belonged to the 
founders of the nation. — h> rjfjuv, among us, here in the city. The 
sepulchre of David was on Mount Zion, where most of the 
kings of Judah were buried ; see on 5, 6. The tomb was well 
known in Peter's day. Josephus says, that it was opened both 
by Hyrcanus and Herod, in order to rifle it of the treasures which 
it was supposed to contain. The Mosque, still shown as Neby 
Dauid, on the southern brow of Zion, cannot be far from the true 
site. 

9 



66 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. 11, 30-32. 



V. 30. Trpocfii^TTjs, a prophet, i. e. divinely inspired (see on v. 
17), and so competent to utter the prediction. — ovv, therefore ; 
since, unless David meant himself, he must have meant 
the Messiah. — koX etSw?, and knovjing, viz. that which follows. 
This knowledge he received from the prophet Nathan, as related 
in 2 Sam. 7, 12. 16 ; see also Ps. 132, 11; 89, 35-37. The resur- 
rection of Christ in its full historical sense involved two points : 
first, his restoration to life ; and, secondly, his elevation to perma- 
nent regal power. Peter inserts the remark made here to show 
that David, in predicting the main fact, had a view also of Christ's 
office as a Sovereign. — Ka^iaai, sc. rtva, to cause one to sit, place 
him, comp. 1 Cor. 6, 4 (Whl. Mey. De Wet.) ; or (intrans. oftener 
in N. T.) that one should sit (Rob.). This descendant was to oc- 
cupy the throne as ruler in Zion, as Messiah ; comp. Ps. 2, 6. 
The Greek omits two. often before the infinitive. K. ^ 238. E.. 3. 
e. — After 6(T<f>vo<; avrov, the received text adds to Kara o-dpKa avaa- 
TTyo-ctv rov Xptorrov, viz. that he ivould raise up the Messiah after the 
flesh. Sholz retains the words, but most editors omit them, or 
mark them as unsupported. 

V. 31. TTpoiSoov repeats the idea both of TrpocjS^ny? and etSws. 
Having the knowledge derived from the sources which these 
terms specify, David could speak of the Messiah in the manner 
here represented. — rov Xpio-roS is the official title, not a proper 
name. — ovr^. hyKOT^Xd^^-r] (Tsch.) k. r. X., neither was left ox ov 
KaTeXelcpSr) (T. R.), tvas not left behind (given up) unto hades ; aorist 
here (note the fut, in v. 27), because the speaker thinks of the 
prediction as now accomplished, y <fivxr] avrov (T. E..) should 
probably be dropped after the verb. 

V. 32. TovTov rbv 'Irjcrovv, This (looking back to v. 24) Jestcs, 
the subject of such a prophecy. — ov k. r. X., whose (masc. as 
Wicl. after Vulg., comp. 5, 32 ; 13, 31) ; or, as the verb suggests a 
natural antecedent (neut), of which, viz. his resurrection, we all 
are witnesses (Mey. and E. V.). See note on 1, 22. 

V. 33. The exaltation of Christ appears here {ovv, therefore) as 
a necessary consequent of the resurrection ; see on v. 28. 30. — 
T77 Se^ia, K. T. X., having been exalted to the right hand of God 
(Neand. De Wet. Olsh. Bmg. Whl. Rob.) ; not by the right hand 
(Calv. Kuin. Mey. Alf E. Vv.). The connection (see especially 
V. 34. 35, and comp. 5, 31) directs us quite inevitably to the first 
sense ; and though the local dative whither may not occur in the 
New Testament out of this passage and 5, 31, yet all admit that 
it is one of the uses of the later Greek generally, and was not 
unknown to the earher Greek poetry. See Bernh. Synt. p. 94. 



Chap. II, 33. 34. 



COMMENTAKY. 



67 



Winer says 31. o) that we may translate here to the right hand, 
without any hesitation. — ry]v lirayyeXiav, k. t. k., having received the 
promise (i. e. its "fulfihnent in the bestowal) of the Holy Spirit ; 
genit. of the object. See on 1. 4. — • l^kx^e, poured out. The efFii- 
sion of the Spirit which is ascribed to God in v. 1 7 is ascribed here 
to Christ. ' — ySAeVere refers to the general spectacle of so many 
speaking in foreign tongues, or possibly to the tongues of fire, vis- 
ible on the speakers. dKovere refers both to the languages spoken, 
and to what was spoken in them. 

V. 34. yap confirms vij/u)^eL<;. The exaltation was not only in- 
cident to the resurrection, but was the subject of an express pre- 
diction, and that prediction could not apply to David ; for he did 
not ascend to heaven, i. e. to be invested with gloiy and poAver at 
the right hand of God. The order of thought, says De Wette, 
would have been plainer thus : For David says, Sit at my right 
hand, etc. ; hut he hwiself did not ascend into heaven, i. e. he says 
this not of himself, but the Messiah. — Xiyu, viz. in Ps. 110, 1. 
In Matt. 22, 43, and Mark 12, 36, the Saviour recognizes David 
as the author of the Psalm, and attributes to him a divine inspi- 
ration in speaking thus of the Messiah. He cites the same pas- 
sage as proof of David's acknowledged inferiority to himself — 
Ka.%v (imper.) is for the purer Ka^aro. W. H4. 4 ; Mt. ^ 236. 
— Ik SeiiCjv ixov, on my right hand (see on v. 25) i. e. as the part- 
ner of my throne. The following remarks of Professor Stuart ^ 
are pertinent here. " In the New Testament, when Christ is 
represented as sitting at the right hand of divine majesty, Heb.» 
1, 3 ; or at the right hand of God, Acts 2, 33, and Heb. 10, 12 ; or 
at the right of the tlirone of God, Heb. 12, 2 ; participation in 
supreme dominion is most clearly meant. Compare 1 Pet. 3, 22; 
Rom. 8, 34 ; Mark 16, 19 ; Pliil. 2, 6-11 ; Eph. 1, 20-23. At the 
same time, the comparison of these passages will show most 
clearly that Christ's exaltation at the right' hand of God means 
his being seated on the mediatorial throne as the result and reward 
of his sufferings (see particularly Phil. 2, 6-11, and comp. Heb. 
12, 2) ; and that the pln-ase in question never means the origiyial 
dominion which Christ as Logos or God possesses. The sacred 
v^iters never speak respecting the Logos, considered simply in 
his divine nature, as being seated at the right hand of God ; but 
only of the Logos incarnate, or the Mediator, as being seated 
there. So in Heb. 1, 3, it is after the expiation made by the Son 
of God, that he is represented as seating himself at the right 



1 Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 559 sq. (1833). 



68 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 35-38. 



hand of the divine majesty. And that this mediatorial dominion 
is not to be considered simply as the dominion of the divine na- 
ture of Christ as such, is plain from the fact, that, when the me- 
diatorial office is fulfilled, the kingdom of the Mediator as such is 
to cease. Moreover, that the phrase, to sit at the right hand of 
God, or of the throne of God, does not of itself mean original 
divine dominion, is clear from the fact, that Christ assures his 
faithful disciples they shall sit down with liim on his throne, even 
as he sat down with the Father on his throne, Rev, 3, 21. It is 
exaltation, then, in consequence of obedience and sufferings, 
which is designated by the phrase in question.*' 

V. 35. ecus av, k. t. A. The dominion here, which Christ re- 
ceived, belonged to him as Mediator ; and it is to cease, therefore, 
when the objects of his kingdom as Mediator are accomplished. 
Compare 1 Cor. 15, 23-28. This verse recognizes distinctly that 
-limitation. 

V. 36. TTcis .... ''IcrparjX, all the house, race, of Israel. oTko? 
appears to omit the article, as having the nature of a proper 
name. W. §17. 10. — on km, k. t. A.., that God made 1dm both 
Lord and Christ, to wit, this one the Jesus, whom, etc. tovtov tov 
'Irjaovv is in apposition with avrov. 

Verses 37-42. Effect of the Discourse in the Conversion of Three 

Thousand. 

V. 37. Not all but many of those addressed must be under- 
stood here. This necessary limitation could be left to suggest 
itself. KarcvvyT^o-av ttJ KapSia, were pierced in the heart ; dative of 
the sphere in which (Rom. 4, 20 ; 1 Cor. 14,20). W. ^ 31, 3. 
Some editions have Kaphiav, accusative of the part affected. The 
♦ verb expresses forcibly the idea of pungent soitow and alarm, — 

Tt TToi^o-o/xey, What shall we do 1 The answer to the question shows 
that it related to the way of escape from the consequences of 
• their guilt. — For avSpe?, see on 1, 16. 

V, 38. hn Tw ovofjiarL ^liqcrov Xpig-rov, upon the name of Jesus 
Christ as the foundation of the baptism, i. e. with an acknowl- 
edgment of him in that act as being what his name imports (see 
on V, 21), to wit, the sinner's only hope, his Redeemer, Justifier, 
Lord, final Judge. For k-n-i with this force, see W, § 48. c. We 
see from v, 40, that Luke has given only an epitome of Peter's 
instructions on this occasion. The usual formula in relation to 
baptism is eis to 6vop.a, as in 8, 16; 19, 5. It may have been 
avoided here as a matter of euphony, since et> follows in the next 



Chap. II, 38. 39. COMMENTARY. 



69 



clause (De Wet.). — eis a^eo-tv dfiapTiiov, in order to the forgiveness 
of sins (Matt. 26, 28 ; Luke 3, 3), we connect naturally with both 
the precedmg verbs. This clause states the motive or object 
which should induce them to repent and be baptized. It enforces 
the entire exhortation, not one part of it to the exclusion of the 
other. 

V. 39. rots T€.Kvoi<5 vfxiov, unto your descendants (see 13, 33) ; not 
your little ones (Alf ) with an appeal to v. 17 ; for the sons and 
daughters there are so far adult as to have visions and to proph- 
esy. — Trao-i rots ets fxaKpdv, to all those afar of, i. e. the distant nations 
or heathen. So, among others, Calvin, Bengel, Olshausen, Harless,^ 
De Wette, Neander, .Lange.^ The expression was current among 
the Jews in that sense; comp, Zech. 6, 15; Is. 49, 1; 57, 19; 
Eph. 2, 13. 17 (where see Dr. Hodge in his recent Commentary). 
Even the Rabbinic writers employed it as synonymous with the 
heathen. (Schottg. Hor. Heb. Vol. I. p. 761.) It has been ob- 
jected, that this explanation supposes Peter to have been already 
aware that the gospel was to be preached to the Gentiles ; 
whereas, it is said, he afterwards hesitated on the subject, and 
needed a special revelation to point out to him his duty ; see 10, 10 
sq. But the objection misstates the ground of the hesitation ; it 
related to the terms on which the Gentiles were to be acknowl- 
edged as Christians, not to the fact itself. On this point how is 
it possible that he should have doubted ? The Jews in general, 
who expected a Messiah at all, believed in the universality of his 
reign. The prophets foretold distinctly that the Gentiles under 
him should form one people with the Jews, that they should both 
acknowledge the same God, and be acknowledged of him ; see, 
e. g. Mich. 4, 1 sq. ; Am. 9, 12 ; Is. 2, 2 sq. ; 40, 5 ; 54, 4 sq., etc. 
Add to this, that the Saviour himself before his ascension had 
charged his disciples to go into all the world and preach the gospel 
to every creature. The relation in which the Gentile believers 
were to stand to Judaism, how far they were to practise its rites, 
and in that respect assimilate to the Jews, was not so well under- 
stood. On that question, it is true, they needed and received 
further instruction as to the course to be pursued. Those who 
reject the foregoing explanation suppose iraa-i rots ets jxaKpav to de- 
note the foreign Jews. But they are included already in vfuv, 
since many of those addressed were pilgrims who had come to 
Jerusalem to celebrate the present feast. This sense of the phrase 

1 Commentar iiber den Bi'ief Pauli an die Ephesier, p. 213 sq. 

2 Das apostolische Zeitalter, zweiter Band, p. 42 (1853). 



70 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 40-i2. 



renders it superfluous. — ocrov; av, k. t. X., ivhomsoever the Lord 
shall have called. For the verbal form, see the note on v. 21. The 
expression imports, that as many would secure a part in the 
promise as it should prove that the divine purpose had embraced. 

V. 40. Copies fluctuate between SiefxapTvpero and BufxapTvparo. 
The imperfect agrees best with the next verb — aw^rjre, save 
yourselves. For this middle sense, see W. § 39. 2. — ctTro ttJs yeveas, 
K. r. A., from this perverse (Phil. 2, Id) generation, i. e. from par- 
ticipation in their guilt and doom; comp. 1 Cor. 11, 32; Gal. 1, 4. 

V. 41. ovv, therefore, viz. in consequence of Peter's exhorta- 
tion. — 01 jxev, K. T. X., they (who were mentioned as penitent in 
V. 37) having received his word, viz. that in v. 38 sq. (De Wet. 
Mey.). Many adopt the substantive construction: they loho re- 
ceived (Eng. Kuin. E. Vv.). ' The first view identifies those who 
believe here more distinctly with those in v. 37, who evince such 
a preparation for the exercise of faith, and may be preferable on 
that account ; but the use of the participle in other respects (as 
we saw on 1, 16) involves an ambiguity. acrixivoi<;, gladly, elicits a 
correct idea, but is hardly genuine. — ^v^Oii, souls, persons, see v. 43 ; 
3, 23 ; 7, 14 ; 27, 37. The frequency of this sense may be He- 
braistic, but not the sense itself — i^aTrTLa-Srjo-av, ivere baptized, not 
necessarily at once after the discourse, but naturally during the 
same day, if we unite the next clause (tt^ ^[i^^fi^ iKeivrj, see on 8, 
1) closely'with this. But the compendious form of the narrative 
would allow us with some editors to place a colon between the 
two clauses ; and then the baptism could be regarded as subse- 
quent to TT poser iS^rjaav, taking place at such time and under such 
circumstances as the convenience of the parties might require. 
It is proper to add (against Alf ) that the pools so numerous and 
large which encircled Jerusalem, as both those still in use and the 
remains of others testify at the present day, afforded ample means 
for the administration of the rite. The habits of the East, as 
every traveller knows, would present no obstacle to such a use 
of the public reservoirs. 

V. 42. Trpoo-KaprepovvTes, k. t. X., constantly applying themselves 
unto the teaching of the apostles ; they sought to know more and 
more of the gospel which they had embraced. — kcCi rrj KoivtovLa 
(comp. elxov Kotvd in v. 44), and unto the communication, distribution, 
i. e. of money or other supplies for the poor (Heinr. Kuin. Olsh. 
Bmg. Hmph.) '; the fellowship, i, e, the community, oneness of 
spirit and effort which bound the first Christians to each other 
(Eng. Mey. Rob.) ; the communion, meals in common, dyaTrat, 
wiiich were followed by the Lord's supper (Bez. Grot. De Wet.) ; 



Chap. II, 32. 43. 



COMMENTARY. 



71 



the Sacrament itself (Lightf. Est. Wlf.) I prefer the fii-st sense 
of this doubtful word, because all the other nouns denote an act, 
not a state of mind or feeling ; because the participle applies to 
an act rather than an abstract quality (wliich are objectious to the 
second sense) ; because tliis use of the term is justified by Rom. 
15, 26 ; 2 Cor. 8, 4 ; especially Heb. 13, 16 ; and because, as the 
contributions would naturally be made at their meetings, the sev- 
eral nouns relate then to a common subject, viz. their religious 
assemblies. It may be added, that their liberality towards the 
poor was so characteristic of the first Christians, that this sketch 
of their religious habit's might be expected to include that partic- 
ular. Kotvcovta in the sense of our communion, the Lord's Supper, 
appears not to have prevailed before the fourth century (Suicer 
Thesaur. s. v. as cited by Hmph.), and hence the last of the 
meanings given above may be laid out of the account here. The 
meals in common or dyaTrat were kno^vn to be a part of the K\dcn<s 
Tov aprov (see below), and consequently would not need to be 
specified in this connection by a separate term. The E. V. unites 
oLTToa-ToXoiv with both nouns : the apostle's doctrine and felloiuship 
(also Tynd. Cranm. Gen.) With that combination we should have 
had regularly the genitive after the second noun, without a repe- 
tition of the article. See W. ^ 19. 3. c. Some assume a hendia- 
dys : the communion in the breaking of bread ( Vulg. Wicl. Blmf.). 
The analysis is not only awkward, but opposed by before 
KXdacL. — Trj KXa.(T€L tov dpTov denotes the breaking of the bread as 
performed at the Lord's Supper. See 20, 7. 11 ; 1 Cor. 10, 16. 
The expression itself may designate an ordinary meal, as in Luke 
24, 35 ; but that here would be an unmeaning notice. There can 
be no doubt that the Eucharist, at this period, was preceded uni- 
formly by a common repast, as was the case when the ordinance 
was instituted. Most scholars hold that tliis was the prevailing 
usage in the fijst centuries after Christ. We have traces of that 
practice in 1 Cor. 11, 20 sq., and, in aU probability, in v. 46 below. 
The bread only being mentioned here, the Catholics appeal to this 
passage as proving that their custom of distributing but one ele- 
ment (the cup they withhold from the laity) is the apostolic one. 
It is a case obviously in which the leading act of the transaction 
gives name to the ti-ansaction itself. 

Verses 43-47. Benevolence of the First Christians; their Joy, 
their Increase. 

V. 43. irdcTQ ^XV' ^^^^^ every soul of those who heard of the 



72 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. II, 44-46- 



events just related, viz. the descent of the Spirit, the miracle of 
tongues, the conversion of such a multitude; comp. 5, 5. — cf>6- 
/5o9, fea?-, rehgious awe; see Luke 1, 65. — -rroXXd in tliis position 
belongs to both nouns, see 17, 12. W. § 59. 5. — ha rcov aTroa-roXoiv, 
though the apostles as instruments, while the power was God's ; 
see V. 22 and 15, 12. — iyLvero, were wrought (imperf.), during this 
general period. 

V. 44. cTTt TO avTOy no\ harmonious (Calv. Kuin.), but together, 
i. e. they met daily in one place, as explained in v. 46 ; see on 1, 
15. — Kol ii-)(pv .... Koiva, and they had all things common, looked 
upon their possessions not as their own, but held them as subject 
to the use of the church as they were needed. The next words 
refer to the act of disposing of their propert3^ and hence these 
describe the antecedent principle or spirit wliich prompted the 
act. The remark is defined by ovh\ el? ... . eXeyev .... eti/at in 4, 
32 : neither did any one say, etc. 

V. 45. TO, KTiqiiara Koi Ta<s ■uTraplct?, their estates, lands, and othei 
possessions. — avra, them, i. e. the proceeds of the sale. W. ^ 22. 
3. — Ktt^oTt .... dx^, as any one from time to time had need, av 
with the indicative in a relative sentence denotes a recurring act. 
W. § 42. 3. a. As this clause qualifies also lirLirpaa-Kov (imperf as 
done again and again), it sliows that they did not alienate their 
property at once, but parted with it as occasion required. 

V. 46. ofjLoS^vfjiaSov, as in V. 1. — Kar oTkov, from house to house, 
comp. Kara TroAtv in Tit. 1, 5 ; i. e. in difierent houses, some in one, 
some in another, or perhaps in different houses successively (E. 
V. Kuin. Neand.) ; or at home, in private, see Phil. v. 2 (Olsh. 
De Wet. Mey. Gen. V.), Even in the latter case we may sup- 
pose that they met in separate parties at different places ; not 
necessarily (as Mey.), all in a single place at once. Both render- 
ings are justifiable. The latter may be more exact in form, since 
it brings out more strongly an apparent contrast between the pub- 
lic worship and their more private services, kv in the place of 
Kara would have removed the ambiguity. Neander (Pflanzung, 
u. s. w., Vol. I. p. 36), observes that a single room would hardly 
have contained the present number of converts. He ^supposes 
that, in addition to their daily resort to the temple, they met in 
smaller companies, at different places ; that they here received 
instruction from their teachers or one another, and prayed and 
sang together ; and, as the members of a common family, closed 
their interview with a repast, at which bread and wine were dis- 
tributed in memory of the Saviour's last meal with his disciples. 
In conformity with this view, KXcovres a^rov may refer to their hredk- 



Chap. Ill, 1. 



COMMENTARY. 



73 



ing bread in connection wdth the Sacrament, and ixereXdfi/^avov 
Tpo(f>7j^ to their reception of food for ordinaiy purposes. — d<^eX- 
o-nyrt KapSta?, with simplicity of heart, with child-like affection 
towards God and one another. 

V. 47. yapiv, favor, approbation, (Luke 2, 52.) — rovs o-w^o/^eVous, 
who are saved, or more strictly are becoming saved from day 
to day, since the present tense denotes a process going on. See 
1 Cor. 1, 18 and 2 Cor. 2, 15. The Greek should have been rou? 
o-co-wcr/xeVovs (perf.), to signify that they had already secured their 
salvation; and rou? (ro)-^rj<rofx€vov<; (fut.) to signify that they were 
certain of its completion. See Green's Gr. p. 28. The expres- 
sion implies a certainty resulting not so much from God's pur- 
pose, as from human conduct. The doctrine is that those who 
embrace the gospel adopt the infalUble means of being saved. — 
7rpo<s€TL^€i, added, (imperf. with reference to KaS-' Tjjxepav,) brings to 
view God's agency in that acceptance of the gospel which 
ensures salvation. 



CHAPTER III. 

Verses 1-10. Healing of the Lame Man by Peter and John. 

V. 1. lirl TO avTo, together, ill company, see 1, 15. — avefSaivov, 
were going up ; because the temple was on Mount Moriah, and 
even from the gate where the miracle occurred (v. 3), a flight of 
steps led to the court of the Israelites. — rr]v IwaT-qv, the ninth. 
Tliis was our three o'clock, P. M., at which time the evening sac- 
rifice was offered ; see on 2, 15. The apostles and other believers 
at Jerusalem had not yet withdraAvn from the Jewish worship 
(see also, 21, 23 sq.), and it is probable that most of them con- 
tinued to adhere to the services of the temple, until the destruc- 
tion of the temple abolished them. But the spirit with which 
they performed these services was no longer the Jewish spirit. 
Instead of regarding their compliance ^vith the ordinances of the 
law as an act of merit, they recognized Christ as " the end of the 
law for righteousness to every one that believeth." They \dewed 
the sacrifices which continued to be offered, not as having any 
efficacy to procure the remission of sin, or as typical of an atone- 
ment stiU to be made, but as realized aheady in the death of 
10 



74 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. Ill, J . 2. 



Christ, and hence as mementos, as often as they beheld them or 
participated in them, of the "one sacrifice for sins" effected 
" through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ." As in the 
case of circumcision, so undoubtedly the Jewish Christians rehn- 
quished the other rights of Judaism only by degrees. They were 
brought fully to this, in part by obtaining a clearer insight into the 
relation of the ancient economy to the new, and m part by the 
occurrence of national circumstances which hastened the result. 
From the Jewish synagogues, on the contrary, they must have 
separated at once, as soon as their distinctive views became 
known. It was impossible to avow the Christian faith, and re- 
main connected with those communities. Compare the note on 
9, 2. "We have seen in the second chapter, that, in connection 
with the worsliip of the temple, the believers at Jerusalem main- 
tained separate religious worship among themselves. 

V. 2. i(3a(TTdt,€To, ivas carried along (relative imperf ) just then 
as the apostles arrived. — kriS^ovv is imperf. with reference to the 
custom of placing the cripple here. — 'Tt]v Aeyo/xeViyv wpmav, the 
one called Beautiful. Most interpreters think that this was the 
gate described by Josephus (Bel. Jud. 5. 5. 3 ; Antt. lo. 11. 3), as 
composed chiefly of Corinthian brass, and as excelling all the 
other gates of the temple in the splendor of its appearance, 
though it is not mentioned by him under this particular appella- 
tion. If tliis be so, the gate then was on the east side towards 
Olivet {y] avarokiKr] says Jos.), and was an inner gate {irvX-r] rou 
ivSurepov xo-^'<v ovarj), leading from the court of the Gentiles into 
the court of the Israelites. It is not against this that Josephus 
speaks also of this gate as rj e$(ji)S^€v tov veto ; for he must mean 
(the term is not lepov) the one exterior to the tertiple strictly so 
called, the sanctuary ; not (as Mey.) opening from without mto 
the enclosure of the sacred precincts. The folds of this brazen 
gate were fifty cubits high and forty broad, and were covered 
with plates of gold and silver. Luke's epithet — wpatW — could 
not have had a more pertinent application. Some have thought 
that the gate to which he refers must have been one of the outer 
gates, because what is related in v. 11 sq. took place in Solomon's 
porch, which was in the court of the Gentiles. But we may 
suppose, as Lightfoot suggests, that, the apostle^ having been 
with the lame man into the temple, i. e. the court of the Israel- 
ites (see V, 8), were returning, and had reached the court of the 
Gentiles, when the concourse of the people there spoken of took 
place. — TOV oXtCiv, telic, in order to ask. This use of the infinitive 
with TOV to denote the object for which an act is performed 



Chap. Ill, 3-8. 



COMMENTARY. 



75 



(comp. 18, 10 ; 26, 18 ; Mark 4, 3, etc.), results naturally from the 
nature of the genitive as the whence-case. The older writers 
supplied eVeKa or x^P'-'^ 5 construction is neither elliptical 

nor Hebraistic. W. ^ 44. 4. b. ; S. $ 165. 3. 2 ; K. § 308. 2. b. — 
Tcov el(nropevojjievo)v ets to Upov, those entering into the temple, i. e. the 
court where the Jews worshipped ; if, as suggested above, the 
lame man sat at the gate of that court, to Up6v here too may be 
the temple in its aggregate sense ; not perforce the outer court 
(Mey,). If a noun follows an intransitive verb compounded with 
a preposition, it is common to repeat the preposition before the 
noun ; see v. 3. 8 ; 22, 6 ; Matt. 7, 23, etc. W. § 56. 2. 

V. 3. 09, ivho, stands often where ovto<?, this one, would be the 
ordinary connective. K. ^ 334. 3. — Xa/Sav (omitted in v. 2) is not 
strictly pleonastic, but expands the idea of yp^ra. W. ^ 63. 4. d. 
It is left out of some copies, but is genuine. 

V. 4. (3\i\j/ov cts rjfxas, look upon US. Their object appears to 
have been to gain liis attention more fully to their words ; so that, 
as they said, " In the name of Jesus Christ," etc. (v. 6), he might 
understand to whom he was indebted for the benefit conferred 
upon him. 

V. 5. irrcLx^v avroLs SC. tov vovv (comp. Luke 14, 7), ^xed his 
mind upon them. The man's eager expectation looked through his 
countenance. — n, something in the way of alms. We have 
no evidence that he recognized Peter and John as the disciples 
of Christ, and expected that they would heal his infirmity. Their 
address to liim in the next verse precludes that supposition. 

V. 6. kv T<3 6vo/xaT6, K. T. A., i. e. we speaking in his name, by 
virtue of his authority; comp. 16, 18. The language of Christ, 
on the contrary, when he performed a miracle, was, o-ol Xeyco, or to 
that effect ; see Luke 5, 24. — tov Na^oopatov is added for the sake 
of distinction, as in 2, 22. — Tr^ptTraTet is imperative present, and 
not aorist, like eyetpat, because it denotes a continued act ; comp. 
8, 26 ; 13, 8, etc. W. ^ 43. 3. b. ; S. ^ 141, 5. 

V. 7. TTiao-as, K. T. A., having taken him hy the right hand, and 
thus encouraged him to obey their command. See Mark 9, 
27. avrov exemplifies the rule that a genitive which belongs to 
two or more nouns usually precedes them. W. h 30. 3. 14. — 
/3do-€Ls, feet ; a(f>vpd, ankles. This particularity has been reckoned 
among the traces of a professional habit, for which Luke is dis- 
tinguished. See on 28, 8. 

V. 8. i$aXX6fX€vo<s, leaping forth from the place where he sat, 
and up only as involved ; not from his bed (Mey., but dropped in 
his last ed.) since Ka-^rJ/^ci/os (v. 10) shows that he was not reclin- 



76 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. Ill, 10-12. 



ing, — eo-TT], stood for the first time since he was born (v. 2). — 
TTepurraTU, walked to and fro, as if to make trial of his newly found 
strength. — eis to Up6v, into the temple, its inner part beyond the 
gate where the lame man had been healed (see on v. 2). — In 
TrepiTrariov, k. t. X., Luke writes as if he were giving the recital of 
some eye-witness. 

V. 10. kireylvoio-Kov . ... on ovro?, they recognized him (upon at- 
tentive scrutiny, hence imperf ) that this one, etc. The subject of 
the subordinate clause is attracted here into the principal clause, 
and then repeated in oiSto?. So in 4, 13 ; 9, 20 ; 13, 32 ; 16, 3, etc. 
The subject of the second clause becomes in this way more prom- 
inent. W. ^ 66. 5 ; B. M51 L 6. 7. The ordinary construction 
would omit avrov after iTreyCvwcrKov, and make the sentence after 
on the object of the verb. — Trpos r^v ikerjfxoavvyjv, for the alms 
which he sohcited. 

Verses 11-26. The Testimony of Peter after the Miracle. 

V. 11. KpaTovvro^ avrov, while he is holding them fast, or keeping 
near to them. This latter signification, says De Wette, has not been 
fully proved, but arises naturally out of the other. Meyer adheres 
more correctly to the first meaning : the man in the ardor of his 
gratitude clung to his benefactors, and would not be separated 
from them, avrov is considered the correct reading, instead of 
rov La^ivro<i x'^^ov in the common text (Grsb. Mey. Lchm.). The 
addition has been transferred to the English version. — o-roa .... 
^oAo/xtovos. See John 10, 23. This hall or porch was on the east- 
ern side of the temple, in the court of the heathen. The general 
opinion is that it was called the porch of Solomon, because it oc- 
cupied the site of a porch which had been connected with the 
first temple. Liicke ^ thinks that it may have beeti a structure 
built by Solomon himself, which had escaped the destruction of 
the first temple. Tholuck^ expresses the same belief It accords 
with this view that Josephus (Antt. 20. 9. 7) calls the porch epyov 
5oXo/Acovo5. In popular speech, says Lightfoot, the Jews some- 
times meant the entire court of the Gentiles when they spoke of 
Solomon's porch. — iK^aiK^oi agrees with Xao? as a collective term; 
comp. 5, 16. 

V. 12. seeing their astonishment. — aTreKptvaro, k. r. A.., 

proceeded to speak (Hebraistic, see 5, 8), or perhaps answered 
unto the people (De Wet. Mey.), since their looks of wonder 

' Commentar iiber das Evangelium des Johannes, Vol. II. p. 361. 
2 Commentar zum Evangelium Johannis, p. 256 (secliste Auflage). 



Chap. Ill, 13-15. 



COMMENTARY. 



77 



seemed to ask for some explanation of the miracle (see v. 11). — 
eVt Towo) may be neuter, at this thing, see v. 10 (E. Vv.) ; but 
more probably masculine, at this one (Mey. De Wet.), which pre- 
pares the way for avTov, like the succession of tovtov and avrw in v. 
16. — r}ixLv, upon lis, emphatic, as distinguished from Christ or God, 
to whom the miracle ought to have turned their thoughts. — drev- 
i^cre takes its object in the dative (see also 10, 4 ; 14, 9) ; or in 
the accusative with ets (comp. v. 4 ; 1, 10 ; 6, 15). — ws i8ta, k. t. A., 
as by our oivn (inherent or self-acquired) power, or (since power 
had been exerted ) joze/^?/ as the reason of its being conferred on 
them. — TTeTTovriKocn .... avTov, having effected (ecbatic infinitive ) 
that he should walk. W. H4. 4 ; S. § 165. 3. 

V. 13. eSo^ao-€, glorified, honored, not by the miracle at this time 
(Mey.), but by all the mighty works which attested his mission; 
see 2, 22. — TraiSa, not 50W = ttos, but servant r=z'-[z;j,whiQ\\ was 
one of the prophetic appellations of the Messiah, especial'.y in 
the second part of Isaiah. See Matt. 12, 18, as compared with 
Is. 42, 1 sq. The term occurs again in this sense in v. 26 ; 4, 
27. 30. — /xeV as in 1, 1. The antithetic idea may have been that 
in V. 17. — 7rape8coKar€, ye delivered up, viz. to Pilate. — rjpvT^aracrS^e, 
denied, refused to acknowledge as Messiah. — avrov. It will be 
seen that the writer drops here the relative structure of the sen- 
tence. — ^ KptVavT09 .... airokvuv^ when, or although he decided, viz. 
that it was just to release him; see Luke 23, 16; John 19, 4. 
iKeLvov refers here to the nearer noun, and performs the proper 
office of TOVTOV. W. §23. 1. It is not uncommon for Greek writeri 
to interchange these pronouns. 

V. 14. Si, but, contrasts their conduct with that of Pilate. — 
Tov ajLov is a Messianic title, as in Luke 4, 34. t6v ScKaiov, the Just 
one. The epithets mark the contrast between his character and 
that of Barabbas. — avBpa ^ovia, i. e. not merely a man, but a man 
who was a murderer ; see Matt. 27, 16 sq. ; Mark 15, 7 sq. 

V. 15. TOV 8e apxqyov r^s ^w^s, but the author of life, i. e. as De 
Wette remarks, of life in the fullest sense in which the Scriptures 
ascribe, that property to the Saviour, viz. spiritual or Christian life 
(comp. John 1, 4; Heb. 2, 10), and also natural or physical life 
(comp. John 5, 26 ; 11, 25). Olshausen and Meyer suppose the 
main idea to be that of spiritual life ; but the evident relation of 
^00^9 to dTreKretVarc shows that the other idea is certainly not to be 
excluded. A terrible aggravation in this murder was that he 
whom they deprived of life was himself the one who gives life 
to all. — Ik vcKpu)v, from the dead; the article usually omitted after 



78 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. Ill, 16-17. 



el, but inserted after ajro. W. ^ 19. — ov . . . . io-fjcev, of ivhom (13, 
31), or of which we are witnesses ; see note on 2, 32. 

V. 16. hr\ rfj TTLo-TGL, K. T. X., upou thc faith in his name enter- 
tained by lis, i. e., on account of their faitli as the ground or con- 
dition God had performed this act. Some construe liri as telic : 
upon the faith as the object, i. e. in order to produce faith in the 
lame man and in others (Olsh. Hmph.). This latter meaning 
not only strains the preposition, but overlooks the manifest j^aral- 
lelism in sense between this clause and the following koL rj irians, 
K.r.X. — wo/xaT09 is the genitive of the object, and the expression 
is like TTLo-TLs ^eov in Mark 11, 22 and Trio-ns 'Irjo-ov in Rom. 3, 22. 
W. ^ 30. 1. — ov . . . . oiSaTe, whom you see entirely restored now 
to bodily vigor, and know as a person who was formerly infirm, 
helpless. — to 6Vo/xa, k. t. X., his name, i. e. he invoked by an ap- 
peal to him as that which his name represents (see on 2, 21), 
made strong (a definite past). The reason for expressing the idea 
in this manner is evident from v. 6. — r) irio-TL^ rj hi avrov, the faith 
that is wrought in us through him (De Wet. Mey. Win.). The 
apostles here, it will be obsen^ed, ascribe the origin, as well as 
the efiicacy, of their faith to Christ. Compare 1 Pet. 1, 21. This 
second clause of the verse repeats essentially the idea of the 
first, in order to aflirm more emphatically that it was not their 
own power, but the power of Christ, which had performed the 
miracle. — aTikvavn Trdvrwv vixC!)v, in the presence of you all; and 
hence they must acknowledge that no other means had been used 
to effect the miracle. 

V. 17. Having set before them their aggravated guilt, the 
apostle would now suggest to them the hope of mercy. d8eX</)ot, 
brethren, Peter says here because he would conciliate his hearers ; 
but in V. 12, where the object is reproof, crimination, he says more 
formally, though courteously, avSpe? 'lo-parjX'cTai. One of the marks , 
of truth would be wanting without this accordance between the 
style and the changing mental moods of the speaker. — on .... 
iTrpd^are, that ye acted in ignorance, i. e. of the full criminality of 
their conduct. They had sinned, but their sin was not of so deep 
a dye that it could not have been still more heinous. The lan- 
guage of Peter concedes to them such a palliation of the deed as 
consisted, at the time of their committing it, in the absence of a 
distinct conviction that he whom they crucified was the Lord of 
life and glory (see 13, 27, and 1 Cor. 2, 8) ; but it does not exon- 
erate them from the guilt of having resisted the evidence that 
this was his characte-r, which had been furnished by his miracles, 
his life, doctrine, and resurrection. The Saviour himself, in liis 



Chap. Ill, 18. 19. 



COMMENTARY. 



79 



dying prayer, urged the same extenuation in behalf of his mur- 
derers : " Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." 
Compare also the language of Paul in 1 Tim. 1, 13 : " Who was 
before a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and injurious ; but I ob- 
tained mercy because I did it ignorantly in unbelief — loairep koI 
ol ap)(ovT€<5 vfxwv, as also your rulers^ who were not present, and 
hence are distinguished from those addressed. 

V. 18. Se, hut, i. e. while they did this they accomplished a 
divine purpose. — Travrwv twv Trpoc^Tyrcov, instead of being taken 
strictly, may be viewed as a phrase : the prophets as a ichole. For 
this restricted use of ttSs in such general expressions, see Matt. 
3, 5; Mark 1, 37 ; John 3, 26. Most of the books of the Old 
Testament foretell distinctly the sufferings and death of the Mes- 
siah. Compare Luke 24, 27. Olshausen regards the entire his- 
tory of the Jews as typical, and in that view maintains that all 
the ancient prophets prophesied of Christ. — Tra^ctv tov Xpccrrov, 
that the Christ (who was to come) would, or must suffer (De Wet.). 
After verbs which signify to declare, believe, and the like, the 
infinitive implies often the idea of necessity or obligation. W. ^ 
45, 3. b. — ovTiM refers to the previous verse: thus, in this Avay, 
viz. by their agency ; comp. 13, 27. It is incorrect to understand 
it of the accordance between the fulfilment and the prediction. 

V. 19. /vterai/oTyo-are ovv, repent therefore, since your guilt is not 
such as to exclude you from the mercy procured by the Saviour 
whom you have crucified. — k-ma-Tpiipare, turn, i. e. from your 
present course or character unto Christ (9, 35; 11, 21) ; or unto 
God (14, 15 ; 15, 19). What is required here includes faith as a 
constituent part of the act to be performed. — cts . . . . a/xaprta<?, 
tJiat your sins may be blotted out, obliterated as it were from the 
book or tablet where they are recorded ; comp. Col. 2, 14 ; Is. 43, 
25. — oTTws av, K. T. X., in order that (telic, comp. Matt. 6, 5) the 
times of refreshing may come, i. e. to you personally, that you may 
have part in the blessings of the Messiah's kingdom, for which 
men can be prepared only by repentance and the pardon of their 
sins, av after ottcos followed by the conjunctive represents the 
act of the verb as dependent, i. e. in this case, on their com- 
pliance with the exhortation. W. M2. 6 ; Hart. Partik. Vol. II. 
p. 289. OTTO)? as a particle of time, when (as in E. V.) is foreign 
to the New Testament idiom. See Green's Gr. p. 77. We must 
discard that translation here. Scholefield (Hints,^ etc., p. 40) pleads 

1 Hints for Improvements in the Authorized Version of the New Testament, by 
the late Eev. James Scholefield, Professor of Greek in the University of Cam- 
biidge, England (4th ed. 1857). 



80 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap, in, 19. 20. 



faintly for retaining it, but admits tliat the weight of evidence is 
against it. It is not enth-ely certain whether Katpol dvai//u|e(os re- 
fers to the present consolations of the gospel, or to the blessedness 
which awaits the followers of Christ at the end of the world, 
when he shall return and receive them to himself in heaven. 
The expression, in itself considered, would veiy aptly describe 
the peace of mind and joy which result from a consciousness of 
pardon and reconciliation to God. So one class of commentators 
understand it. Others think that the time here meant must coin- 
cide with that in the next verse ; and hence suppose the apostle 
to have in view Christ's second coming, when those who have 
believed on him shall enter upon their eternal rest in heaven. 
Compare Heb. 4, 9-11. Taken thus, the image of the future 
state in dyai/^ij^ecos is that of relief or refreshment of the wearied 
soul after toils and sorrows, and is strikingly similar to Paul's 
aveo-t?, relaxatio7i, rest which God allots to the afflicted in the day 
of final recompense ; see 2 Thess. 1, 7. This is the interpreta- 
tion of Chrysostom, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, and others. 
The order of the clauses decides nothing against the latter opin- 
ion, since it may be as natural in this instance to think fii'st of the 
effect, and then to assign the cause or occasion, as the reverse. It 
is in favor of this opinion that it refers eX^wcrt and aTvoa-TuXri to the 
same period or event, as the close succession of the verbs would 
lead us to expect. — ctTro Trpocrw-rrov Tov KvfHov, from the presence 
of the Lord, since the blessings in question (a Hebrew idiom) 
are laid up where he is (see 2, 28), and must be received thence. 
Kvptov, which may refer to Chidst or God (see on 1, 24), apphes to 
the latter here, since it prepares the way for the subject of the 
next verb. 

V. 20. KoL aTToo-reiXr), k. t. A., and that (dependent still on ottws) 
he may send forth, viz. from heaven, see v. 21 ; comp. Sct^et 6 />LaK- 

aptOS Kttt fJi6vO<; SvvdcTTrjS, K. T. A., in 1 Tim. 6, 15. 7rpOK€)(€LpLaiJL€VOV 

vplv, before appointed ox prepared for you, i. e. from eternit}^ see 1 
Pet. 1, 20. -TrpoKiK-qpvyfxivov, announced before, is a less approved 
reading. Nearly aU critics understand this passage as referring 
to the return of Christ at the end of the world. The similarity 
of the language to that of other passages which announce that 
event demands this interpretation. The apostle enforces his ex- 
hortation to repent by an ajlpeal to the final coming of Christ, not 
because he would represent it as near in point of time, but be- 
cause that event was always 7iear to the feelings and consciousness 
of the first believers. It was the gi-eat consummation on wliich 
the strongest desires of their souls were fixed, to which their 



Chap. HI, 20. 



COMMENTARY. 



81 



thoughts and hopes were habitually turned. They lived with ref- 
erence to this event. They labored to be prepared for it. They 
were constantly, in the expressive language of Peter, looking for 
arid (in their impatience as it were) hastening the arrival of tlie day 
of God (2 Pet. 3, 12). It is then that Cln-istwill reveal himself in 
glory, will come " to take vengeance on them that obey not the 
gospel, and to be admired in all them who believe " (2 Thess. 1, 
8), will raise the dead (John 5, 28. 29), invest the redeemed with 
an incorruptible body (Philip. 3, 21), and introduce them for the 
first time, and for ever, into the state of perfect holiness and hap- 
piness prepared for them in his kingdom. The apostles as well as 
the fii-st Christians in general, comprehended the grandeur of that 
occasion. It filled their circle of view, stood forth to their con- 
templations as the point of culminating interest in their own and 
the world's history, threw into comparative insignificance the 
present time, death, all intermediate events, and made them feel 
that the manifestation of Christ, with its consequences of indes- 
cribable moment to all true believers, was the grand object which 
they were to keep in view as the end of their toils, the com- 
mencement and perfection of their glorious immortality. In such 
a state of ultimate sympathy with an event so habitually present 
to their thoughts, they derived, and must have derived, then cliief 
incentives to action from the prospect of that future gloiy. As 
we should expect, they hold it up to the people of God to encour- 
age them in affliction, to awaken them, to fidehty, zeal, persever- 
ance, and on the other hand appeal to it to warn the wicked, and 
impress upon them the necessity of preparation for the revelations 
of the final day. For examples of this habit, the reader may see 
17, 30. 31 ; 1 Tim. 6, 13 sq. ; 2 Tim. 4, 8 ; Tit. 2, 11 sq. ; 2 Pet. 3, 
11 sq., etc. Some have ascribed the frequency of such passages 
in the New Testament to a definite expectation on the part of the 
apostles that the personal advent of Christ was nigh at hand ; 
but such a view is not only unnecessary, in order to account for 
such references to the day of the Lord, but at variance with 2 
Thess. 2, 2. The apostle Paul declares there, that the expecta- 
tion in question was unfounded, and that he himself did not en- 
tertain it or teach it to others. But while he corrects the opinion 
of those at Thessalonica who imagined that the return of Christ 
was then near, neither he nor any other inspired writer has in- 
formed us how remote that event may be, or when it will take 
place. That is a point which has not been revealed to men ; the 
New Testament has left it in a state of uncertainty. " The day 
of the Lord so cometh as a thief in the night ; " and men are ex- 

11 



82 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. Ill, 20. 21. 



horted to be always prepared for it. It is to be acknowledged 
that most Christians, at the present day, do not give that promi- 
nence to the resurrection and the judgment, in their thoughts or 
discourse, which the New Testament writers assign to them; 
but this fact is owing, not necessarily to a difference of opinion 
in regard to the time when Christ will come, but to our inade- 
quate views and impressions concerning the grandeur of that oc- 
casion, and the too prevalent worldliness in the church, which is 
the cause or consequence of such deficient views. If modern 
Christians sympathized more fully with the sacred writers on this 
subject, it would bring both their conduct and their style of reli- 
gious instruction into nearer correspondence with the hves and 
teaching of the primitive examples of our faith. 

V. 21. 6V . . . . 8e|acr^at, whom the heavens, indeed, must (accord- 
ing to the diviue plan) receive ; not retain, which the usage of the 
verb forbids. Though the ascension had taken place, we have Set 
and not eSct, because the necessity of the event is a permanent fact. 
Meyer explains Set as in effect an imperfect, an instance merely of 
the rhetorical present for the past. De Wette shifts the peculiarity 
of the expression from Set to Se'^ao-^ai, and renders ivhom it is ne- 
cessary the heavens should receive. He alleges for this future sense 
that the ascension could be viewed as still incomplete because it 
was so recent. But the apostle having just referred to Clirist as 
already in heaven, whence he is to appear again (v. 20), would 
not be apt to speak in the very next words as if he thought of 
him as stiU lingering on the earth. Many of the Jews believed 
that when the Messiah appeared, he would remain permanently 
among men, see John 12, 34. Peter corrects here that misappre- 
hension : the Saviour must return to heaven and reign there for 
a season, before his final manifestation. The /xei/ (which no Se 
follows) has its antithesis in axpi xpo^^cov, k. t. A. (De Wet.) : 
Christ would not be absent always, but for a certain time only ; 
not in the preceding aTTocTruXrj, k. r. X. (Alf ), since that would 
make this the Se clause, not the /xeV as it is now. — a^i .... Travrwv, 
until [during is incorrect) the times of the restoration of all things, 
i. e. to a state of primeval order, purity, and happiness, such as 
wiU exist for those who have part in the kingdom of Christ, at 
his second coming. The expression designates the same epoch 
as Ktttpot dvai/a;^ea)9 (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.). — wv, K. T. A., which 
God spake of, announced ; comp. v. 24. The relative refers to 
;)(povwv as the principal word, and stands by attraction for ov% or 
Trept wv. It does not refer to 7rdvT0)v, the accomplishment of all things 
which, etc., for dTroKaTaorrao-ecos wiU not bear that meaning. — ott 



Chap. Ill, 22-24. COMMENTARY. 



83 



atojvos, from the heginniiig, from the earliest times of prophetic rev- 
elation. Such a period of restoration to holiness and happiness 
is the explicit or implied theme of prophecy from 'the beginning 
to the end of the Old Testament. Some omit the expression, or 
put it in brackets, but the evidence for it preponderates, 

V. 22. yap here (T. R. and E. V.) should be left out. -rrpos 
ToiJs Trarepa?, also, is supposed to be a gloss. — fxiv here responds 
"to 8e in V. 24 : Moses on the one hand as well as all the prophets 
on the other. — drrev, said,YVA. in Deut. 18, 18 sq. The translation 
is partly that of the Seventy, partly new. In 7, 37, Stephen 
cites this passage as having the same import which Peter ascribes 
to it here. Their mode of applying it shows that the Jews were 
agreed in referring it to the Messiah. That this was the current 
interpretation may be argued also from John 4, 25 ; see Heng- 
stenberg's remarks in his Christol. Vol. I. p. 67 sq. — avaa-Trja-^t — 
d'lp^, loill raise up, cause to appear. — e/xe, like me. The context 
of the original passage (comp. v. 15, 16 with v. 17, 18) indicates 
that the resemblance between them was to consist chiefly in their 
office as mediator. The meaning is : Since the Israelites had 
been unable to endure the terrors of the divine majesty, God 
would, at some future time, send to them another mediator, 
through whom he would communicate with them, as he had done 
through Moses (Heng.). See also Gal. 3, 19; Heb. 9, 15. — ocra 
av, whatsoever, see 2, 21. 

V. 23. Peter interrupts the sentence here to insert eo-rat Se, 
which is not in the Hebrew. It serves to call attention more 
strongly to what follows. — iioXo^pevS-yjaeTaL Ik rov Xaov, shall be 
utterly destroyed from the jpeople. This expression occurs often in 
the Pentateuch, where it denotes the sentence or punishment of 
death. The apostle uses it here evidently to denote the punish- 
ment which corresponds to that, in relation to the soul, i. e. as De 
Wette explains it, exclusion from the kingdom of God. Peter 
has substituted this expression here for Tia^^o == iKStKijo-ui 
avTov, sis rendered in the Septuagint: I will exact vengeance from 
him. The only difference is that the Hebrew affirms the pur- 
pose of God to punish, while the Greek employed by Peter de- 
fines at the same time the nature or mode of the punishment. 

V. 24. Travres .... rtov Ka3^€^<i stands concisely for all the proph- 
ets from Samuel^ both he and they who folloived. The appositional 
clause is here merged in the genitive, airb ^a/xovi^X shapes the 
construction, instead of the remoter 7rpo<^7}rat. Compare Luke 
24, 27. W. § 67. 2. The literal translation, fro7n Samuel on, and 
those who followed, involves a tautology, the second clause being 



84 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. Ill, 25. 26. 



compreliended in tlie first. Samuel is mentioned next after 
Moses, because so few prophets appeared in the interval between 
them, or so few whose names are recorded. They stand in the 
same proximity to each other in Ps. 99, 6. We have no record 
of all that the prophets taught, and the apostle's assertion here 
that Samuel also bore testimony to Christ, does not need to be 
confirmed by specific passages. — oaoi iXdXrjarav, k. t. A,, as many 
as spake, prophesied, shows as related to the next clause (note' 
Kal), how uniformly the theme of a coming Messiah had been 
held forth in the instructions of the ancient messengers of God. 
Yet the object may be to characterize the teaching of the pro- 
phetic order as such, and not of every single individual. See 
note on v. 18. 

V. 25. ol viol .... 7T7? SLaS-^KTjg, Ye are the sons of the prophets, 
and of the covenant, i. e. are those in the first case to whom the 
predictions respecting the Messiah especially appertain, and in 
the second are those to whom God would first (v. 26) ofler the 
mercies which he covenanted to bestow on Abraham's spiritual 
seed, viz. such as believe, and thus " walk in the steps of his 
faith ; " see Rom. 4, 12. vloi'm. this sense of participation, appur- 
tenance, is a common Hebraism ; see Matt. 8, 12 ; John 4, 22 ; 
E-om. 9, 4, etc. Its ordinary signification, sons, descendants, would 
be incongruous with 8ta^7^K?;s, and should not be retained, there- 
fore, in connection with 7rpo4>r]Tu)v. — Xiy(Dv, k. r. X., viz. in Gen, 12, 
3. God repeated the promise to Abraham and the other patri- 
archs, at various times ; see Gen. 18, 18 ; 22, 18 ; 26, 4, etc. — iv 
TO) (TTrep/xaTi aov, in thy seed, viz. the Messiah (v. 26) as one of his 
posterity; agreeably to Paul's view in Gal. 3, 16. 

V. 26. v/xtv, unto you, dependent on dTrcVretXei/ (see 13, 26; 28, 
28) ; not for you, dat. comm. (Mey.), dependent on di/aa-Tijo-as. — 
TTpwTov, first in the order of time, comp. 13, 46 ; Luke 24, 47 ; 
Rom. 1, 16. Here, too, Peter recognizes the fact that the gospel 
was to be preached to the heathen ; see on 2, 39. — avao-T-^aas, hav- 
ing raised up, as in v. 22. — TratSa, servant, as in v. 13. — The E. Y. 
follows the common text, which inserts ^I-rjaovv after avrov, but con- 
trary to the best authorities (Grsb. Tsch. Mey.). — eyXoyovvra, 
blessing, applies the idea of the preceding cvcuXoyi^^^o-ovrat to the 
Jews, and requires i5/Aas to be read with emphasis. — iv tw oltto- 
(rrpe(f>av k. t. X., states how he blesses them : in that he turns away 
each one from your sins, to wit, by his gospel, which secures the 
pardon and sanctification of those who accept it (see on 2, 47). 
This verb has elsewhere an active sense in the New Testament. 
Some (Kuin. De Wet.) disregard that usage and render, in that 



Chap. IV, L 2. 



COMMENTARY. 



85 



each one turns away, etc. This is opposed also to ^vka^ovvro.^ 
which represents Christ here as the actor, men rather as recipi- 
ents. 



CHAPTEE lY. 

Verses 1-4. The Imprisonment of Feter and John. 

V. 1. i-Trea-Trjaav implies commonly a hostile purpose, see 6, 12 ; 
17, 5 ; Luke 20, 1. The arrest appears to have taken place while 
the apostles were still speaking. — ot tcpei?, the priests who offi- 
ciated in the temple at the time, or some of their number. The 
priests were divided into twenty-four classes, each of which had 
charge of the temple service for a week at a time. See 1 Chron. 
24, 3 sq.; 2 Chron. 8, 14; and also Jos. Antt. 7. 14. 7. The par- 
ticular duties from day to day were assigned to individuals by lot, 
see Luke 1, 9. During the observance of the festivals, the num- 
ber of priests was increased, as the labors to be performed were 
greater. Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 273. It is possible that the 
feast of Pentecost (2, 1) had not yet terminated. — 6 aTpaTTjyb? 
rov Upov, the commander of the temple, was an officer having a 
body of Levites under his command, who preserved order about 
the temple, and in that respect performed a sort of military service. 
See Jahn's Archseol. ^ 365. In 5, 26, the Levites so employed 
are called his vTv-qp^rai, servants. Josephus speaks repeatedly of this 
guard (e. g. Bell. Jud. 6. 5. 3), whose commander he designates 
in the same manner. In 2 Mace. 3, 4, he is termed 6 Trpoo-rariys 
rov lepov, the guardian of the temple. We read of aTparrjyovs rov 
Upov, commanders of the temple, in Luke 22, 52, which is best ex- 
plained by supposing that the temple guard was divided into sev- 
eral companies, each of which had its crTpaTr)y6<;, though this title 
belonged distinctively to the chief in command. — ol ^^aSSovKotoL, 
the Sadducees as a sect, since those who acted in this instance 
represented the spirit of the party; comp. Matt. 9, 11; 12, 14; 
Mark 8, 11 ; John 8, 3. Meyer supposes the article to point out 
those of them who were present at this time. It was probably at 
the instigation of this class of men that the apostles were now 
apprehended. 

V. 2. BcaTTovovixcvoL, being indignant ; restricted by some (Mey. 



86 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IV, 2-4. 



De Wet.) to the nearest noun, since the motive assigned for the 
interference in KarayyiXuv, k. t. X., apphes only to the Sadduceies, 
who denied the doctrine of a resurrection ; see 23, 8 ; Matt. 22, 
23. But perhaps we may regard Sia to SiSda-KeLv avTov<s tov Xaov as 
more comprehensive than KarayyeWeiv, k. t. X., instead of being 
merely defined by it, and in that case may refer the participle to 
the priests as Avell as the others. The priests, though they might 
not share the hostility of the Sadducees to the doctrine of a 
future state (see on 23, 8) would naturally be indignant that their 
office as teachers should be assumed by men hke Peter and John 
(see Matt. 21, 23), and especially that the Jesus whom they 
themselves had crucified should be proclaimed as the Messiah 
(see 5, 28). — KarayyeXXctv iv rw 'l-qaov, are amiouncing in Jesus the 
resurrection, i. e. in his example, in the fact of his alleged restora- 
tion to life ; comp. Iv rjfuv in 1 Cor. 4, 6. This is the best and the 
generally approved interpretation (Bng. Kuin. De Wet. Mey.). 
Others render are announcing the resurrection in virtue of Jesus, by 
his power ; see 1 Cor. 15, 22. The E. version, through Jesus, while 
the earlier E. Vv. have in him, appears to express that meaning. 
But it was not so much the general resurrection as that of Christ 
himself which the apostles proclaimed at this stage of their min- 
istry ; see 1, 22 ; 2, 24 ; 3, 15, etc. The single concrete instance, 
however, as the Sadducees argued, involved the general truth, 
and, if substantiated, refuted their creed. 

V. 3. €19 Trfprjorcv, into prison ; comp. Iv Trjpyo-ei Sy/xoo-La, in 5, 18. 
This word denotes a place of custody (see Pape Lex. s. v), as 
well as the act ; though the latter is the proper force of such a 
termination. K. § 233. b. a. — ek rr/v avptov, unto the morroiv as the 
limit ; see Matt. 10, 22 ; 1 Thess. 4, 15. — rjv yap, k. r. A., for it was 
already evening, and hence no judicial examination could take 
place until the next day. It was three o'clock when the apostles 
went to the temple ; comp. 3, 1. 

V. 4. TOV Xoyov, the word, the well-known message of Christ. 
— iyevy^^yj = eyeWo, became, i. e. in consequence of the present 
addition. The use of this form is peculiar to the later Greek. 
W. § 15 ; Lob. ad. Phryn. p. 108. — 6 apLS^/xbs tmv dvSpcov, the 72um- 
her of the men who had embraced the gospel up to this time 
(Kuin. Mey. De Wet. Alf ) ; see 1, 15; 2,41. A retrospective 
remark like this was entirely natural after having spoken of the 
many who believed at this time. Some suppose the new con- 
verts alone to have amounted to five thousand; but that is less 
probable, as the apostles could hardly have addressed so great a 
multitude in such a place. o.vBpo)v comprehends probably both 



CiiAP. IV, 5. 6. 



C OMMENT AEY. 



87 



men and women, like ifruxa-t in 2, 41 ; comp, Luke 11, 31. An 
emphasized or conscious restriction of the term to men would be 
at variance with that religious equality of the sexes so distinctly 
affirmed in the New Testament; see Gal. 3, 28. 

Verses 5-7. Their Arraignment before the Sanhedrim. 

V. 5. avT^iiv before ap^ovT^^ refers to the Jews as implied in w. 
1 and 4 (De Wet. Win.) ; not to the believers as if to contrast 
their conduct with that of their rulers (Mey. formerly, but now as 
above), and certainly not to the apostles (Stier). i — Tov<i apxovTa<i, 
K. T. X. The Sanhedrim is here described by an enumeration of the 
three orders which composed that body, viz. the chief priests, who 
are mentioned last in this instance, the elders or heads of families, 
and the scribes or teachers of the law; comp. 5, 21 ; Matt. 2, 4 ; 
26, 59. apxovTa<; designates the Sanhedrists in general, since they 
were all rulers, while Kat annexes the respective classes to which 
they belonged : and (more definitely, comp. 1, 14) the elders, etc. 
It was unnecessary to repeat the article, because the nouns have 
the same gender. W. M9. 4; S. ^ 89. 9. — ets ^lepovo-aXy^fji, unto 
Jerusalem, as some of the rulers may have Jived out of the city 
(Mey. De Wet.), especially at that season (see 2, 1) when the 
heat had begun to be severe, ets is not put loosely for kv (Kuin.) ; 
for the distinctive force of the prepositions may always be traced, 
and the notice merely that they assembled in Jerusalem would 
be unnecessary. The substitution of Iv for ets in the text (Lchm. 
Tsch.) is unwarranted. 

V. 6. Those named here are prominent individuals among the 
rulers (v. 5), not a separate class. "Kvvav t6v apxi-epia. The actual 
high-priest at this time was Caiaphas, see John 11, 49; but An- 
nas, his father-in-law, had held the same office, and, according 
to the Jewish custom in such cases, retained still the same title. 
He is mentioned first, perhaps, out of respect to his age, or be- 
cause his talents and activity conferred upon him a personal supe- 
riority. See John 18, 13. It is entirely unnecessary to charge 
Luke with committing an error here, as ZeUer so confidently af- 
firms.^ It is a familiar usage in every language to speak of " the 

' Die Reden der Apostel uach Ordnung und Zusammenhang ausgelegt, von Ru- 
dolf Stier, Zwei Bande. 

2 Theologische Jahrbiicher, Jahrgang 1849, p. 60. It is due to the reader to 
place before him some examples of this writer's style of criticism. His articles on 
the Composition and Character of the Acts, published in different numbers of the 
Periodical named above, are considered as remarkable for the industry and acute- 
ness which they display in setting forth the internal difficulties that are supposed to 



88 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. IV, 6. 7. 



governor," " the president," " the senator," and the like, though the 
person so termed is no longer in office. — ^Iwdwrjv koX 'AXe^avSpov. 
We know nothing positive of these men beyond the intimation 
here that they were priests, and active at tliis time in public af- 
fahs. Alexander is another instance of a foreign name in use 
among the Jews, see 1, 23. It is im.probable that he was the 
Alexander mentioned in Jos. Antt. 18. 8. 1, who was a brother of 
Philo, and alabarch of the Jews at Alexandria. In that case he 
must have been visiting at Jerusalem, and hence was present in 
the council as a guest only, or else had not yet removed to Egypt. 
— Kol oaoL .... apxi^pariKov, and as many as were of the pontifical 
family, i. e. those nearly related to the o.pyi^pCi% — dpxi-^paTLKov, em- 
bracing, as that title was applied among the Jews, the liigh priest 
properly so called, his predecessors in office, and the heads of the 
twenty-four sacerdotal classes (see on v. 1). Many points relating 
to the organization of the Sanhedrim are irretrievably obscure ; but 
it is generally agreed that the twenty-four priestly orders were 
represented in that body. See Win. Realw. Vol. 11. p. 271. The 
attendance of so many persons of rank on this occasion evinced 
the excited state of the public mind, and gave importance to the 
decisions of the council. This is Meyer's view of the meaning. 
But a narrower sense of dpxL^paTLKov may be adopted. It appears 
to me more simple to understand, that John and Alexander were 
related to Annas and Caiaplias, and that the oo-ol, k. t. A., were the 
other influential members of the same family. That the family 
of Annas was one of great distinction appears in the fact that 
five of his sons attained the office of high-priest. See on 9, 1. 
Some vary the meaning of yivov^, and translate, as many as were 
of the class of the chief priests. Tliis sense renders the description 
of the different branches of the Sanhedrim more complete, but 
assigns a forced meaning to the noun. 

V. 7. avTov<s, them, viz. tlie apostles last mentioned in v. 3. — 
ev p.i(Tio, in the midst, before them so as to be within the view of 
all ; comp. John 8, 3. It is said that the Jewish Sanhedrim, sat in 
a circle or a semi-circle ; but we could not urge the expression 
here as any certain proof of that custom. — h iroia SwdixeL, by 
ivhat poiver, efficacy ; not by what right, authority, which would 
require iiovma as in Matt. 21, 23. See Tittm. Synm. p. 158. — 
rj iv TTOLO) ovo/xaTLf or (in other words) in virtue of what uttered 
name. This appears to be a more specific form of the same in- 

embarrass Luke's histoiy. The articles have been thro'UTi into a volume, but I 
have not seen them in that form. 



Chap. IV, 8-10. 



COMMENTARY. 



89 



quiry. — tovto, this, viz. the cure of the lame man. Olshausen un- 
derstands it of their teaching, which is not only less appropriate 
to the accompanying words, but renders the answer of the apos- 
tles in V. 9, 10 irrelevant. 

Verses 8-12. Testimony of Peter before the Council. 

V. 8. irXria-^m TrvevfjiaTos ayiov, filled with the Holy Spirit, i. e. 
anew, see v. 3 1 ; 2, 4. Peter was thus elevated above all human 
fear, and assisted at the same time to make such a defence of 
the truth as the occasion required. The Saviour had authorized 
the disciples to expect such aid under circumstances like the 
present; see Mark 13, 11 ; Luke 21, 14. 15. For the absence of 
the article, see on 1, 2. 

V. 9. d dvaKpLvofxeS-a, if ive are examined, as is confessedly the 
case. €6 in the protasis with the indicative, affirms the con- 
dition, and is logically equivalent to lird, since. K. 'J 339. I. a; 
W. ^ 41. b, 2. The occasion for the present defence was a re- 
proachful one to the Jews, and hence the speaker alludes to it 
thus dubiously, in order to state the case with as little offence 
as possible. The apodosis begins at yT/axxrov eo-rw. — Ittl eucpyeo-ta, 
K. T. X., in respect to a good deed, benefit conferred on an infirm 
man; comp. John 10, 32, Observe that neither noun has the ar- 
ticle. dv-^pwTTov is the objective genitive; comp. 3, 16; 21, 20; 
Luke 6, 7. S. h 99. 1. c ; K. ^ 265. 2. b. — ev rtvt, whereby, how 
(De Wet. Mey.), not by ivhom (Kuin.). The first sense agrees 
best with the form of the question in v. 7. — oxSto?, this one. The 
man who had been healed was present, see v. 10, 14. He may 
have come as a spectator, or, as De Wette thinks, may have been 
been summoned as a witness. Neander conjectures that he too 
may have been taken into custody at the same time with the 
apostles. — o-ia-wcTTaL, has been made whole. The subject of dis- 
course determines the meaning of the verb. 

V. 10. €1/ T(3 ovo/i-art 'Iiycroi) Xpto-rou, bij the name of Jesus Christ 
(the latter appellative here), through their invocation of his name. 
The question hoio (v. 9) is here answered. — tov Na^wpatoT; iden- 
tifies the individual to whom the apostle applies so exalted a name ; 
see on 2, 22. — ov . . . . Ik veKpwv is an adversative clause after ov 
co-ravpajo-are, but omits the ordinary disjunctive. For this asyndetic 
construction, see W. ^ 60. 2 ; K. ^ 325. It promotes compression, 
vivacity of style. For the anarthrous vcKpwv, see on 3, ,15. — ev 
TovT(o may be neuter, sc. ovo/xart (Mey.) ; or masculine, in this one 
(Kuin De Wet), which is more natural, since ov is a nearer an- 

12 



90 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IV, 11. 12. 



tecedent, and ovtos follows in the next verse (and so also Mey. at 
present). TrapiarrjKev, stands (E. V.) ; p erf. = present (see on 1, 
10). 

V. 11. ovTos, this one, viz. Christ, who is the principal subject, 
though a nearer noun intervenes; see 7, 19. W. ^ 23. 1 ; S. ^ 
123. N. 1. Compare the note on 3, 13. For the passage referred 
to, see Ps. 118, 22. The words, as Tholuck^ remarks, appear to 
have been used as a proverb, and hence are susceptible of various 
applications. The sense for this place may be thus given : the 
Jewish rulers, according to the proper idea of their office, were 
the builders of God's spiritual house ; and as such should have 
been the first to acknowledge the Messiah, and exert themselves 
for the establishment and extension of his kingdom. That which 
they had not done, God had now accomplished in spite of their 
neglect and opposition. He had raised up Jesus from the dead, 
and thus confirmed his claim to the Messiahship ; he had shown 
him to be the true author of salvation to men, the corner-stone, 
the only sure foundation on which they can rest their hopes of 
eternal life. Compare Matt. 21, 42 ; Luke 20, 17.— The later 
editors consider oikoSo/xcoi/ more correct than otKoSo/xouvrwv. — 6 yev- 
6fjL€vo<s .... ywviag, which hecmne the head of the corner ; predicated, 
like 6 iiov3^€vr]'^€L<5, of 6 Ai-^os as identical with oiStos. Ke(f>aXr]v yoivias 
is the same as Xl%<; aKpoyoivtalo^ in 1 Pet. 2, 6 ; comp. Is. 28, 16. It 
refers, probably, not to the copestone,but to that which lies at the 
foundation of the edifice, in the angle where two of the walls 
come together, and which gives to the edifice its strength and 
support. See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s. lUxH. 4. 

V. 12. 7] aoiTrjpta, the salvation which the gospel brings, or which 
men need; comp. John 4, 22. For the article, see W. k 18. 1. 
The contents of the next clause render it impossible to under- 
stand' the term of the cure of the lame man. It was not true 
that the apostles proclaimed the name of Christ as the one on 
which men should call in order to be healed of their diseases. — 
ovre yap, k. t. A., for neither is there any other name. It has just 
been said, that Christ is the only Saviour. It is asserted here 
that he is such because no other has been provided. — to SeSo/jii- 
vov, which is given, since the gospel is the fruit of mercy. — Iv 
av^pu)iroi<i, among men as the sphere in which the name is known ; 
not dat. comm., for men. See W. k 31. 6. The latter is a result- 
ing idea, but not the expressed one. — ev (S . . . . y]fxa<s, in which we 
(as men, and hence true of the human race), must be saved, hel 

1 Uebersetzung und Auslegung der Psalmen, p. 496. 



Chap. IV, 13-15. 



COMMENTAEY. 



91 



is stronger than l^eo-ri, and means not may^ but must, as the only 
alternative, since God has appointed no other way of salvation. 
The apostle would exclude the idea of any other mode of escape 
if this be neglected. See Heb. 2, 3. 

Verses 13-18. Decision of the Sanhedrim. 

V. 13. ^ewpowres is the appropriate word here. It denotes not 
seeing merely, like f^Xiirovrc; (v. 14), but seeing earnestly or with 
admiration. Tittm. Synm. p. 121. — KaraXajSoixevot, having 2^er- 
ceived, from intimations at the time, such as their demeanor, lan- 
guage, pronunciation (Str.), comp. Matt. 26, 73 ; or having ascer- 
tained by previous inquiry (Mey. Alf). Meyer in his last edition 
prefers the first meaning to the second. The tense, it will be ob- 
served, diifers from that of the other participle. — aypa/x/xaroi koX 
iStcorai, illiterate, i. e. untaught in the learning of the Jewish 
schools, see John 7, 15; and obscure, plebeian (Kuin. Olsh. De 
Wet.). It is unnecessary to regard the terms as synonymous 
(E. V. Mey. Rob.). Their self-possession and intelligence as- 
tonished the rulers, being so much superior to their education and 
rank in life.-^ — liteyLvoiOKov . . . .rjo-av, and they recognized them 
that they were with Jesus during his ministry, were among his fol- 
lowers ( Wicl. Tynd.) ; not had been (E. V.). Their wonder, says 
Meyer, assisted their recollection, so that, as they observed the 
prisoners more closely (note the imperf), they remembered them 
as persons whom they had known before. Many of the rulers 
had often been present when Christ taught publicly (see Matt. 
21, 23 ; Luke 18, 18 ; John 12, 42, etc.), and must have seen Pe- 
ter and John. That the latter was known to the high-priest is 
expressly said in John 18, 15. 

V. 14. The order of the words here is admirably picturesque, 
= — ovv atTots, with them, viz. the apostles, not the rulers ; comp. 
avTov<i just before. — ecrrcoTa, standing there, and by his presence, 
since he was so generally known (see 3, 16), uttering a testimony 
which they could not refute. Bengel makes the attitude signifi- 
cant : standing firmo talo, no longer a cripple. — ov^\v, k. t. A.., had 
nothing to object, against the reality of the muacle, or the truth 
of Peter's declaration. 

V. 15. KeXei^o-avres, k. t. A,., having commanded them to depart 
out of the council. The deliberations of the assembly were open 
to others, though the apostles were excluded ; and hence it was 

1 Walch maintians this distinction in his Dissertationes in Acta Apostolomm, p. 59 
sq., (Jena 1766). 



92 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IV, 16-19. 



easy for Luke to ascertain what was said and done during their 
absence. Some of the many priests who afterwards believed 
(see 6, 7) may have belonged to the council at this time, or, at all 
events, may have been present as spectators. It is not improba- 
ble that Saul of Tarsus was there, or even some of the Christian 
party who were not known in that character. 

V. 16. on fjilv, K. T. X., for that a notorious miracle, a deed unde- 
niably of that character, has been done. yi/worov in the sense of 
widely known adds nothing to the text, since it merely repeats the 
subsequent (f>avep6v. — Sl avrwv, through them ; and hence accredited 
(see on 2, 22) as the agents of a higher power. — <^av€p6v agrees 
with oTi .... avToiv, and is the predicate nominative after eo-rc un- 
derstood. — ov SvvdfjieS^a, k. r. X., we are not able to deny it. See 
3, 9. 11. They would have suppressed the evidence had it been 
possible. 

V. 17. Lva , . . . SiaveiJiTjS-fj, that it (sc. to a-rj/xeLov) may not 
spread. With a knowledge of the miracle the people would as- 
sociate inevitably the doctrine which the miracle confirmed. The 
subject of the verb involves the idea of hilayj], but it would be 
arbitrary to supply that word as the direct nominative. Some 
have supposed the last clause in the verse to require it. — dTreiA^ 
.... avTo'is, let us severely (lit. with a threat) threaten them. Winer 
(§ 54. 3) regards this combination of a verb and noun as an ex- 
pedient for expressing the infinitive absolute with a finite verb 
in Hebrew. See Gesen. Heb. Gr. k 128. 3. But we meet with 
the idiom in ordinary Greek ; see Thiersch de Pent. Vers. p. 169. 
The frequency of the construction in the New Testament is un- 
doubtedly Hebraistic. — hn to) ovoilojti toww, u'pon this name as the 
basis of their doctrine or authority ; comp. v. 18 ; 5, 28. 40. W. 
h 48. c. 

V. 18. TO before ^-^eyyeo-^ai points that out more distinctly as 
the object of the prohibition. It is not a mere sign of the sub- 
stantive construction. W. ^44. 3. c. — pftfk ScSda-K^Lv, k. t. A., 
nor to teach upon the name of Jesus, specifies the part of their 
preaching which the rulers were most anxious to suppress. The 
other infinitive does not render this superfluous. 

Verses 19-22. The Answer of Peter and John. 

V. 19. ivMTTLov Tov <^€ov, in tlic Sight of God (Hebraistic), whose 
judgment is true, and which men are bound to follow as the rule 
of their conduct. — aKovuv, to obey, see Luke 10, 16 ; 16, 31 ; John 
8,47. — ftaAAov, not more, hut rather; see 5, 29. The question 



Chap. IV, 20-23. 



COMMENTAEY. 



93 



was, whether they should obey men at all in opposition to God, 
not whether they should obey him more or less. See further, on 
f), 29. 

V. 20. ov Swa/x€-^a yap, k. r. \., confirms the answer supposed 
to be given to their appeal in ci SUaiov, k. t. A. We must obey 
God ; for we cannot (morally, i. e. in accordance with truth and 
duty) not speak, i. e. withhold, suppress our message. The double 
negation states the idea strongly. The impossibility which they 
felt was that of refraining from giving publicity to their knowl- 
edge ; it was not sufficient that they taught no error. To be 
silent would have been treachery. — a elSofxev, k. r. A.., ivldch ive 
saiv and heard, i. e. during the life of the Saviour when they beheld 
his mighty works, and listened to his instructions. The verbs are 
in the aorist, not perfect (as in E. V.). 

V. 21. 7rpocra7reiX?yo-a/xevot avrovs, having threatened them further, 
i. e, than they had done already, see v. 18. — /^T^Sej/ evfjio-KovTe<;y 
finding nothing, no means, opportunity. — to ttco?, namely, how, on 
what pretence ; comp. 22, 30 ; Luke 1, 62 ; 9, 46, etc. This use 
of the article before single clauses distinguishes Luke and Paul 
from the other writers of the New Testament. It serves to 
awaken attention to the proposition introduced by it. See W. k 
20. 3. — 8ia Tov Aaoi/ belongs to the participle (Mey.), rather than 
aireXva-av. The intervening clause breaks off the words from the 
latter connection. The idea, too, is not, that they were able to 
invent no charge against the apostles, but none which they felt it 
safe to adopt, because the people were so well disposed towards 
the Christians. 

V. 22. irCiv, K. r. X., for he ivas of more years, etc. The cure 
wrought was the greater the longer the time during which the 
infirmity had existed, ercov depends on rjv as a genitive of prop- 
erty. K. § 273. 2. c. ; C. § 387. — Tecro-apa/covra, SC. Iroiv, than forty 
years, governed by TrXetovajv as a comparative ; comp. 25, 6. De 
Wette assumes an ellipsis of rj, which puts the numeral in the 
genitive, because that is the case of the preceding noun. But 
most grammarians represent yj as suppressed only after irXeov, 
TrXetw, and the like ; comp. Matt. 26, 53, as correctly read. K. § 
748. R. 1 ; Mt. ^ 455. A. 4. — lao-ew?, the healing, the act of it 
which constituted the miracle ; genitive of apposition. W. § 
48. 2. 

Verses 23-31. The Apostles return to the Disciples, and unite 
with them in Prayer and Praise. 

V. 23. TTpos Tws i8tous, unto their own friends in the faith ; 



94 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IV, 24-26. 



comp. 24, 23 ; Tit. 3, 14. Nothing in the context requires us to 
Kmit the term to the apostles. — ol apxt-^pec's koL ol Trpea-jSvTepoi, the 
chief priests (those of the first class) and the elders. This is 
another mode of designating the Sanhedrim, see v. 5. 

V. 24. Gixo^vfjiaSov must denote as elsewhere (1, 14: 2, 46; 7, 
57 etc.) a concert of hearts, not of voices. If they all joined aloud 
in the prayer, the proof must not be drawn from this word or 
from y]pav ^oiVTjv, which could be said though but one uttered the 
words while the others assented, but rather from the nature of 
the service. The prayer on this occasion was chiefly praise, and 
as the words quoted were so familiar to all, it is quite possible 
that they recited them together. See 16, 25, and the remarks 
there. Baumgarten's view (Apostelgeschichte, u. s. w. p. 93) may 
be near the truth : the whole company sung the second Psalm, 
and Peter then applied the contents to their situation in the terms 
recorded here. — SeWora is applied to God as absohite in power 
and authority. It is one of the titles of Christ, also, see 2 Pet. 
2, 1; Jude v. 4. — a-v 6 S^eos, sc. eT, thou art the God; or, thou the 
God, nominative of address. The latter, says Meyer, accords 
best with the fervid state of their minds. 

V. 25. 6 Sta (jTo/xaros, k. t. A.., viz. in Ps. 2, 1. 2. By citing this 
passage the disciples express their confidence in the success of 
the cause for which they were persecuted ; for it is the object of 
the second Psalm to set forth the ultimate and complete triumph 
of the gospel, notwithstanding the opposition which the wicked 
may array against it. The contents of the Psalm, as well as the 
other quotations from it in the New Testament, confij-m its Mes- 
sianic character. See 13, 33 ; Heb. 1, 5 and 5, 5. — tVa rt, luhy, is 
abbreviated for Iva rt yeViyrat. ^ W. ^ 25. 1 ; K. § 344. Pv. 6. The 
question challenges a reason for conduct so wicked and futile. It 
expresses both astonishment and reproof. — i(f>pvaiav, raffed ; or, 
which is nearer to the classic sense, showed themselves restive, 
refractory. The aorist may be used here to denote a recurrent 
fact. K. k 256'. 4. b. The active form is used only in the Septu- 
agint (Pape Lex. s. v.). The application to this particular in- 
stance does not exhaust the prophecy. The fulfilment runs par- 
allel with the history of the conflicts aud triumphs of the cause 
of truth. — XaoL, 'peoples, masses of men, whether of the same 
nation, or of chflerent nations. Hence this term includes the 
Jews, whom l^f] would exclude. — Kcva, vain, abortive ; since 
such must be the result of all opposition to the plans of Jehovah. 

V. 26. 7rapiaTr](ro.v, stood near with a hostile design ; which re- 
sults, however, from the connection, not the word itself — crvvrjx- 



Cpiap. IV, 27-29. COMMENTARY. 95 

S7]aav, a0embled; in Hebrew, together, with the involved idea 
in both cases that it was for the purpose of combination and re- 
sistance. — Tov XpLcrrov avrov, his Christ, his Anointed one, answer- 
ing to in^^-o in the Psahn. The act of anointing was performed in 
connection with the setting apart of a prophet, priest, or king to 
his office, and, according to the Hebrew symbology, denoted his 
receiving the sphitual gifts and endowments which he needed for 
the performance of liis duties.^ Compare the note on 6, 6. The 
act accompanied consecration to the office assumed, but was not 
the direct sign of it, as is often loosely asserted. It is with ref- 
erence to this import of the symbol that the Saviour of men is 
called 6 Xpto-ro?, i. e. the Anointed, by way of eminence, because 
he possessed the gifts of the Spirit without measure, was fur- 
nished in a perfect manner for the work which he came into the 
world to execute. See on 1, 2. 

V. 27. yap illustrates the significance of the prophecy. It had 
been spoken not without meaning : for in truth, etc. — After aX-q- 
/S^etas we are to read kv rfj ttoXu rav-nrj, in this city. The words are 
left out of the E. V., and I believe of all the earlier translations 
into English, except the two made from the Vulgate. They 
are to be retained. They are " found in A B D E, and more 
than twenty others, supported by the unanimous voice of an- 
cient versions, and many ecclesiastical writers." See Green's 
Developed Criticism,^ etc., p. 94. — hrl tov ayiov TratSa aov, against 
thy consecrated servant; see on 3, 13. — ej^ptcras, didst anoint, 
with that rite inaugurate as king. — koI Xadls 'Icrpa-qX, and peoples 
of Israel (see on v. 25), either because the Jews who put the 
Saviour to death belonged to different tribes, or because so 
many of them had come to Jerusalem from distant lands (comp. 
2, 5), and so represented different nationalities (Mey.). It is not 
at all probable that the singular and plural are confounded here 
(Kuin.). 

V. 28. TToiT^crai, in order to do in reality, though not Avith that 
conscious intention on their part. — y] \dp denotes the power, yj 
^ovXrj the counsel, purpose, of God. Trpowpicre adapts itself per 
zeugma to both nouns. The verbal idea required by the former 
would be executed. 

V. 29. Kvpie, Lord, i. e. God, which is required by -^eos in v. 24, 
and TraiSos aov Ul V. 30 ; comp. on 1, 24. — CTnSe .... avrCjv, look 

' Balir's Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus, Vol. II. p. 171 sq. 

2 A Course of developed Criticism on passages of the New Testament materi- 
ally affected by various Readings. By Rev. Thomas Sheldon Green, late fellow 
of Christ's College, Cambridge, etc. (London 1856). 



96 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IV, 30-32. 



upon their threats, in order to see what grace his servanlf needed 
at such a crisis. They pray for courage to enable them to preach 
the word, not for security against danger. — 7raa"q<;, entire, the ut- 
most, see 13, 10 ; 17, 11, etc. In that sense Tras does not require 
the article. W. H8. 4 ; K. ^ 246. 5. 

V. 30. ej/ Tw . . . . eKretvetv ere, in that thou dost stretch forth thy 
hand for healing, the elfect of which as a public recognition of 
their character on the part of God would be to render them fear- 
less ; or as some prefer, the construction may denote time, while 
thou dost stretch forth, etc. ; so that in the latter case they ask that 
they may declare the truth with power as well as with courage. 
— Kca a-rjfxeia, k. r. X., and that signs and wonders may he ivrought 
(Kuin. Mey. De Wet.). The clause is telic and related to e/crei- 
vuv, like CIS tWiv. Some make it depend on 80s, which is too re- 
mote, and others repeat h rw after Kal. — TratSos crov, thy servant. 

V. 31. io-aXev^T] 6 TOTTos, the place luas shaken. They would 
naturally regard such an event as a token of the acceptance of 
their prayer, and as a pledge that a power adequate to their pro- 
tection was engaged for them. — i7rXrjcr3^r]o-av, k. t. X., were all 
filed with the Holy Spirit, etc. They were thus endued both 
with courage to declare the word of God, and with miraculous 
power for confirming its truth. They had just prayed for assist- 
ance in both respects. 

Verses 32-37. The Believers are of one Mind, and have all 
Things common. 

V. 32. 8e, slightly Swi, turns our attention from the apostles (v. 
31) to the church at large. — rov ttXiqSovs rwv Tnarevo-dvrujv, the 
multitude of those who believed, like to ttX-^-S^os tcov fiaS^rp-iov in 6, 2. 
This description of the union of heart and the liberality which dis- 
tinguished the disciples, applies to all of them, as the unqualified 
nature of the language clearly intimates. Meyer supposes those 
only to be meant who are mentioned as new converts in v. 4 ; ^ 
but the mind does not recall readily so distant a remark. — ovSk 
cts, not even one. — eXeyev lSlov dvai, said that it was his own, i. e. 
insisted on his right to it so long as others were destitute, see v. 
34. — Kotm, common in the use of their property, not necessarily 
in the possession of it. Compare the note on 2, 44 sq. " It is 
proper to remark," says Bishop Blomfield,^ " that although an ab- 

1 1 am not surprised to find that Meyer has corrected this opinion in his new 
edition. 

2 Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles, third edition, p. 28. 



Chap. IV, 33-36. 



COMMENTARY. 



97 



solute community of goods existed, in a certain sense, amongst the 
first company of believers, it was not insisted upon by the apos- 
tles as a necessary feature in the constitution of the Christian 
church. We find many precepts in the Epistles, which distinctly 
recognize the difference of rich and poor, and mark out the re- 
spective duties of each class ; and the apostle Paul, in particular, 
far from enforcing a community of goods, enjoins those who were 
affluent to make a contribution every week for those who were 
poorer (1 Cor. 16, 2. 3). Yet the spirit of tliis primitive system 
should pervade the church in all ages. All Christians ought to 
consider their worldly goods, in a certain sense, as the common 
property of their brethren. There is a part of it which by the 
law^s of God and nature belongs to their brethren ; who, if they 
cannot implead them for its wrongful detention before an earthly 
tribunal, have their right and title to it written by the finger of 
God himself in the records of the gospel, and will see it estab- 
lished at the judgment day." 

V. 33. fxeydXr] Svvdjxei, ivith great poiver, with convincing effect 
on the minds of men, see Matt. 9, 29 ; Luke 4, 32. Among the 
elements of tliis power we are to reckon, no doubt, the miracles 
which the disciples performed ; but the singular number forbids the 
supposition that Bwdixei can refer to miracles except in this indirect 
manner. — x^-P'-'^ some understand of the favor which the Christians 
enjoyed with the people in consequence of their liberality ; see 
2, 47 (Grot. Kuin. Olsh.). It is better, with De Wette, Meyer, 
Alford, and others, to retain the ordinary sense : divine favor ^ 
grace, of which their liberality was an effect ; comp 2 Cor. 9, 14. 

V. 34. ouSe yap, k. t. A,., For (a proof of their reception of such 
grace) there was no one needy, \eh to suffer among them. — x^ptW, 
estates, landed possessions, see 5, 3. 8 ; Matt. 26, 36 ; Mark 14, 
32. — TTwXowres €</)e/3oi/, sold and brought. This combination illus- 
trates the occasional use of the present participle as an imper^ 
feet. W. ^ 45. 1. a.; S. § 173. 2. 

V. 35. erC^ovv .... Twv airocrroXiJiv, placed them at the feet of the 
apostles, see v. 37 ; 5, 2. The frequency of the act is determined 
by that of the previous verb. This appears to have been a figu- 
rative expression, signifying to commit entirely to their care or 
disposal. It may have arisen from the Oriental custom of laying 
gifts or tribute before the footstool of kings. — 8te8t8oTo, distribution 
was made. The verb is impersonal. — kcl^oti .... cTj^cv occurs as 
in 2, 45. 

V. 36. subjoins an example in illustration of what is said in 
V. 34. 35. — Barnabas is the individual of this name who became 

13 



98 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. V, J . 



subsequently so well known as Paul's associate in missionary la- 
bors ; see 13, 2 sq. The appellation wliicli he received from the 
apostles describes a particular trait in his style of preaching. 
Most suppose it to be derived from h5<iin3 ^s, (Syro-Chaldaic), i. e. 
son of prophecy, but in a more restricted sense of the pln-ase as 
equivalent to utos TrapaKX-^o-eco?, son of consolation, smce Trpo^T^reia 
includes also hortatory, consolatory discourse ; comp. 1 Cor. 14, 3. 
For other conjectures, see Kuinoelad loc. — Aemr?;?. He was pro- 
bably a Levite, in distinction from Upev<;, a priest, i. e. a descend- 
ant of Levi but not of the family of Aaron. — K^jVpios t(5 yeVet de- 
scribes him as a Jew born in Cyprus ; comp. 18, 2. 24. 

V. 37. virdpxovTos avT^ aypov, he having land. It is not said that 
this estate was in Cyprus, but that is naturally inferred. The 
Levites, as a tribe, had no part in the general division of Canaan 
(see Num. 18, 20) ; but that exclusion did not destroy the right 
of individual ownership ^ within the forty-eight cities and the 
territory adjacent to them, which were assigned to the Levites 
(Num. 35, 1-8) ; comp. e. g. Lev. 25, 32 ; Jer. 32, 8. After the 
exile they would naturally exercise the same right even out 
of Palestine. — to xPW"^> ^^^^ money, which is the proper sense 
of the plural ; comp. 8, 18. 20 ; 24, 26. 



CHAPTEK Y. 

Vehses 1-11. The Falsehood of Ananias and Sapphira, and 

their Death. 

V. 1. We enter on a new chapter here in a two-fold sense of 
the expression. As Olshausen remarks, " the history of the infant 
church has presented hitherto an image of unsullied light ; it is 
now for the first time that a shadow falls upon it. We can imag- 
ine that a sort of holy emulation had sprung up among the fii-st 
Christians ; that they vied with each other in testifying their 
readiness to part with every thing superfluous in their possession, 
and to devote it to the wants of the church. This zeal now 
bore away some, among others, who had not yet been freed in 
their hearts from the predominant love of earthly things. Such 
a person was Ananias, who, having sold a portion of his property, 
kept back a part of the money wliich he received for it. The root 

1 See Saalschiitz, Das Mosaische Recht, Vol. I. p. 149. 



Chap. V, 2-4. 



COMMENTARY. 



99 



of his sin lay in his vanity, his ostentation. He coveted the repu- 
tation of appearing to be as disinterested as the others, while at 
heart he was still the slave of Mammon, and so must seek to gain 
by hypocrisy what he could not deserve by his benevolence." — Si 
puts the conduct of Ananias in contrast with that of Barnabas 
and the other Christians. — KTTjjxa, a jjossession of the nature de- 
fined in V. 3. 

V. 2. ivoacjica-aTo airo r-^s TLfXTjs, kept back, reserved for himself, 
from the price. The genitive, which in classical Greek usually 
follows a partitive verb like this (K. § 271. 2), depends oftener in 
the New Testament on a preposition. W. § 30. 7. c. — o-i;j/£tSi;ta?, 
being conscious of it to herself aware of the reservation just men- 
tioned (comp. V. 9.) ; not sc. ai^ra), knoiving it as well as he, since it 
is the object of /cat to hint the collusion of the parties. — /^epo? n, 
a certain part, which he pretended was all he had received. 

V. 3. Start, why, demands a reason for his yielding to a temp- 
tation which he ought to have repelled. The question recognizes 
his freedom of action. Compare James 4, 7. The sin is charged 
upon him as his own act, in the next verse. — eTrXi^pcoorei/ r^r /capStW 
crov, has filed, possessed, thy heart; comp. John 13, 27. — ^evaaa- 
^at .... aytov, that thou shouldst deceive the Holy Spirit, i. e. the 
apostles, to whom God revealed himself by the Spirit. The in- 
finitive is telic (Mey. De Wet), and the purpose is predicated, 
not of Ananias, but of the tempter. Satan's object was to insti- 
gate to the act, and that he accomplished. Some make the infin- 
itive ecbatic, and as the intention of Ananias was frustrated, 
must then render that thou shouldst attempt to deceive. This is 
forced and unnecessary. — rov x'^p^ov, the estate, field ; see 4, 34. 

V. 4. ovxi jxivov, sc. KTrjixa, k. t. A.., Did it not, while it remai/ied 
unsold, remain to you as your own property ? and when sold ivas it 
not, i. e. the money received for it, in your own power ? This 
language makes it evident that the community of goods, as it ex- 
isted in the church at Jerusalem, was purely a voluntary thing, 
and not required by the apostles. Ananias was not censured be- 
cause he had not surrendered his entire property, but for false- 
hood in professing to have done so when he had not. — rt on 
stands concisely for rt co-rtv ort, as in v. 9 ; Mark 2, 16 ; Luke 2, 49 
(Frtz. Mey. De Wet.). It is a classical idiom, but not common. — 
€^^ov, K. T. A., didst thou put in thy heart, conceive the thing ; comp. 
19, 21. The expression has a Hebraistic coloring (comp. ta'iia 
in Dan. 1, 8 and Mai. 2, 2), though not unlike the Homeric kv 
ffipcal ^ea-S^ai. The aorist (not perf as in E. V.) represents the 
wicked thought as consummated. — ovk iil/evaoj .... ^ew is an in- 



« 



100 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. V, 5. 6. 



tensive v/ay of saying that the pecuKar enormity of his sin con- 
sisted in its being committed against God. David takes the same 
view of liis guilt in Ps. 51, 6. Ananias had attempted to deceive 
men as well as God ; but that aspect of his conduct was so un- 
important, in comparison with the other, that it is overlooked, 
denied. Compare Matt 10, 20; 1 Thess. 4, 8. See W. § 59. 8. 
b. It is logically correct to translate ovk . . . . dXXd, not so much 
..... as, but is incorrect in form, and less forcible, iij/evo-o) gov- 
erns the dative here, as in the Septuagint, but never in the class- 
ics. W. § 31. 5. 

V. 5. i^iij/v^e, expired. — koI kyevero, k. t. X., and great fear came 
upon all, etc. Luke repeats this remark in v. 11. It applies here 
to the fu'st death only, the report of which spread rapidly, and 
produced everywhere the natural effect of so awful a judgment. 
Some editors (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.) strike out rav-a after a/cowras. 
It is wanting in A B D, Vulg. et al., and may have been inserted 
from V. 11. If it be genuine, however, it may refer to a single 
event, especially when that is viewed in connection with its at- 
tendant circumstances. The plural does not show that the writer 
would include also the death of Sapphira, i. e. that he speaks 
here prol optically, which is De Wette's view. 

V. 6. ot v€o)T€poL = veavLo-KOL iiL V. 1 0. Tlicy wcrc probably the 
younger men in the assembly, in distinction from the older (Neand. 
De Wet. Alf.). It devolved on them naturally to perform 
this service, both on account of their gi-eater activity and out of 
respect to their superiors in age. So also Walch decides (Dis- 
sertationes, etc. p. 79 sq.). Some have conjectured (Kuin. Olsh. 
Mey.) that they were a class of regular assistants or officers in 
the church. Tliat opinion has no support, unless it be favored by 
tliis passage. — crweo-retAay is less certain than has been com- 
monly supposed. The E. V. renders ivound up, shrouded or cov- 
ered, which is adopted also by Kuin. De Wet. Alf. and others. 
Rost and Palm (Lex. s. v.) recognize this as the last of their def- 
initions, but rely for it quite entirely on this passage and Eurip. 
Troad. 382. Walch (Dissertationes, etc., p. 79 sq.) argues in 
favor of this signification, and writh success, if it be true, accord- 
ing to his assumption that Trepto-reXXetv and crvo-reXXet denote the 
same thing as used of the rites of burial. The Vulgate has a^no- 
verunt, which the older E. Vv. appear to have followed : thus, 
moved aiuay (Wicl.) ; put apart (Tynd. Cranm.) ; took apart (Gen.) ; 
removed (Rhem.). This sense is too remote from any legitimate 
use of the verb, to be defended. A third explanation which keeps 
nearer both to the etymology and the ordinary meaning, is placed 



Chap. V, 7. 8. 



COMMENTARY. 



101 



together, laid out or composed his stiffened limbs, so as to enable 
the bearers to take up and carry the body with more convenience. 
IMeyer insists on this view, and contends that TreTrXots avvea-TdXrjo-av 
in Eurip., as referred to above, can be translated only tvere laid out 
(dressed at the same time.) in robes. It is certain that no mode of 
preparmg the body, which was formal at all, requiring delay, could 
have been observed in an emergency like the present. — l^ev^y- 
Kavres, having carried forth out of the house and beyond the cit}\ 
Except in the case of kings or other distinguished persons, the 
Jews did not bury mthin the walls of their towns. See Jahn's 
Archffiol. k 206. Tliis circumstance accounts for the time which 
elapsed before the return of the bearers. It was customary for 
the Jews to bury the dead much sooner than is common \^T.th us. 
Tlie reason for tliis despatch is found partly in the fact that de- 
composition takes place very rapidly after death in warm ch- 
mates (comp. John 11, 39), and partly in the peculiar Jewish 
feehng respecting the defilement incurred by contact with a 
dead bod}?-; see Numb. 19, 11 sq. The interment in the case 
of Ananias may have been hastened somewhat by the extraordi- 
nary occasion of his death ; but even under ordinary circumstan- 
ces, a person among the Jews was commonly buried the same 
'day on which he ched. See Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 16. Even 
among the present inhabitants of Jerusalem, says Tobler,i burial, 
as a general rule, is not deferred more than tln-ee or four hours. 

V. 7. eyeVero .... Kat, Now it came to pass, — an interval of 
about three hours, — then, etc. dos . . . . Sido-rYjfia is not here the 
subject of iyev€To, but forms a parenthetic clause, and kcu 
(see on 1, 10) introduces the apodosis of the sentence (Frtz. 
De Wet. Mey.). For the same construction, comp. Matt. 15, 32 ; 
Mark 8, 2 (in the correct text) ; Luke 9, 28. See W. § 62. 2. 
The minute specification of time here imparts an air of reality to 
the naiTative. — elo-rjX^ev, came in, i. e. to the place of assembly. 

V. 8. d-TreKpt^r} avrrj, addressed her ; Hebraistic after the manner 
of t\yj, see on 3, 12. De Wette inclines to the ordinary Greek 
sense : answered, i. e. upon her salutation. — too-ovtov is the geni- 
tive of price : for so much, and no more, pointing, says IMeyer, to 
the money which lay there within sight. Kuinoel's better view 
is that Peter named the sum; but, it being unknown to the 
miter, he substitutes for it an indefinite term, like our " so 
much," or " so and so." Tliis sense is appropriate to the woman's 
reply. 



1 Denkblatter aus Jemsalem, von Dr. Titus Tobler, p. 325 (St. Gallen 1853). 



102 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. Y, 9-11. 



V, 9. TL OTL, K. T. A.., Wliy is it that it was agreed, concerted, by 
you ? The dative occurs after the passive, instead of the genitive 
with VIVO, when the agent is not only the author of the act, but 
the person for whose benefit the act is performed. K. § 284. 
11. — TTcipao-at TO TTvevjxa, to tempt, put to trial, the Sjnrit as pos- 
sessed by the apostles, whether he can be deceived or not ; see 
on V. 3. — l^ov oi TToSe?, K. r. X., behold, the feet of those ivho buried 
thy husband. iSov directs attention to the sound of their foot- 
steps as they approached the door. What occurred before their 
entrance occupied but a moment. 

V. 10. TTapaxpyfJia, immediately after this declaration of Peter. 
It is evident that the writer viewed the occurrence as supernatu- 
ral. The second death was not only instantaneous, like the first, 
but took place precisely as Peter had foretold. The woman lay 
dead at the apostle's feet, as the men entered who had just borne 
her husband to the grave. 

V. 11. See note on v. 5. — ^o/?os [xi-ya.^, great fear came, etc. 
To produce this impression both in the church and out of it was 
doubtless one of the objects which the death of Ananias and 
Sappliira was intended to accomplish. The punishment inflicted 
on them, while it displayed the just abhorrence with wliich God 
looked upon this particular instance of prevarication, was impor- 
tant also as a permanent testimony against similar ofiences in 
every age of the church. " Such severity in the beginning of 
Christianity," says Benson,' " was highly proper, in order to pre- 
vent any occasion for like punishments for the time to come. 
Thus Cain, the first murderer, was most signally punished by the 
immediate hand of God. Thus, upon the erecting of God's tem- 
poral kingdom among the Jews, Nadab and Abihu were struck 
dead for oiFering strange fire before the Lord. And Korah and 
his company were swallowed up alive by the earth, for opposing 
Moses, the faithful servant of God ; and the two hundred and 
fifty men, who ofiered incense upon that occasion, were consumed 
by a fire, which came out from the Lord. And, lastly, Uzzah, for 
touching the ark, fell by as sudden and remarkable a divine judg- 
ment, when the kingdom was going to be established in the 
house of David, to teach Israel a reverence for God and divine 
things. Nay, in establishing even human laws, a severe punish- 
ment upon the first transgressors doth oft prevent the punishment 
of others, who are deterred from hke attempts by the suffering of 
the first criminals." 



i Histoiy of the First Planting of the Christian Religion, etc., Vol. I. p. 105 



Chap. V, 12-14. 



COMMENTARY. 



103 



Verses 12-16. The Apostles still preach, and confirm their Testi- 
mony by Miracles. 

V, 12. hi, noiv, continuative. — TroXXa in this position qualifies 
the two nouns more strongly than when joined with the first of 
them, as in 2, 43. The first and last places in a Greek sentence 
may be emphatic. K. ^ 348. 6. — /cat rjaav, k. r. X., and they were 
all luith one mind in Solomon' s 2^orch, i. e. from day to day. It was 
their custom to repair thither and preach to the people whom 
they found in this place of public resort, airavreg refers to the 
apostles mentioned in the last clause (Kuin. Olsh. Alf ). Some 
understand it of all the believers (Bng. De Wet. Mey.) ; in disre- 
gard both of the natural antecedent and of the improbability that 
so many would assemble at once in such a place. The apostles 
or individuals of them are meant certainly in v. 42 ; and from 
the similarity of that passage to this, we naturally infer that Luke 
speaks of the same class of persons here as there. 

V. 1 3. Tojv Se A-oiTToov, hut of the rest who did not belong to the part}^ 
of the apostles, who were not Christains, the same evidently who 
are called 6 Xao? just below. — o^Sets, k. t. X., no one ventured to asso- 
ciate %oith them (see 9, 26; 10, 28), viz. the apostles; lit join 
himself to them. So deeply had the miracles wrought by the 
apostles impressed the Jewish multitude, that they looked upon 
those who performed them with a sort of religious awe, and were 
afraid to mingle freely with them. Xonriov, taken as above, need 
not include any but unbelievers, even if we confine aTravres to the 
apostles. If we extend aTravT€<s to the disciples generally, the 
notion that the others are believers as well as unbelievers (Alf), 
falls away still more decisively. That the apostles should have 
inspired their fellow Christians with a feeling of dread, disturbs 
all our conceptions of their relations to each other, as described or 
intimated elsewhere. — A comma is the proper point after avro't's. 

— aXXd, but, as opposed to what they refrained from doing. — 
€fji€ydXvv€v avTovg, magnified them, regarded them with wonder and 
extolled them. 

y. 14. This verse is essentially parenthetic, but contains a re- 
mark which springs from the one just made. One of the ways 
in which the people testified their regard for the Christians was, 
that individuals of them were constantly passing over to the side 
of the latter. — fxdXXov 8e, and still more, comp. 9, 22 ; Luke 5, 15. 

— T(3 Kvpico, the Lord, here Christ, many connect with Tna-revovre^ : 
but a comparison with 11, 24 shows that it depends rather on the 



104 COMMENTARY. Chap. V, 15-17. 

verb. — TrXrj^r], K. T. X., multitudes both of men and women. The 
additions were so great that Luke counts them no longer (see 1, 
15; 2, 41 and 4, 4). 

V. 15. wo-re binds this verse to v. 13. We have here an illus- 
tration of the extent to which the people carried their confidence 
in the apostles. — Kara ra? TrAaretas, along the streets. W. M9. d. 
— IttI kXlvo)v Kol KpajS/SoLTuyv, upon beds and pallets. The latter was 
a cheaper article used by the common people. See Diet, of Antt. 
art. Lectus ; and R. and P. Lex. s. aKtfXTrovq. The rich and the 
poor grasped at the present opportunity to be healed of their dis- 
eases. Instead of kXlvu)v, many read KXtvapcwv, little beds, with ref- 
erence to their portable size. We may adopt that reading, and 
yet distinguish the terms as before ; for these couches need not 
have been larger than the others in order to be more valuable. — 
ipXOfievov Hirpov, as Peter was passing. The genitive does not 
depend on (jKia, but is absolute. — kw = koL lav, at least, so much 
as (vel certe) ; comp. Mark 6, 56; 2 Cor. 11, 16. The separate 
parts can hardly be traced in this idiom. Some evolve them 
from an ellipsis : in order that, if Peter came, he might touch some 
of them, even if it were only his shadow (Mey.). See Klotz ad 
Devar. Vol. II. p. 139 sq. 

V. 16. a(j^^vCi<i omits the article here, but has it in v. 15. It is 
there generic, here partitive : sick, sc. persons. K. § 244. 8. o^- 
Xov/jLevov?, K. T. X., being added to do--^evets, distinguishes the pos- 
sessed or demoniacs from those affected by ordinary maladies ; 
comp. 8, 7. — aKa^dpT(i)v, unclean, i. e. morally corrupt, utterly 
wicked, comp. 19, 12. 

Verses 17-25. Renewed Imprisonment of the Apostles, and their 

Escape. 

V. 17. But (8e) this success (v- 16) calls forth persecution. — 
dvao-ra?, rising up, not frftm his seat in the council (for the council 
is not said to have been in session), but as it were mentally, becom- 
ing excited, proceeding to act. Kuinoel calls it redundant. See fur- 
ther, on 9, 18. — The ap^i^pev'^ is probably Annas, who was before 
mentioned under that title. Some suppose Caiaphas, the actual 
high-priest, to be intended. See on 4, 6. — ot o-vv avrio are not his 
associates in the Sanhedrim (for they are distinguished from these 
in V. 21), but, according to the more obvious relation of the words 
to atpecrts tCjv SaSSoi'KatW, those with him in sympathy and opinion, 
i. e. members of the religious sect to which he belonged ; comp. 
14, 4. Josephus states that most of the higher class in his day 



Chap. V, 18-21. 



COMMENTAEY. 



105 



were skeptics or Saddncees, though the mass of the people were 
Pharisees. — t^-qKov, indignation (13, 45), not envy; a Hebraistic 
sense. 

V. 18. e-TTt Toi^s cLTrodToXov^, upon the apostles, viz. Peter (v. 29) 
and others of them, but probably not the entire twelve. They 
were lodged in the public prison, so as to be kept more securely. 
It is far-fetched to suppose that Srjfxoa-La was meant tp suggest 
that they were treated as common malefactors. 

V. 19. The account of a similar escape is more fully related 
in 12, 7 sq. — Sta r^? wkto's, during the 7iight, and not far from its 
close, as the two next verses seem to indicate, Fritzsche ^ con- 
cedes tliis sense of hid here, also in 16, 9 and 17, 10, but pronounces 
it entirely abnormal. Classic usage, it is true, would require 
throughthe night, its entire extent, audit would then follow strangely 
enough that the doors of the prison must have stood open for 
hours, before the apostles went forth from their confinement. 
Meyer insists on that as the true meaning here. It is more rea- 
sonable to ascribe to Luke a degree of inaccuracy in the use of 
the preposition. See W. h 47. i. An extreme purism in some cases 
is one of Meyer's faults as a critic. — •^voi^e ras op)enedthe 
doors (see 12, 10), which were then closed again; see v. 23. — 
e^ayayojv avrov's, having brought them forth, while the keepers were 
at their post (v. 23), but were restrained by 'a divine power from 
seeing them (see on 12, 10), or at all events from interposing to 
arrest them. 

V. 20. 7ropev€(T^e and AaXetre are present because they denote 
acts already in progress. The prisoners were to proceed on their 
way to the temple, and to persist there in proclaiming the offen- 
sive message. See on 3, 6. — to, pT^jxara rrys ^cot}? ravTr]<i, the ivords 
of this life, eternal life wh'ich you preach, comp. 13, 26. W. h 34. 
2. b. Olshausen refers ravrrjs to the angel : this life of which I 
speak to you ; Lightfoot to the Sadducees : this life which they 
deny. According to some rauV-^? belongs to the entire expression, 
these ivords of life ; agreeing as a Hebraism with the dependent 
noun, instead of the governing one. See Green's Gr., p. 265. An 
adjective may be so used, but not the pronoun. 

V. 21. vTTo Tov op-Qpov, at early doAon. The temple had already 
opened its gates to the worshippers and the traffickers (John 2, 
14 sq.) accustomed to resort thither. Hence the apostles could 
begin their work of instruction, as soon as they arrived. The 
people of the East commence the day much earlier than is cus- 



1 Fritzschiorum Opuscula Academica, p. 165. 

14 



106 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. Y, 22-26. 



tomary with us. The arrangements of life there adjust them- 
selves to the character of the chmate. During a great part of the 
year in Palestine, the heat becomes oppressive soon after sun- 
rise, and the inhabitants, therefore, assign their most important 
duties and labors to the early hours of the day. Nothing is more 
common at the present time than to see the villagers going forth 
to their employment in the fields, while the night and the day are 
still struggling with each other. Worship is often performed in the 
synagogues at Jerusalem before the sun appears above Olivet. — 
Trapayevo/xevo?, having come, i. e. to the place of assembly, which 
was probably a room in the temple (see 6, 14 ; Matt. 27, 3 sq.), and 
whence apparently the chief priest and his coadjutors sent out a 
summons {avveKoXeaav) to their colleagues to hasten together. On 
some occasions the Sanhedrists met at the house of the high-priest, 
see Matt. 26, 57. — koX Ttacrav r-qv yepovatav, and all the eldership, sen- 
ate connected with the Sanhedrim ; comp. 4, 5 ; 22, 5. The promi- 
nence thus given to that branch of the council exalts our idea of 
its dignity. The term reminds us of men who were venerable 
for their years and wisdom. Kuinoel would emphasize Traaav, as 
if the attendance of that order was full at this time, but was not 
always so. Some (Lightf. Olsh. Str. Mey.) think that this was 
not an ordinary session of the Sanhedrim, but that the elders of 
the nation at large were called upon to give their advice in the 
present emergency. 

V. 22. 01 vTrrjpirac, the servants who executed the orders of the 
Sanhedrim, see v. 26. Some of the temple guard may have 
acted in this capacity. See on 4, 1. 

V. 24. 6 tepei;?, the priest by way of eminence (1 Mace. 15. 1 ; 
Jos. Antt. 6. 12. 1), hence = d/o;)(i€pev9, as the same functionary is 
termed in v. 17, and 4, 6. — On oX ap^^Lepet^, see 4, 6. — SirjTropow 
irepi avTMv, ivere perplexed concerning them, i. e. the words reported, 
not the apostles (Mey. Alf ). Aoyov? is the more obvious antece- 
dent, and, besides, nothing would embarrass the rulers so much as 
the circulation of such reports at this precise moment. — rt av yiv 
oLTo TovTo, ivhat tJiis ivould become, how it would affect the public 
mind in regard to the Christians and their doctrine, tovto refers 
to the miraculous liberation, and confirms what was said of 

Verses 26-28. They are arrested again and hroiigH before the 

Council. 

V. 26. For (TrpaTr}y6% see on 4, 1. — Xva fxrj A-t^acr^ajcrtv we are to 
connect probably with ov jjiera yStas : They brought them luithout vio- 



Chap. Y, 28. 29. 



COMMENTAKY. 



107 



lence that they might not be stoned. i(poj3ovvTo yap rov Xapv, for they 
feared the people, forms a parenthetic remark, the logical force 
of which is the same as if it had stood at the close of the sen- 
tence. The E. versions generally (also Mey.) attach the last 
clause to icfto/Sovvro instead of ^yayev, but the proper connectives 
after verbs of fearing are [xt^, [x-qTvajs, and the like, and not tVa fxrj. 
See W. § 56. 2. K Tischendorf puts a comma after yStag, instead 
of a colon, as in some editions. 

V. 28. TrapayyeAto, vrapT^yyetA-a/xev. See the note on 4, 17. — evri 
T(3 ovoixan rovro), upon (as their authority, see 4, 18) this 7ta7?ie, 
which they left unspoken as well known, or perhaps disdained 
to mention. — eTrayayetv .... at/^a, ii e. fix upon us the guilt of hav- 
ing shed his blood as that of an innocent person ; comp. Matt. 
23,35. — Tov avS^po)7rov tovtov, this man, is not of itself contemptu- 
ous (comp. Luke 23, 47 ; John 7, 46), but could have that turn 
given to it by the voice, and was so uttered probably at this time. 

Verses 29-32. The Answer of Peter, and its Effect. 

y. 29. KcCi ot aTToa-roXoi, and the other apostles. Peter spoke in 
their name, see 2, 14. — TreiS^apx^tv .... dv^pwTrois. The Jews, 
though as a conquered nation they were subject to the Etonians, 
acknowledged the members of the Sanhedrim as their legitimate 
rulers ; and the injunction which the Sanhedrim imposed on the 
apostles at this time emanated from the highest human authority 
to which they could have felt that they owed allegiance. The 
injunction which this authority laid on the apostles clashed with 
their religious convictions, their sense of the rights of the infinite 
Ruler, and in this conflict between human law and divine, they 
declared that the obligation to obey God was paramount to every 
other. The apostles and early Christians acted on the principle, 
that human governments forfeit their claim to obedience when 
they require what God has plainly forbidden, or forbid what he 
has required. They claimed the right of judging -for themselves 
what was right and what was wrong, in reference to their re- 
ligious and their political duties, and they regulated their conduct 
by that decision. It is worthy of notice that, in 4, 19, they pro- 
pound this principle as one which even their persecutors could 
not controvert, i. e. as one which commends itself to every man's 
reason and unperverted moral feelings.-^ In applying this princi- 

' Socrates avowed this principle, when in his defence he said to his judges 
"rreiffo/jLai Se fxaXXov tw ^ea ^ v/uiiu (Plat. Apol, 29 D) : and unless the plea be valid, 
he died as a felon and not as a martyr. See other heathen testimonies to the 
same effect in Wetstein's Novum Testamentum, Vol. II. p. 478. 



108 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. V, 30-32. 



pie, it will be found that the apostles in every instance abstained 
from all forcible resistance to the public authoritie^s. Thej re- 
fused utterly to obey the mandates which required them to vio- 
late their consciences, but they endured quietly the penalties 
which the executors of tlie law enforced against them. They 
evaded the pursuit of their oppressors if they could (2 Cor. 11, 
32. 33), secreted themselves from arrest (12, 19), left their prisons 
at the command of God, yet when violent hands were laid upon 
them, and they were dragged before magistrates, to the dungeon, 
or to death, they resisted not the wong, but " followed his steps, 
who, when he suffered, thi-eatened not, but committed himself to 
Him that judgeth righteously" (1 Pet. 2, 22. 23). 

V. 30. Tcov Trarepwj/ recalls to mind the series of promises which 
God had made to provide a Saviour, comp. 3, 25. — yjyeipev, raised 
up, sent into the world ; comp. 3, 22 ; 13, 23. So Calvin, Bengel, 
De Wette, and others. Some supply ck vcKpcov, raised up from the 
dead; but that idea being involved in i;i//coo-e below, would intro- 
duce a repetition at variance with the brevity of the discourse. — 
Gv vjxei?, K. T. X., iuho?n ye slew (26, 21) hy hanging ; not slew and 
hung (E. v.). — ivkQv — (jra.vpov, a Hebraism. It occurs especially 
where the Jews are spoken of as having crucified the Saviom* 
(10, 39; 13, 29). 

V. 31. apx^Tyov Kttl otoT^pa belong as predicates to tovtov. this 
one (as, who is) a prince and a Saviour ; not to the verb : exalted 
to be a prince, etc., (E. V.). — rrj Se^ta avTov, to his right hand; see 
note on 2, 33. — Sowat ix^Tavoiav, to give repentance, i. e. the grace 
or disposition to exercise it; comp. 3, 16; 18, 27; John 16, 7.8. 
Some understand it of the opportunity to repent, or the pro- 
vision of mercy which renders repentance available to the sinner 
(De Wet.). The expression is too concise to convey naturally 
that idea, and totvov /xeraj/oias is employed for that purpose in Heb. 
12, ]7. In both cases the exaltation of Christ is represented as 
securing the result in question, because it was the consummation 
of his work, and gave effect to all that preceded. 

V. 32. ixdpTvpe<; governs here two genitives, one of a person, 
the other of a tiling; see Phil. 2, 30 ; Heb. 13, 7. W. § 30. 3. R. 
3 ; K. ^ 275. K 6. Since their testimony was true, they must 
declare it ; no human authority could deter them from it, comp. 
4, 20. — Koi .... ayLov, and the Holy Spirit (Se) Loo (sc. avTov 
^lapTvp) is his "witness. — toi'^ TretS-ap^^ovaLV avrio, to those icho 
obey him, i. e. by receiving the gospel, comp. 6, 7. Many suppose 
the apostle to refer chiefly to the special gifts which the Spirit 
conferred on so many of the fii'st Clnistians, in order to confhm 



Chap. V, 33-35. 



COMMENTAEY. 



109 



their faith as the truth of God. What took place on the day of 
Pentecost was a testimony of this nature, and that or some 
equivalent sign was repeated on other occasions ; comp. 10, 45 ; 
19, 6 ; Mark 16, 20. But to that outward demonstration we may 
add also the inward witness of the Spirit, which believers re- 
ceive as the evidence of their adoption; comp. Rom. 8, 16; Gal. 
4, 6 ; 1 John 3, 24. Neander interprets the language entirely of 
this internal manifestation. Since the Holy Spirit testified to the 
gospel in both ways, and since the remark here is unqualified, 
we have no reason to consider the expression less extensive than 
the facts in the case. 

V. 33. SieTtpLovTo, ivere convulsed ivith rage, lit. ivere saivn asunder, 
\oi\\ in pieces. The E. V. supplies " to the heart," after the verb 
(see 7, 54), but the Greek text has no such reading. Some 
render sctived their teeth, gnashed them ; which would require rov^ 
oSoVrag as the expressed object of the verb. — i^ovXevovro, re- 
solved, determined, see 27, 39, and Jolm 12, 10 ; but on the repre- 
sentation of Gamaliel they recalled their purpose. The issue 
was averted, and hence the tense is imperfect. Instead of pass- 
ing a formal vote, it is more probable that they declared their in- 
tention by some tumultuous expression of their feelings. The verb 
may denote the act as well as the result of dehberation, took 
counsel, consulted ; but men exasperated as they were would not 
be likely to pay much regard to parliamentary decorum. 

Verses 34-39. The Advice of Gamaliel. 

V. 34. Tt/xtos governs Xaw as allied to words denoting judg- 
ment, estimation. See W. h 31. 6. b. ; Mt. ^ 388. The character 
which Luke ascribes to Gamaliel in this passage agrees with 
that which he bears in the Talmud. He 'appears there, also, as 
a zealous Pharisee, as unrivalled in that age for his knowledge 
of the law, as a distinguished teacher (see 22, 3), and as' pos- 
sessing an enlarged, tolerant spirit, far above the mass of his 
countrymen. He is said to have lived still some fifteen years or 
more after this scene in the council. See Hertz. Encyk. Vol. 
IV. p. 656.-^ — ^P^X^ refers evidently to time (in 'Wid., for a while), 
not to space (E. V.). 

Y. 35. ctTre. What follows is probably an outline of the 
speech. — kirl rot? avS-p(i)7roLs tovtol<s some join with irpoaix^re, take 
heed unto yourselves in respect to these men ( E. V.) ; others 

1 Hertzog's Eeal-Encycklopadie fiir die protestantische Theologie und Kirche. 



110 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. V, 36. 



with Tt /xeXXere Trpacrcruv, luhat ye are about to do in respect to 
these men (Knin. De Wet. Mey.). Both constructions are ad- 
missible (W. h 55. 4), but as Trpdo-o-etv n kirt tlvl is not uncommon 
in Greek (see examples in Wetst. N. T.), it is better to recog- 
nize an instance of that expression here. 

V. 36. TTpo TovTOiv TU)v rjfxepojv, Before these times. This is not 
the first time that zealots or seditionists have appeared; they 
may have come forth with great pretensions, but ere long have 
closed their career with defeat and ignominy. For the sake of 
effect (obsei-ve yap), Gamaliel puts the case as if the prisoners 
would turn out to be persons of this stamp ; but before closing 
he is careful to remind his associates that there was another pos- 
sibility; see V. 39. — ©evSa?. Josephus mentions an insur- 
rectionist, named Theudas, who appeared in the reign of Clau- 
dius, some ten years after the delivery of this speech. Ga- 
maliel, therefore, must refer here to another man of this name ; 
and this man, since he preceded Judas the Galilean (v. 37), could 
not have lived much later than the reign of Herod the Great. 
The year of that monarch's death, as Josephus states, was re- 
markably turbulent ; the land was overrun with belligerent par- 
ties, under the direction of insurrectionary chiefs, or fanatics. 
Josephus mentions but three of these disturbers by name ; he 
passes over the others with a general allusion. Among those 
whom the Jewish historian has omitted to name, may have been 
the Theudas whom Gamaliel has here in view. The name was 
not an uncommon one (Win. Kealw. Vol. II. p. 609) ; and it can 
excite no surprise that one Theudas, who was an insurgent, 
should have appeared in the time of Augustus, and another, fifty 
years later, in the time of Claudius. Josephus gives an account 
of four men named Simon, who followed each other within forty 
years, and of three named Judas, witliin ten years, who were all 
instigators of rebellion. This mode of reconciling Luke with 
Josephus is approved by Lardner, Bengel, Kuinoel, Olshausen, 
Anger, Winer, and others. i Another veiy plausible supposition 
is, that Luke's Theudas may have been identical with one of the 
three insurgents whom Josephus designates by name. Sonntag, 
A^dio agrees with those who adopt this view, has supported it 
with much learning and ability.^ He maintains that the Theudas 

1 Jost, the Jewish historian (Geschichte der Israehten, Band II. Anh. p. 76) 
assents to this explanation, and admits the credibility of Luke as well as of 
Josephus. 

^ In the Theologische Studien iind Kritiken, 1837, p. 622 sq., translated by the 
writer in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1848, p. 409 sq. 



Chap. V, 37. 



COMMENTARY. 



Ill 



mentioned by Gamaliel is the individual wlio occurs in Josephus 
under the name of Simon, a slave of Herod, who attempted to 
make himself king, in the year of that monarch's death. He 
urges the following reasons for that opinion : first, this Simon, as 
he was the most noted among those who disturbed the pubHc 
peace at that time, would be apt to occur to Gamaliel as an illus- 
tration of his point; secondly, he is described as a man of the 
same lofty pretensions (elvai a^to? eA-Trto-a? Trap' 6vTLVovv = X€y<j)v £«/at 
Ttva iavTov) ; tliirdly, he died a violent death, which Josephus does 
not mention as true of the other two insurgents; fourthly, he 
appears to have had comparatively few adherents, in conformity 
w^ith Luke's ojael T^rpaKoaioiv ; and, lastly, his having been origi- 
nally a slave accounts for the twofold appellation, since it was 
very common among the Jews to assume a different name on 
changing their occupation or mode of life. It is very possible, 
therefore, that Gamaliel speaks of him as Theudas, because, 
having borne that name so long at Jerusalem, he was best known 
by it to the members of the Sandedrim ; and that Josephus, on 
the conti-ary, who wrote for Romans and Greeks, speaks of him 
as Simon, because it was under that name that he set himself up 
as king, and in that way acquired his foreign notoriety. (Tacit. 
Hist 5. 9.) — There can be no valid objection to either of the 
foregoing suppositions ; both are reasonable, and both must be 
disproved before Luke can be justly charged with having com- 
mitted an anachronism in tliis passage. — eti/at nva, was some one 
of importance, rts has often that emphatic force. W. $ 25. 2. c. 

V. 37. 'lowSa? 6 raXtXato?, k. t. X. Josephus mentions tliis Ju- 
das the Galilean, and his account of him either confirms or leaves 
midenied every one of the particulars stated or intimated by 
Luke. See Bell. Jud. 2. 8. 1 ; Antt. 18. 1. 6 ; 20. 5. 2. He calls 
him twice 6 raXtXatos, though he terms him also 6 TavXovlTr]'^ in 
Antt. 18. 1. 1., from the fact that he Avas born at Gamala, in lower 
Gaulonitis. He was known as the Galilean, because he lived 
subsequently in Galilee (De Wet.), or because that province 
may have included Gaulonitis. The epithet served to distin- 
guish hmi from another Judas, a revolutionist who appeared 
some ten years earlier than this. — h rats rifX£paL<s Trj<s airoypacjirj';, in 
the days of the registration, i. e. in this instance, of persons and 
property, with a view to taxation (Jos. Antt. 15. 1. 1). The 
a7roypa(f)ri in Luke 2, 2, which is so carefully distinguished from 
this tumult and which took place at the birth of Christ, is sup- 
posed generally to have been a census merely of the population. 
We learn from Josephus, that soon after the dethronement of 



112 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap.V, 38. 39. 



Arclielaiis, about the year A. D. 6 or 7, the Emperor Augustus 
ordered a tax to be levied on the Jews. The payment of that 
tax Judas instigated the people to resist, on the ground of its 
being a violation of their allegiance to Jehovah to pay tribute to 
a foreign power ; comp. Matt. 22, 17. He took up arms in defence 
of this principle, and organized a powerful opposition to the 
Roman government. — KaKctvos, k. t. X. Josephus relates that 
this rebellion was effectually suppressed, and that many of those 
who had taken part in it were captured and crucified by the Ro- 
mans. He says nothing of the fate of Judas himself SceaKop- 
TTLo-^rja-av, were dispersed, describes very justly such a result of 
the enterprise. Coponius was then procurator of Judea, and 
Quirinus, or Cyrenius (Luke 2, 2), was proconsul of Syria. 

V. 38. Kol TO, vvv, and noiv, in the light of such examples. — 
eao-are avrovs, let them alone ; not sc. aTveXS^etv, suffer them to depart. — 

di/^pwTToov, from men in distinction from God (v. 39), comp Matt. 
21, 25. — 7] ^ovXrj .... TovTo, this plan, enterprise, or (more correctly) 
work, since it was already in progress. — KaToXv^vjaeraL, ivill he 
frustrated, i. e. without any interference on your part. 

V. 39. In €t . . . . eo-rtV (comp. eav just before), the speaker 
reveals his sympathy with the prisoners. See on 4, 9. Without 
declaring the truth to be on their side, he at least argues the 
question from that point of view. — /xt^ttotc .... evpe^^rjre. Critics 
differ as to the dependence of this clause. Some supply before 
it opare or an equivalent word (see Luke 21, 34) : Take heed lest 
ye he found (in the end) also fighting against God, as well as men 
(Grot. Kuin. Rob.). Others find the ellipsis in ov SvvaaS^e KaraXvcraL 
avTov?, thus : Ye cannot destroy them (more correct than avro) and 
therefore, I say, should not attempt it, lest ye also, etc., (Eng. Mey.). 
Kttt, in both cases, includes naturally the idea both of the impiety 
and the futility of the attempt. De Wette assents to those who 
connect the words with eao-are avrovs, in the last verse. Tliis is 
the simplest construction, as /x^jTrore follows appropriately after 
such a verb, and the sense is then complete without supplying 
anything. In this case some editors would put what intervenes 
in brackets ; but that is incorrect, inasmuch as the caution here 
presupposes the alternative in el Se Ik S^eov Io-tlv. — The advice of 
Gamaliel was certainly remarkable, and some of the early Chris- 
tian fathers went so far as to ascribe it to an unavowed attach- 
ment to the gospel. The supposition has no historical support ; 
and there are other motives which explain his conduct. Gama- 
liel, as Neander remarks, was a man who had discernment 
enough to see that, if this were a fanatical movement, it would 



Chap. Y, 40-42, 



COMMENTARY. 



113 



be rendered more violent by opposition ; that all attempts to sup- 
press what is insignificant tend only to raise it into more im- 
portance. On the other hand, the manner in which the apostles 
spoke and acted may have produced some impression upon a 
mind not entirely prejudiced, and so much the more, since their 
strict obsen^ance of the law, and their hostile attitude towards 
Sadduceeism, must have rendered him favorably disposed towards 
them. Hence the thought may have arisen in his mind that, 
possibly, after all, there might be something divine in their cause. 

Verses 40-42. The Apostles suffer joyfully for Christ, mid depart 
to preach him anew, 

V. 40. k-rruaS^'qa-av avrio, ivere persuaded hy him, i. e. to spare 
the lives of the apostles, whom they had (see v, 33) resolved to 
put to death. They could not object to the views of Gamaliel, 
they were so reasonable ; they were probably influenced still 
more by his personal authority. Still their rage demanded some 
satisfaction ; they must punish the heretics, if they could not slay 
them. — Setpavre?, having scourged. The instrument frequently 
used for this purpose was a whip, or scourge, consisting often 
of two lashes " knotted with bones, or heavy indented circles 
of bronze, or terminated by hooks, in which case it was aptly 
denominated a scorpionr Diet, of Antt., art. Flagrum. The 
punishment was inflicted on the naked back of the sufferer ; 
comp. 16, 22. A single blow would sometimes lay the flesh open 
to the bones. Hence, to scourge a person (Setpw) meant properly 
to excoriate, flay him. Paul says that he suffered this punish- 
ment five times (2 Cor. 14, 24.). It is affecting to remember that 
the Sa\dour was subjected to this laceration. 

V. 41. ot /xeV. The antithesis does not follow. — ow, illative, 
i. e. in consequence of their release. — on, because, appends an 
explanation of x^^P^^'^^'^) rejoicing, not of the verb. — vTrlp tov 
6v6iJiaTo<;, in behalf of the name, i. e. of Jesus, which is omitted, 
either because it has occurred just before, or more properly be- 
cause " the name" was a familiar expression among the disciples, 
and as such required no addition (comp. 3 John v. 7). It is a 
loss to our religious dialect that the term in this primitive sense 
has fallen into disuse. The common text, indeed, reads avrov 
after oi/o/xaro?, but without sufficient authority. — Kar-q^ii^^-qa-av 
aTLfxaa-^rjvaL, — a bold oxymoron, — ivere accounted worthy to be 
disgraced. For an explanation of the paradox, see Luke 16, 15. 
The verbs refer to different standards of judgment. 

V. 42. Kar oTkov, from house to house, or at home, refers to their 
15 



114 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. YI, 1. 2. 



private assemblies in different parts of the city as distinguished 
from their labors in the temple. Those who reject the distributive 
sense in 2, 46, reject it also here. — ovk liravovro StSao-Kovrc?, ceased 
not to teach, in defiance of the prohibition which blows as well 
as words had just now enforced on them (v. 40). The Greek in 
such a case employs a participle, not the infinitive, as the com- 
plement of the verb. K. ^ 310. 4. f ; W. ^ 45. 4. — emyycXi^o/^ci/ot, 
K. T. X., announcing the glad tidings of the Christ (first as em- 
phatic) Jesus ; the latter the subject here, the former the predi- 
cate (comp. 9, 20. 22). This clause defines the preceding one. 



CHAPTEK VI. 

Verses 1-7. Appointment of Alms- Distributers in the Church at 

Jerusalem. 

V. 1. ej/ rats rjix€paL<s rawai?, in these days. See on 1, 15. We 
may assign the events in this chapter to the year A. D. 35. They 
relate more or less directly to the liistory of Stephen, and must 
have taken place shortly before his death, which was just before 
Paul's conversion. — TrXyj^vovroiv, becoming numerous. — rdv 'EAAiy- 
vKTTOiv should be rendered, not Greeks —""EiXk-qvc^, but Hellenists. 
They were the Jewish members of the church who spoke the 
Greek language. The other party, the Hebreivs, were the Pales- 
tine Jews, who spoke the Syro-Chaldaic, or Aramaean. See 
Win. Chald. Gr. p. 10 sq. — Trap^S-eiopovvro, were overlooked, is im- 
perfect, because the neglect is charged as one that was common. 
— StaKovta, ministration, distribution of alms, i. e. either of food or 
the money necessary to procure it. Olshausen argues for the 
former from Ka'^rjixepLvrj. 

V. 2. ol ScoSeKa, the twelve. Matthias must have been one of 
them, and the validity of his choice as an apostle is placed here, 
beyond doubt. See on 1, 26. — to ttA^^? twv fxa^-qrCiv, the multi- 
tude, mass, of the disciples. It has been objected, that they had 
become too numerous at this time to assemble in one place. It 
is to be recollected, as De Wette suggests, that many of those 
who had been converted were foreign Jews, and had left the city 
ere this. — i^jaa? KaraXeti/'avTa?, k. t. X., that we, forsaking the word 
of God, etc. It is not certain, from the narrative, to what extent 
this labor of providing for the poor had been performed by the 



Chap. VI, 3. 4. 



COMMENTARY. 



115 



apostles. The following remarks of Rothe present a reasonable 
view of that question. " The apostles, at first, appear to have 
applied themselves to this business ; and to have expended per- 
sonally the common funds of the church. Yet, occupied as they 
were with so many other more important objects, they could have 
exercised only a general oversight in the case, and must have 
committed the details of the matter to others. Particular indi- 
viduals may not have been appointed for this purpose at the 
beginning ; and the business may have been conducted in an 
informal manner, without any strict supervision or immediate 
direction on the part of the apostles. Under such circumstances, 
especially as the number of believers was increasing every day, 
.it could easily happen that some of the needy were overlooked ; 
and it is not surprising that the Hellenistic Christians had occa- 
sion to complain of the neglect of the widows and other poor 
among them."i The complaint, therefore, implied no censure of 
the apostles, but was brought naturally to them, both on account 
of their position in, the church, and the general relation sustained 
by them to the system under which the grievance had arisen.-— 
•StttKovetv TpaTre^aLs, to serve tables, provide for them, comp. Luke 4, 
39 ; 8, 3. Some render the noun money -tables, counters, as in 
John 2, 15; but the verb connected with it here forbids that 
sense. The noun is plural, because several tables were support- 
ed. '* Locutio indignitatem aliquam exprimit ; antitheton minis- 
terium verbi" (Eng.). 

V. 3. €7n(TKe\j/aa-S-€, k. t. A., look ye out, etc. The selection, 
therefore, was made by the body of the church ; the apostles 
confirmed the choice, as we see from KaTaa-T-qa-o/xev, ive tvill ap- 
point, and from the consecration in v. 6. KaTaa-Tyiaoifiev (T. R.), we 
may appoint (E. V.), is a spurious form. — fxapTvpovixevov;, testified 
to, of good repute, see 10, 22 and 16, 2. — )^^M<i, business, lit. an 
affair which is held to be necessary. 

V. 4. rri TTpoaevxo, the (service of) prayer. The article points 
out the importance of the duty (1, 14). Prayer, evidently in this 
connection for the success of the word, is recognized as their 
legitimate work, as much as preaching. — Trpoa-Kaprcprio-ofjiev, ive 
will give ourselves. This remark does not imply that they had 
been diverted already from their proper work, but that they 
wished to guard against that in future, by committing this care 
to others. They now saw that it required more attention than 
they had bestowed upon it. 

' Die Anfange der Christlichen Kirche und ilirer Verfassung, p. 164. 



116 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VI, 5-7. 



V. 5. avSpa, K. T. X., a rami full of faith and of the Holy Sphii. 
We may retain ayiov, but the word is uncertain. The same 
terms describe the character of Barnabas in 11, 24. — Philip, 
we read again in 8, 8 sq. ; 21, 8. The others are not known 
out of tliis passage. That Nicolaus was the founder of the 
sect mentioned in Rev. 2, 6, is a conjecture without proof. 
Many have supposed that the entire seven were chosen from the 
aggrieved party. Gieseler thinks that three of them may have 
been Hebrews, three Hellenists, and one a proselyte. Ch. Hist. 
^ 25. Their Greek names decide notliing ; see on 1, 23. The 
distributers would be taken naturally from both sides, but in 
what proportion we cannot tell. It would depend on their per- 
sonal traits, after all, more than on their nationahty, whether they 
were able to satisfy the disaffected. — Luke does not term the 
men hiaKovoi, though we have an approach to that appellation in 
V. 2. In 21, 8, they are called the Seven. Some of the ancient 
writers regarded them as the first deacons ; others, as entirely dis- 
tinct from them. The general opinion at present is, that tliis 
order arose from the institution of the Seven, but by a gradual 
extension of the sphere of duty at fb-st assigned to them. 

V. 6. eTre^rjKav, viz. the apostles. The nature of the act dic- 
tates tliis change of the subject. The imposition of hands, as 
practised in appointing persons to an office, was a symbol of the 
impartation of the gifts and graces which they needed to qualify 
them for the office. It was of the nature of a prayer that God 
would bestow the necessary gifts, rather than a pledge that they 
were actually conferred. 

V. 7. The prosperity related here is a proof that harmony had 
been restored, and that the prayers and labors of the apostles 
had suffered no interruption. — 6 Xoyos, k. t. A., the word of God 
grew, spread and strengthened itself as a system of belief or 
doctrme. The next clause repeats the idea concretely by stating 
how rapidly the recipients of this faith were multiplied. See 
note on 12, 24. — ttoXv^ re, k. t. X., and a great multitude of priests. 
According to Ez. 2, 36-38, the priests amounted to 4,289 at the 
time of the return from Babylon. They must have been still 
more numerous at this period. Such an accession of such con- 
verts was a signal event in the early history of the church. — 
rrj TTto-ret, the faith, faith-system, i. e. the gospel ; comp. Bom. 1, 
5 ; Gal. 1, 23, etc. This mode of epitomizing the plan of salva- 
tion confirms the Protestant view of it, in opposition to that of 
the Cathohcs. See Bom. 11, 6. 



Chap. VI, 8. 9. 



COMMENTARY. 



117 



Verses 8-15. The Zeal of Stephen and his Violent Apprehension. 

V. 8. TrXrjpr]'^ )(apiTO'?, full of grace, i. e. by metonymy, of gifts 
not inherent, but conferred by divine favor, see v. 3. Tliis is tlie 
correct word rather than -n-Larews, wliich some copies insert from 
V. 5. — Sui/a/xecos, poiuer, efficiency (1, 8) which was one of the gifts, 
and as indicated by the next words, inchided an abihty to work 
mhacles. — i-oUt (imperf.) shows that he repeated the mhacles. 

V. 9. Ttve? .... Ai/Seprlvoiv, certain from the synagogue so 
called of the Libertines, i. e. libertini, freed-men, viz. Jews, or the 
sons of Jews, who having been slaves at Rome, had acquhed 
their freedom, and, living now at Jerusalem, maintained a 
separate synagogue of their OAvn. When Pomp^ overran Ju- 
dea, about B. C. 63, he carried a vast number of the Jews to 
Rome, where they were sold into slavery. Most of these, or 
their cliikhen, the Romans aftei-wards liberated, as they found it 
inconvenient to have servants who were so tenacious of the pe- 
culiar rites of their religion. The Jews usually named their 
synagogues from the countries whence those who attended them 
had come, and hence Luke inserts here ttJs Aeyo//-eV>?5, the so called, 
in order to reconcile the ear as it were to this ahiiost unheard of 
designation. Some contend that AtySeprti/wv is also a patrial 
name, Lihertinians, i. e. Jews from a place named Libertum. 
Not only ]ias the participle no apparent force in this case, but the 
existence of such a town is altogether uncertain. — koL Kvp-qvaiojv, 
K. T. X. The construction here is doubtful. The simplest view 
is that which repeats rLvh before each of the genitives with the 
implication that the Cyreneans, Alexandrians, Cilicians and 
Asiatics formed so many distinct synagogues, i. e. including the 
Libertines, five different assemblies in all (De Wet. Mey.). The 
Rabbinic writers say, Avith some exaggeration, no doubt, that Je- 
rusalem contained four hundred and eighty synagogues. rwy 
would be proper before KrpryvatW and 'AXe^avSpeW, but as they 
refer to towns well known, could be omitted as before AlyvTrriayv 
in 7, 22 and ©ecro-a/WtKewv in 20, 4. — twv oltto KtAtKta? may 
be simply =:KtAt/<e?, and the article does not arise, necessarily, out 
of a different relation to nvh. Some repeat e/< rijs crwaycoy^? as well 
as Tivh before the successive genitives with the same result, of 
course, as to the number of synagogues. It is awkward to sup- 
ply so many words, and also to shut up Trjs \eyofX€vr]<s to the fhst 
clause, as we must in that case, since it is so plainly inappropri- 
ate to the other names. According to others we are to connect 
Kvprjvatijiv KOL 'AAeto-vSpeW with At/^eprtVcov, understanding these 



118 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. YI, 10-13. 



thi-ee classes to constitute one synagogue, and the Cilicians and 
Asiatics to constitute another. See W. § 19. 5, marg. It may be 
objected to this, (though no interpretation is wholly unencum- 
bered) that it unites Xeyo/xeV?;s too closely (for the reason given 
above) with the second and third noun, and also that so 
large a number of foreign Jews as the populous cities refeiTed 
to would be likely to send to Jerusalem, could not meet con- 
veniently in a single place of worsliip. Wieseler, (Chronologic, 
p. 63) in support of liis opinion that Paul acquired his Roman 
citizenship (22, 28) as libertinus or the descendant of a lihertinus, 
would take Kat before Kvprjvaloiv as explicative, namely, to 
ivit; so that they were all libertini, and belonged to one syna- 
gogue. Thi^ is extremely forced and arbitrary. — Among the 
Cilicians who disputed with Stephen may have been Saul of 
Tarsus, see 7, 58. For the extent of Asia, see on 2, 9. 

V. 10. TO) TTvevfxarL, the Spirit, see v. 5. — In (S iXaXei, with ivhich 
he spake, the relative belongs in sense to both nouns, but agrees 
with the nearest; comp. Luke 21, 15. Stephen experienced the 
truth of the promise recorded in that passage. 

V. 11. virk^aXov, secretly instructed, suborned. It was con- 
certed between them what should be said, and to what point it 
should be directed. — ^Aacr^r^/xa, blasphemous in the judicial sense, 
which made it a capital olFence to utter such words. Contempt 
of IMoses and his institutions was contempt of Jehovah, and 
came within the scope of the law against blasphemy as laid do^vn 
in Deut. 13, 6-10. It was on this charge that the Jews pro- 
nounced the Saviour worthy of death ; see Matt. 26, 60 sq. 

V. 12. TOi?s 7rp€crl3vT€pov<5 Kol Tovs ypajJL/xarei's, the elders and the 
scribes, i. e. those of these classes who belonged to the Sanhe- 
drim. The appeal was made more especially to them, because, 
in addition to their influence, they were mostly Pharisees, and 
the present accusation was of a nature to arouse especially the 
spirit of that sect. Hence they take the lead at this time, rather 
than the Sadducees. — (rvvrjpTrao-av. The subject here is strictly 
TLvh (see V. 9), but we think of them naturally as acting in con- 
cert with those whom they had instigated to join v/ith them. 

v. 13. ea-Trjo-av, placed before them, introduced (see 4, 7) ; 
others, set up, procured. — ixa.pTvpa<; i^ei;8et?, false witnesses. They 
accused Stephen of having spoken contemptuously of the law 
and the temple, and of having blasphemed Moses and God. 
Their testimony in that form was grossly false. It was opposed 
to every thing which Stephen had said or meant. Yet, as Nean- 
der and others suggest, he had undoubtedly taught that the 



Chap. YI, U. 15. 



COMMENTAEY. 



119 



Cliristiaii dispensation was superior to that of Moses ; that the 
gospel was designed to supersede Judaism ; that the law was 
unavaihng as a source of justification ; that, henceforth, true 
worsliip would be as acceptable to God in one place as another. 
In the clearness with which Stephen apprehended these ideas, 
he has been justly called the forerunner of Paul. His accusers 
distorted liis language on these points, and thus gave to their 
charge the only semblance of justification which it possessed. — 
For avJpwTTos ovTos, see 5, 28. — ov Traverai, does 7iot cease, betrays 
the exaggerating tone of a " swift witness." — rov to-kov tov aytov, 
tlie Iwly place, is the temple (21, 28; Ps. 24, 3, etc.), in some part 
of which they were assembled, as appears from tovtov in the 
next verse. 

V. 14. \iyovTo<5, K.T.X. They impute to Stephen these words, as 
authorizing the inference in v. 13. — ovTO'5,tkis one, repeats 'It/o-oi;?, 
with a tone of contempt. — KaraXwet, will destroy, etc. It is not 
impossible that he had reminded them of the predictions of 
Clnist respecting the destruction of the city and the temple. — 
TO-KOV TOVTOV, tilis placc, because the present session was held in 
some room or court of the temple. — t^-q, customs required to be 
observed, hence laws, as in 15, 1 ; 21, 21, etc. — irapi^wKcv may 
apply to what is written as well as what is oral (R. and P. 
Lex. s. v.). 

V. 15. drevtcrai/Te? ets avTov, k. t. X. They were all gazing upon 
him, as the principal object of interest in the assembly, and so 
much the more at that moment in expectation of his reply to so 
heinous a charge. The radiance, therefore, which suddenly 
lighted up the countenance of Stephen, was remarked by every 
one present. That what they saw was merely a natural expres- 
sion of the serenity which pervaded his mind, can hardly be sup- 
posed. (Lo-et 7rpocr<o7rov ayyiXkov, as if the face of an angel, seems 
to overstate the idea, if it be reduced to that; for the comparison 
is an unusual one, and the Jews supposed the visible appearance 
of angels to correspond with their superhuman rank ; comp. 1, 
10 ; Matt. 2S, 3 ; Luke 24, 4 ; Rev. 18, 1, etc. The countenance 
of Stephen, like that of Moses on his descent from the mount, 
shone probably with a preternatural lustre, proclaiming him a 
true "witness, a servant of Him whose glory was so fitly sym- 
bolized by such a token. The occasion was worthy of the 
miracle. 



120 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VII. 



CHAPTEE YII. 

Discourse of Stephen before the Sanhedrim. 

The speaker's main object maybe considered as twofold; — 
first, to show that the charge against him rested on a false view 
of the ancient dispensation, — not on his part, but on that of his 
accusers ; and, secondly, that the Jews, instead of manifesting a 
true zeal for the temple and the law in their opposition to the 
gospel, were again acting out the unbelieving, rebellious spirit 
which led their fathers so often to resist the will of God, and 
reject his greatest favors. It appears to me that the latter was 
the uppermost idea in Stephen's mind, both because it occupies 
so much space in the body of the address (v. 27. 39-44), and 
because, near the close of what is said (v. 51 sq.), it is put 
forward very much as if he regarded it as the conclusion at 
which he had been aiming. It may be objected, that this view 
renders the discourse aggressive, criminatory, in an unusual de- 
gree ; but we are to remember that Stephen (see on v. 54), was 
interrupted, and but for that, in all probabilty, after having ex- 
posed the guilt of his hearers, he would have encouraged them 
to repent and believe on the Saviour whom they had crucified. 
(Bmg. has a remark to the same efiect.) Yet both parts of the 
speech, as so understood, converge to one point, viz., that the 
speaker was not guilty of maligning the ancient economy ; first, 
because even under that dispensation the divine favor was be- 
stowed independently of the law ; and, secondly, because the 
teachers of that economy held up the same view of its spiritual 
nature, and encountered a similar opposition. 

In the interpretation of the speech, I proceed on the principle 
that most of Stephen's hearers were so well acquainted with his 
peculiar views, with his arguments in support of them, and his 
mode of illustration, that they had no occasion to be distinctly 
reminded of his doctrine at this time. See the Note on 6, 13. 
Hence Stephen could assume that the bearing of the different 
remarks or occurrences brought forward in the address would 
suggest itself to the minds of his judges ; without pausing to 
tell them this means that, or that means this, he could leave them 
to draw silently the conclusions which he wished to establish. 
Stephen illustrates his subject historically. That mode of argu- 



Chap. YII. 



COMMENTARY. 



121 



ment was well chosen. It enabled him to show the Jews that 
their own history, in which they gloried so much, condemned 
them ; for it taught the inefficacy of external rites, foreshadowed 
a more perfect spiritual system, and warned them against the 
example of those who resist the will of God when declared to 
them by his messengers. Stephen pursues the order of time in 
his narrative ; and it is important to remark that feature of the 
discourse, because it explains two peculiarities in it ; first, that 
the ideas which fall logically under the two heads that have been 
mentioned are intermixed, instead of being presented separately ; 
and, secondly, that some circumstances are introduced which we 
are not to regard as significant, but as serving merely to maintain 
the connection of the history. 

But the address is so discursive and complex, and the purport 
of it has been so variously represented, that it is due to the sub- 
ject to mention some of the other modes of analysis that have 
been proposed. 

The following is Neander's view of it. Stephen's primary ob- 
ject was certainly apologetical, but as he forgot himself in the 
subject with which he was inspired, his apologetic efforts relate 
to the truths maintained by him, and impugned by his adversa- 
ries, rather than to himself. Hence, not satisfied with defending, 
he developed and enforced the truths he had proclaimed ; and at 
the same lime reproved the Jews for their unbelief and their op- 
position to the gospel. Stephen first refutes the charges made 
against him of enmity against the people of God, of contempt of 
their sacred institutions, and of blaspheming Moses. He traces 
the procedure of the divine providence, in guiding the people of 
God from the times of their progenitors ; he notices the promises 
and their progressive fulfilment to the end of all the promises, — 
the advent of the Messiah, and the work to be accomplished by 
him. But with this narrative he blends his charges against the 
Jewish nation. He shows that their ingratitude and unbelief 
became more flagrant in proportion as the promises were fulfilled, 
or given with greater fulness; and their conduct in the various 
preceding periods of the development of God's kingdom was a 
specimen of the disposition they now evinced towards the publi- 
cation of the gospel.-^ 

According to Olshausen,^ the speaker recapitulated the Jewish 

1 Quoted from Ryland's Translation of The Planting and Training of the 
Christian Church. 
^ Commcntar iiber das Neue Testament, Vol. 11. p. 719. 

16 



122 ' COMMENTAEY. Chap. VH. 



history at such length, smiply in order to testify his regard for the 
national institutions, to conciliate his hearers, and show indirectly 
that he could not have uttered the blasphemous words imputed to 
him. (See 6, 11.) That those addressed saw their own moral 
image reflected so distinctly from the narrative results from the 
subject, not from the speaker's intention. 

Luger develops the course of thought in tliis way. Stephen 
is accused of blaspheming the temple and the law. He vindi- 
cates himself by exhibiting the true significance of the temple 
and the law. The main points are, first, that the law is not some- 
thing complete by itself, bi^t was added to the promise given to 
Abraham, yea, contains in itself a new promise, by the fulfilment 
of which the law is first brought to completion. Secondly, the 
temple Qannot be exclusively the holy place ; it is one in a series 
of places wliich the Lord has consecrated, and by this very act 
foreshadowed that future completion of the temple, to whiph 
Solomon and the prophets point. Thirdly, it being a cause of 
special ofience to the Jews that the Jesus rejected by them 
should be represented as the Perfecter of the law and the tem- 
ple, Stephen showed that no objection against him could be 
derived from that fact, since the messengers of God had been 
treated with the like contempt at all periods. Fourthly, these 
three topics are presented, not after each other, but in each other. 
The history of Israel forms the thread of the discourse, but tliis 
is related in such a manner that examples of the different points 
come into view at every step.-^ 

Baur's exposition of the plan has been highly commended. 
The contents of the discourse divide themselves into two paral- 
lel parts : on the one side are presented the benefits which God 
from the earliest times conferred on the Jewish nation : on the 
other side is exhibited in contrast their conduct towards him. 
Hence the main thought is this : the greater and more extra- 
ordinary the favors which God from the beginning bestowed on 
the Jews, the more unthankful and rebellious from the beginning 
was the spirit which they manifested in return ; so that where a 
perfectly harmonious relation should have been found, the great- 
est alienation appeared. The greater the effort which God made 
to elevate and draw the nation to himself, the more the nation 
turned away from him. In presenting this view of the Jewish 
character, the speaker defended indirectly his own cause. He 

' Ueber Zweck, Inhalt und Eigenthiimlichkeit der Eede des Stephanus. Von 
Friedricli Luger. 



Chap. VII, 1. 2. 



COMMENTARY. 



123 



was accused of having spoken reproachfully, not only against 
the law, but in particular against the temple. Hence the direc- 
tion which he gave to the speech enabled him to show that the 
idolatrous regard of the Jews for the temple exemplified in the 
highest degree that opposition between God and themselves, 
which had been so characteristic of them from the first.^ 

It may be added, that the peculiar character of the speech im- 
presses upon it a seal of authenticity, for no one would think of 
framing a discourse of this kind for such an occasion. Had it 
been composed ideally, or after some vague tradition, it would 
have .been thrown into a different form ; its relevancy to the 
charge which called it forth would have been made more obvi- 
ous. As to the language in which Stephen delivered it, opinions 
are divided. His disputing with the foreign Jews (6, 9) would 
indicate that he was a Hellenist (comp. 9, 29), and in that case 
he spoke probably in Greek. The prevalence of that language 
in Palestine, and especially at Jerusalem, would have rendered 
it intelligible to such an audience.^ The manner, too, in which 
the citations agree with the Septuagint, favors this conclusion. 

Verses 1-16. History of the Patriarchs, or Age of the Pro7)iises. 

V. 1. 8e, then, binds this verse to 6^ 14. — et . . . . ej^ei. Are then 
these things so, as the witnesses testify ? Hence this was the 
question to which Stephen replied, and must furnish the key to 
his answer. We must construe the speech so as to find in it a 
refutation of the charge in 6, 13. ei is direct here, as in 1, 6. 
apa = " rebus ita comparatis," under these circumstances. See 
Klotz ad Devar. Vol. II. p. 176. The question is asked in view 
of the accusation. The particle is not to be struck out of the 
text, as in some editions. 

V. 2. aSeXcfiOL are the spectators, Trarepc? the members of the 
council, like our "civil fathers;" comp. 22, 1. avSpes qualifies 
both nouns; see on 1, 16. The English version makes three 
distinct classes, instead of two. — 6 Seb<s t-^? So^rjs, the God of the 
glory (rrj^, because peculiar tohim) = nin3n in the Old Testa- 
ment, or among the later Jews i-irsttrrt, i. e. the light, or visible 
splendor amid which Jehovah revealed himself, the symbol, 
therefore, of his presence (Mey. De Wet. Blmf ). Compare 
Ex. 25, 22 ; 40, 34 ; Lev. 9, 6 ; Ezek. 1, 28 ; 3, 23 ; Heb. 9, 5, etc. 

' Paulas, Sein Leben und Wirken, seine Briefe und seine Lehre, p. 42. 
^ In pi-oof of this, see Hug's Einleitung in das Neue Testament, Vol. II. p. 27 
Bq., fourth edition ; and the Biblical Eepositoiy, 1832, p. 530. 



124 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. YII, 2-4. 



w(f)^r] points to that sense here ; see also v. 55. Paul speaks of 
this symbol in Rom. 9, 4 as one of the peculiar distinctions with 
which God honored the Hebrew nation. Those miss the sense 
who resolve the genitive into an adjective ev8o|o?, the glorious 
God ( Kuin. Hmph.). — ovn iv ry Meo-oTrorajata, when he was in 
MesojDotamia ; imperf as often in narration. W. H6. 6. Abraham 
resided first in Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. 11, 28), which lay- 
probably in the extreme north of Mesopotamia, near the sources 
of the Tigris. The Chaldee branch of Peleg's family, to which 
Terah and his sons belonged, spread themselves originally in 
that region. ^ Xenophon found Chaldeans here in liis retreat 
from Babylonia with the Ten Thousand. See further, on v. 4. — 
iv Xappdv. Charran = )'^'n (Gen. 11, 31), was also in the north 
of Mesopotamia, but south of Ur. It was the later CarrcB of 
the Greeks and Romans, where Crassus was defeated and slain 
by the Parthians. Its position tallies remarkably with the sacred 
narrative. The ruins have been identified a few miles south of 
Urfa, on a road from the north to the southern ford of the Eupln-a- 
tes. It is a perversion of the text to suppose Stephen so ignorant 
of the geography here, as to place Charran on the west of the 
Euphrates. His meaning evidently is that Abraham's call in that 
city was not the first which he received during his residence in 
Mesopotamia. We have no account of this first communication 
to the patriarch in the Old Testament, but it is implied distinctly 
in Gen. 15, 7 and Neh. 9, 7. Philo and Josephus relate the his- 
tory of Abraham in accordance with the statement here, that he 
was called twice. 

V. 3. cTttc Trpos avTov, said unto him in Ur before the migration 
to Charran. — e^eXS^e, k. t. X., go forth from thy country, etc. This 
is quoted from Gen. 12, 1 sq., where it appears as the language 
addressed to Abraham when God appeared to him at Charran. 
But his earlier call had the same object precisely as the later; 
and hence Stephen could employ the terms of the second com- 
munication, in order to characterize the import of the fii'st. — 8e9po, 
hither, with an imperative force ; the term adapted to the speaker's 
position, like ravViyj/ in v. 4. — r]v av, 'luhichever (see on 2, 21) ; since 
he "went forth not knowing whither he goes " (Heb. 11, 8). 

V. 4. rore, then, after this command. — i^eX^<hv, k. r. X., having 
gone forth from the land of the Chaldees; which, therefore, did 
not extend so far south as to include ChaiTan. It is barely pos- 

' For the ethnography of the subject, see Knobel's Volkertafel der Genesis, 
p. 170 sq. 



Chap. YII, 4. 



COMMENTAEY. 



125 



sible that iieXSojv may reach fonvard to fxcn^KLcrev (the change of 
subject there is against it), and in that case the second removal 
would have been a part of the journey from Chaldea. Compare 
Gen. 11, 31. The early histoiy of the Chaldees is too obscure 
to allow us to define the limits of their territory. See Hertz. 
Encyck. Vol. II. p. 617. — yrj^ XaXSatW suggests a region rather 
than a city, and Ur (for wliich the Sept. renders " country " in 
Gen. 11, 28) was probably the name of a district among the 
steppes of northern Mesopotamia. Some would identify Ur with 
the modern Urfa, the Edessa of the Greeks ; but though the name 
(dropping the last syllable) may seem to favor that combination, 
the surer etymology derives Urfa (as a corruption) from the 
S^Tiac Urhoi, and thus destroys all connection between Ur and 
Urfa. See Tuch (p. 284) and Delitzsch (p. 407) liber die Gen- 
esis. Had Ur either as a city or region been in Babylonia as 
some conjecture, Charran, so far to the west, would have been 
out of the way in a migration to Canaan. — ftera to dTro^ai/etv, 
K. T. X., after his father ivas dead. According to Gen. 11, 32, Terah 
died at Haran, af the age of two hundred and five ; and, accord- 
ing to the usual inference drawn from Gen. 11, 26, he was only 
seventy years old at the birth of Abraham ; so that since Abra- 
ham left Charran at seventy -five (Gen. 12, 4), Terah instead of 
being dead at that time, must have lived (205 — 70-|-75=) sixty 
years after liis son's departure from Charran. Here again some 
writers insist that Stephen has shown a gross ignorance of the 
patriarchal history. But tliis apparent disagreement admits of a 
ready solution if we suppose that Abraham was not the oldest 
son, but that Haran, who died before the fii'st migi*ation of the 
family (Gen. 11, 28), was sixty years older than he, and that 
Terah, consequently, was one hundi*ed and thirty years old at the 
birth of Abraham (130+75=1:205). The relation of Abraham to 
the Hebrew history would account for his being named first in 
the genealogy. We have other instances entirely parallel to 
this. Thus, in Gen. 5, 32, and elsewhere, Japheth is mentioned 
last among the sons of Noah ; but, according to Gen. 9, 24 and 
10, 21, he was the oldest of them. Lightfoot has shown that 
even some of the Jewish Aviiters, who can be suspected of no 
desire to reconcile Stephen ^vith the Old Testament, concede 
that Abraham was the youngest son of Terah. The learned 
Usher founds his system of chronology on this view. The other 
explanations are less probable. It appears that there was a 
tradition among some of the Jews that Terah relapsed into 
idolatry during the abode at Haran, and that Abraham left him 



126 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VII, 5. 



on that account, i. e. as the Talmudists express it, after his spirit- 
ual death. Kuinoel, Olshausen, and others, think that Stephen 
may have used d7ro^ai/etv in that sense ; so that the notice of 
Terah's natural death in Gen. 11, 32 would be proleptic, i. e. in 
advance of the exact order of the history. The tradition of 
Terah's relapse into idolatry may have been well founded. Ben^ 
gel offers this suggestion : " Abram, dum Thara vixit in Haran, 
domum quodammodo paternam habuit in Haran, in terra Canaan 
duntaxat peregrinum agens ; mortuo autem patre, plane in terra 
Canaan domum unice habere coepit." The Samaritan Codex 
reads one hundred and forty-five in Gen. 11, 32, which would 
remove the difiiculty, had it not been altered probably for that 
very purpose. The Samaritan text has no critical authority when 
opposed to the Masoretic. ^ — fxer^KLo-ev, sc. ^eos, caused him to re- 
move, to migrate by a renewed command, see Gen. 12, 1 sq. — cts 
y]v, into which, because KaroiKuri implies an antecedent motion. — 
{i/Aet9, you, instead of r}ix€Z<;, we ; because as a foreign Jew Stephen 
excludes himself. 

V. 5. Kttt ovK .... €1/ avT^, and he gave to him (during his life) 
no inheritance in it, no actual possession, but a promise only that 
his posterity should occupy it at some future period. It is not at 
variance with this that he subsequently purchased the field of 
Ephron as a burial-place (Gen. 23, 3 sq.); for he acquired no 
right of settlement by that purchase, but permission merely to 
bury " his dead," which he sought as a favor because he was " a 
stranger and a sojourner " in the land. Lest the passage should 
seem to conflict with that transaction, some (Kuin. Olsh.) would 
render ovk as omroi, not yet, and IScokcv as pluperfect. De Wette 
agrees with Meyer in restricting the remark to the period of 
Abraham's first arrival in Canaan. He purchased the field of 
Ephron near the close of his life. — ovSe ^rjixa ttoSo?, not even a 
foot-brcadth, a single foot, comp. Deut. 2, 5. — auroJ .... avrrjv, 
that he would give it to him for a possession, not necessarily in liis 
own person, but in that of his descendants. The country might 
be said to be . Abraham's in prospect of that reversion. So in 
Gen. 46, 4, God says to Jacob on his descent into Egypt: I will 
bring thee up again," i. e. him in his posterity. Others under- 
stand Kardax'^o'f'V of Abraham's own residence in the land of 
promise. — ovk ovto? avrta reKvov, when he had no child. This clause 
as well as the general connection, recalls to mind the strength of 
Abraham's faith. It was in that way that he pleased God and 



1 See Gtesenius de Pentateuchi Samaritani Origine, Indole, et Auctoritate. 



Chap. VII, 6. 



COMMENTARY. 



127 



obtained the promise, and not by legal observances ; for circum- 
cision had not yet been instituted, or the law given. Paul reasons 
in that manner from Abraham's history, both in Rom. 4, 9 sq. and 
in Gal. 3, 17 sq. Stephen may have expanded his speech at this 
point so as to have presented distinctly the same conclusion ; or, 
as remarked in the first analysis, most of his hearers may have 
been so familiar with the Christian doctrine on the subject, that 
they perceived at once that import of his allusions. 

V. 6. The speaker quotes here the passage to which he had 
merely alluded. — 8e, now, subjoins this fuller account of the 
promise ; not hut, although he was childless (Mey., taken back 
in his last ed.). — owws, thus, to this effect, viz. in Gen. 15, 13-16. 
— eo-rat, shall he; not should (E. V.). The citation mingles the in- 
direct form with the direct. — 8ot;Xa)o-ovcrtv, strangers shall enslave, sc. 
dXXoT/atoi as the subject, involved in Iv yfj dAXorpta. See W. § 64. 3. 
b. — €77] T^TpaKocria, four hundred years, in agreement with Gen. 15, 
13 ; but both there and here a round number, since in Ex. 12, 40 
" the sojourning of Israel who dwelt in Egypt " is said to have 
been four hundred and thirty years. But here arises a chrono- 
logical question, to which it is necessary to advert. In Gal. 3, 
17, Paul speaks of the entire period from Abraham's arrival in 
Canaan until the giving of the law as embracing only four hun- 
dred and thirty years ; a calculation which allows but two hun- 
dred and fifteen years for the sojourn in Egypt ; for Isaac was 
born twenty-five years after that arrival, was sixty years old at 
the birth of Jacob, and Jacob was one hundred and thirty years 
old when he went to reside in Egypt (430— 25-|-60-|-130=i=215). 
The Seventy, in Ex. 12, 40, and Josephus, in Antt. 2. 15. 2, follow 
the same computation. There are two solutions of this difficulty. 
One is, that the Jews had two ways of reckoning this period, 
which were current at the same time ; that it is uncertain which 
of them is the correct one, and for all practical purposes is wholly 
unimportant, since, when a speaker or writer, as in this case of 
Stephen, adopted this mode or that, he was understood not to 
propound a chronological opinion, but merely to employ a familiar 
designation for the sake of definiteness. The other solution is, 
that the four hundred and thirty years in Ex. 12, 40 embrace the 
period from Abraham's immigration into Canaan until the depar- 
ture out of Egypt, and that the sacred writers call this the period 
of sojourn or servitude in Egypt a potiori, i. e. from its leading 
characteristic. \ They could describe it in this manner with so 

1 Baumgarten in common with others inclines to this view in his Theologischer 
Commentar zuni Pentateuch, Vol. I. p. 190. 



128 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. YII, 7-10. 



mucli the more propriety, because even during the rest of the 
time the condition of the patriarchs was that of exiles and wan- 
derers. The current chronology, Usher's system, adopts 215 
as the number of years during which the Hebrews dwelt in 
Egypt. 

V. 1. KpivC) eyw, I (emphatic as one able to punish) ivill judge 
(Hebraistic), implying the execution of the sentence. — fxcra 
ravra, after these things, after both so long a time and such events. 
ravra refers to Kptvw, as well as to the other verbs. — kol Xarpevaovcn 
. . . TovT(j^, and shall xvorship me in this place. This clause is taken 
from a different passage ; viz. Ex. 3, 12, wliich records the declara- 
tion that God would bring the Israelites where Moses then was. 
But as the words there also relate to the deliverance from Egypt, 
Stephen could use them to express more fully the idea in Gen. 
15, 16, In the communication to Moses, tottw refers to Sinai or 
t. Horeb, but is applied here very properly to Canaan, since the 

worship in the deseit was a pledge of its performance in the 
promised land. Xarpevaova-L may intimate that God accepted 
their worship before they had any temple in which to offer it. 

V. 8 ^LaS^rjKrjv TrepLTOfxrjs, the covenant of circumcision, i. e. the 
one of which cu'cumcision is the sign ; comp. a-qjxuov TrepLrojxrjs in 
Rom. 4, 11. — KOL ovTO)<;, and thus, i. e. agreeably to the covenant 
God gave the promised cliild, and Abraham observed the ap- 
pointed rite. Such briefly were the contents of the covenant 
(see Gen. 17, 2 sq.), and iyewrja-e and TrepuTe/xe very naturally 
recall them here, ovtojs as merely then (Mey.), in lieu of Se or KaC 
in this speech elsewhere, expresses too little in such a place. — 
TQ rjP'^pa, K. T. A. See Gen. 21, 4. 

V. 9. aTriSovTo, sold (5, 8) into JEgypt, i. e. to be canied thither ; 
thus concisely in Gen. 45, 4 (Heb. and Sept.). — 6 -9eo? fxer avrov, 
God ivas ivith him, though he was exposed to such envy and 
injustice. It was a memorable instance in which the rejected 
of men was approved of God and made the preserver of his 
people ; see on v. 37. The analogy between Joseph's history in 
this respect and that of Christ must have forced itself on Ste- 
phen's hearers. 

V. 10. x^P*-^ '^"^ (TO(f)Lav, favor (with the king) and wisdom; both 
the gifts of God, but the latter helping in part to secure the for- 
mer. Meyer, contraiy to his first opinion, understands x'^P'-^ 
the divine favor towards Joseph ; but the two nouns belong alike 
to h/avTLov $apaoj, and associate themselves readily as cause and 
effect. The wisdom was that which Joseph displayed as an in- 
terpreter of dreams, as the kuig's coimsellor and minister. — rw 



Chap. YII, 12-14. 



COMMENTAEY. 



129 



otKov cLVTov, his house ; the palace of the sovereign, from which, 
in the East, all the acts of government emanate. In other 
words, Joseph was raised to the office of vizier, or prune min- 
ister. 

V. 12. For the history, see Gen. 42, 1 sq. — ovra, instead of 
the infinitive after aKovaas, represents the plenty in Egyjot as in- 
dubitable, notorious. K. ^311. 1. The place of the abundance 
was well known, and kv Alyv-n-Tw after the participle ( T. R.) is a 
needless corruption for et's AtyuTrrov, wliich belongs to the next 
verb. — i^a-ecrreLXe k. t. A., sent our fathers first, wliile Jacob him- 
self remained stiU in Canaan. See v. 15. 

V. 13. aveyv-oipLCT'^r], loas recognized hy his brethren (De Wet. 
Mey.), on declaring his name to them; comp. Gen. 45, 1. The 
refl.exive sense, made himself hnoivn (Rob.), would be excep- 
tional, and is not required here. — koI c^avepov .... 'Iwo-tJc^, and the 
race of Joseph teas inade knoicn to Pho.raoh, i. e. the fact of their 
pres-ence, their arrival. See Gen. 45, 16. It does not mean that 
the king ascertained now Joseph's Hebrew origin, for he kncAV 
that already (Gen. 41, 12); nor that Joseph's brethren were pre- 
sented to Ihm. The introduction took place at a later period ; 
see Gen. 47, 2. 

V. 14. kv i/^uxats e^Sojxy^Kovra Trevrc, (coiisistuig) in seventy five 
souls. For Iv, see W. ^ 48. 3. From so feeble a beginning the 
Hebrews soon grew to a mighty nation ; see v. 17. Stephen 
would suggest to the mind that contrast. According to Gen. 46, 
27, Ex. 1 5, and Deut. 10, 22, Jacob's family at tliis time con- 
tained seventy persons ; but the Septuagint has changed that 
number in the first two passages to seventy-five. In Gen. 46, 
26, the Hebrew says that Jacob's descendants, on his arrival in 
Egypt, were sixty-six, and in the next verse adds to these Jacob 
Ihmself, Joseph, and liis two sons, thus making the number sev- 
enty. On the other hand, the Septuagint interpolates, in v. 27, 
vloi Se ^lo)o-Yj(f> OL yevofxevoL avrco kv yfj AlyvTrrto ;/nj;^a6 kwea, and adding 
these nine to the sixty-six in v. 26 makes the immbei seventy -five. 
It is evident from this interpolation that the Seventy did not 
obtain their number by adding the five sons of Ephraim and 
Manasseli (1 Clnon. 7, 14-23) to the seventy persons mentioned 
in the Hebrew text. That mode of accounting for their compu- 
tation has frequently been assigned. If vlot be taken in its wider 
sense, those sons and grandsons of Joseph may have been among 
the ni7ie whom they added to the sixty-six, but it is not known 
how they reckoned the other two. They may have included 
some of the third generation, or have refen-ed to other sons of 

17 



130 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VII, 16. 



Joseph, of whom we have no account. But in whatever way 
the enumeration arose, its existence in the Greek version shows 
that it was current among the Jews. That it was an erroneous 
one, is incapable of proof ; for we do not know on what data it 
was founded. At all events, Stephen could adapt liimself to the 
popular way of speaking with entire truth as to the idea which 
he meant to convey; for his object was to affirm, not that the 
family of Jacob, when he went down to Egypt, consisted of just 
seventy-five persons, in distinction from seventy-six, or seventy, 
or any other precise number, but that it was a mere handful com- 
pared with the increase which made them in so short a time "as 
the stars of heaven for multitude ; " see Deut. 10, 22. That 
among those whom Joseph is said to have called into Egypt 
were some who were already there, or were born at a subsequent 
period, agrees with Gen. 46, 27 ; for it is said that " the sons of 
Joseph " were among " the souls of the house of Jacob that came 
into Egypt" with him. That representation springs from the 
Hebrew view, which ^regarded the descendants as existing al- 
ready in their progenitor; comp. Gen. 46, 15; Heb. 7, 9. 10. It 
is equivalent here to saying, that the millions to which Israel had 
grown on leaving Egypt were all comprised in some seventy-five 
persons at the commencement of the residence there.-^ 

V. 16. It is mentioned in Gen. 50, 13, that Jacob was buried 
in Abraham's sepulcln-e, at Hebron (see Gen. 23, 19), and in 
Josh. 24, 32, that the bones of Joseph were laid in Jacob's tomb 
at Shechem, or Sychem ; as to the burial of Jacob's other sons, 
the Old Testament is silent. In this passage, therefore, ot Trarepe? 
^/xwv may be taken as the subject of fxeTcriS^rjo-av without avr6<;. 
Such brevity was natural in so rapid a sketch, and not obscure 
where the hearers were so familiar with the subject in hand. 
That Joseph's brothers were buried with him at Sychem rests, 
doubtless, on a well-known tradition in Stephen's time. " Ac- 
cording to Josephus (Antt. 2. 8. 2) the sons of Jacob were buried 
at Hebron. According to the Rabbins (Light. Wetst.), the Isra- 
elites took the bones of their fathers with them to Palestine, but 
say nothing of Sychem : since, however, they do not include the 
eleven patriarchs among those who were buried at Hebron, they 
probably regarded Sychem as the place of their burial." (De Wet.). 
Jerome, who lived but a day's journey from Sychem, says that 
the tombs of the twelve were to be seen there in his time. — 
ev T(3 ixvrjixariy k. t. X., in the etc., presents a more serious dif- 

* See Hengstenberg's Authentic des Pentateuclies, Vol. II. p. 357 sq. 



Chap. VII, 16. 



COMMENTAEY. 



131 



ficulty. It is clear from Gen. 33, 19, that Jacob purchased the 
family tomb at Sychem, and from Gen. 23, 1 sq., that Abraham 
purchased the one at Hebron. On the other hand, according to 
the present text, Stephen appears to have confounded the two 
transactions, representing, not Jacob, but Abraham, as having 
purchased the field at Sychem. It is difficult to resist the im- 
pression that a single word of the present text is wrong, and 
that we should either omit 'AjSpadfx or exchange it for la/cw/?. — 
ojvqcraTo without a subject could be taken as impersonal : one pur- 
chased— ivas purchased. See W. § 58. 9. That change would 
free the passage from its perplexity. It is true, manuscripts con- 
cur in the present reading, but this may be an instance where 
the internal evidence countervails the external. The error lies 
in a single word ; and it is quite as likely, judging a priori, that 
the word producing the error escaped from some early copyist, as 
that so glaring an error was committed by Stephen ; for, as a 
Jew, he had been brought up to a knowledge of the Scriptures, 
had proved himself more than a match for the learned disputants 
from the synagogues (6, 10), and is said to have been "full of 
the Holy Spirit" (6, 5). Some attribute the difficulty to the con- 
cise, hurried style of the narrative. Biscoe states that opinion 
in the following terms : — " The Hebrews, when reciting the his- 
tory of their forefathers to their brethren, do it in the briefest 
manner, because it was a thing well known to them. For 
which reason they made use of frequent ellipses, and gave 
but hints to bring to their remembrance what they aimed at. 
This may be the case here ; and as nothing is more easy than to 
supply the words that are wanting, so, when supplied, the narra- 
tion is exactly agreeable to history delivered in the Old Testa- 
ment : 'And were carried into Sychem, and were laid,' i. e. some of 
them, Jacob at least, ' in the sepulchre that Abraham bought for 
a sum of money,' and others of them 'in that (bought) from the 
sons of Emmor, the father of Sychem.' Here we repeat merely 
Koi iv T(5 (or eKetVo)) before -n-apa tC)v vlQ)v ; which words were easily 
understood and supplied by those to whom Stephen addressed 
himself" ^ Again, some have deemed it sufficient to say that 
Stephen was not an inspired teacher, in the strict sense of the 
expression, and that, provided we have a true record of the dis- 
course on the part of Luke, we may admit an error in the dis- 
course itself, without discrediting the acccuracy of the sacred 
writers. Dr. Davidson thinks that Luke must have been aware 



1 The Acts of the Apostles, confirmed from other Authors, p. 395, ed. 1840. 



132 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. VII, 17-19. 



of tlie discrepency, and has exhibited liis scrupulous regard for 
the ti'uth by allowing it to remain, instead of correcting it. Cal- 
vin sanctions a still freer view : " In nomine Abralise erratum esse 
palam est ; quare hie locus comgendus est." — ^fxjxwp, sc. tov 
Trarpos, Em?nor, the father of Sychem. See on 1, 13. 

Verses 17-46. The Age of Moses, or the Jews under the Law. 

Y. 17. Ka^ws, not tohen, but as, in the degree that; hence 
yff^iZ,€v, teas Ojpiyroadiing. — 6 ^ovo% k. t. X., the time of the (fulfil- 
ment of the) promise (v. 7); see on 1, 4. — Instead of w/xocrev 
(T. R.), sivare, we are to read probably a)/AoAoy?;o-ei/, declared' 
(Lclmi. Tsch. Mey.). — rjvtrjcrev and i-TrXrj-^vv'^r] represent the 
growth in power as consequent on the increase of numbers ; not 
a citation, but reminiscence probably of Ex. 1, 7. 20. 

V. 18. axpi<i ov, imtil ; fortius signal prosperity had its Hmit. 
Though baffled in liis first scheme, Pharaoh tried other means 
more effectual; see on v. 19. — o? . . . . 'Iwcn^ff), ivho knew not Jo- 
seph, had no regard for his memory or ser^dces ; not was ignorant 
that such a person had lived (Mey.). How could the author of 
such important reforms have been forgotten among a people ad- 
dicted like the Egyptians to recording their national events I It 
has been supposed that a new dynasty may have ascended the 
thi-one at this time. According to Sir J. G. Wilkinson/ this " new 
king" was Amosis, or Ames, first of the eighteenth d^masty, or 
that of the Diospolitans from Thebes. Some hold (e. g. Heeren, 
Jost) that the Hyksos or shepherd kings had just been expelled 
from Egypt, and that the oppressor of the Hebrews was the fii-st 
native prince who reigned after that event. The present knowl- 
edge of Egyptian history is too imperfect to admit of any posi- 
tive conclusion on such a point. For the later views and ht- 
erature, see on Ancient Egypt in Hertz. Encyck. Vol. L p. 138 sq. 

V. 19. KaTa(Tocf)Lcra.ix£vo<; to yevos rjfxwv, treating subtly our race, see 
Ex. 1, 10 ; Ps. 115, 25. His policy is characterized in this man- 
ner, because his object, without being avowed, was to compel 
the Hebrews to destroy their children, that they might not grow 
up to experience the wretched fate of their parents. — iKaKwcre, 
K. T. A., oppressed our fathers in order that they should, cast out their 
infants, that these might not he preserved alive. Both infinitives 
are telic ; the fii'st states the king's object in the oppression, the 
second the object of the exposure on the part of the parents. It 

' Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, Yol. I. p. 42 sq., 2(1 ed. 



Chap. VII, 19-22. 



COMMENTARY. 



133 



was using the parental instinct for destroying the child ; it was 
seething the kid in the mother's blood. For tov Troidv, see on 3, 
2. The plan of the Egyptians failed ; for " the more they afflicted 
the Hebrews, the more they multipUed and grew" (Ex. 1, 12) ; 
i. e. they spared their children, instead of putting them to death, 
and continued to increase. Pharaoh, after tliis, took a more di- 
rect course to accomplish his object ; he issued a decree that all 
the male children of the Hebrews should be killed at birth, or 
thrown into the Nile; see Ex. 1, 16. 22. The sense is different 
if we make rov iroidv ecbatic : so that they cast out their infants, 
etc. According to this view, the king's policy was in part suc- 
cessful ; the Hebrews exposed their children of their own accord, 
that they might not see them doomed to so hopeless a bondage. 
But the mfinitive construction with rov is rarely ecbatic ; and, 
further, had the Hebrews destroyed their children as a voluntary 
act, a subsequent decree for murdering them would have been un- 
necessary (Ex. 1, 16.22). It is harsh to make rov irouZv epexegetical: 
oppressed them (viz. by a decree) that they must cast out, etc. It is 
difficult with this sense to see the force of Karacroc^to-a/xevos. Be- 
sides, the history shows that the Egyptians were to execute the 
inhuman order (Ex. 1, 22), not the Hebrews. The object of 
putting Moses m the ark Avas to save, not destroy liim. 

V. 20. Iv w Ktttpw, in ivhich time, viz. tliis season of oppression. 
— do-retos tw ^ew, fair for God, i. e. in liis view, who judges truly; 
comp. TToAis [x^ydXr] ^eco in Jon. 3, 3 (Sept.). It is a form of the 
Hebrew superlative. W. ^ 36. 3 ; Green's Gr. p. 277. For the 
dative, see on 5, 34. Josephus (Antt. 2. 9. 7) speaks of the ex- 
ti-eme beauty of Moses. See also Heb. 11, 23. — rov Trarpos, his 
father, named Amram (Ex. 6, 20). 

V. 21. avTov, with the participle, is not an accusative absolute, 
but depends on the verb, and is then repeated ; comp. Mark 9, 
28. It is changed in some of the best copies to avrov. — avetXaro, 
took up, not from the water or the ark, but like tollere liberos, 
adopted. This use both of the Greek and the Latin word is said 
to have arisen from the practice of infanticide among tJie an- 
cients. After the bhth of a child, the father took it up to liis 
bosom, if he meant to rear it ; otherwise, it was doomed to per- 
ish. — ei§ vLov, as a son, appositional like b before that wliicli a 
person or thing becomes (W. ^ 32. 4. b.) ; not telic, to be a son 
(Mey.), since the relation was an immediate one and not pros- 
pective merely. 

V. 22. iTratSevSr] Trdar) a-o(f>ia, ivas instructed in all the ivisdom, 
made familiar with it; dative of the respect or manner. Tis- 



134 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. VII, 23-26. 



chendorf reads iv before ao(f>La. Some render tuas trained hy 
the ivisdom as the means of culture ; dative of the instrument 
(De Wet. Mey.). This may be easier grammatically, but looks 
like modernizing the idea. The accusative would be the ordi- 
nary case after this passive {was taught the ivisdom) ; but it could 
be interchanged with the dative. See W. ^ 32, 4. — Svmros h 
X6yoi% mighty in words. In point of mere fluency, he was infe- 
rior to Aaron (Ex. 4, 10), but excelled him in the higher mental 
attributes on which depends mainly the orator's power over the 
minds of others. His recorded speeches justify Stephen's enco- 
mium. — For epyois, comp. v. 36. 

V. 23. avrw, by him, dative of the agent ; see on 6, 9. — reo-- 
crapaK0VTa€T7]<; )(p6vo% a fortieth annual time, i. e. when he was forty 
years old. See the note on v. 30. — avk^-r] lirX rrjv KapStW^nb-bs) nh^, 
see Jer. 3, 16. — k-Tno-Kixpao-S^ai, K. T. A., to visit his brethren in or- 
der to show his sympathy for them and minister to their relief. 
The Hebrews lived apart from the Egyptians, and Moses as a 
member of the royal family may have had hitherto but little in- 
tercourse with his countrymen. 

V. 24. a^iKovjxevov, ivronged, injured, viz. by blows, which the 
Hebrew was then receiving, as stated in the history ; see Ex. 2, 
11. — iTTolrjaev iK^lK-qaiv, ivr ought redress, avenged; see Luke 18, 7. 
— Tw Kara-TTovovixevto, the one overpoivered, lit. exhausted, worn out; 
implying a hard contest, and (the participle is present) a rescue 
just in time to ward off the fatal blow. — Trara^a? tov AtyuVrtov, by 
smiting the EgyjUian (who did the wrong) so as to kill him, see 
V. 28. 

V. 25. evo/xt^€, was supposing in this interposition, and as the 
reason for it. This use of Se, for (E. V.), is one of its metabatic 
offices. Hart. Partkl. Vol. I. p. 167. On what ground Moses ex- 
pected to be known so readily, we are not informed. He may 
have thought that his history, so full of providential intimations, 
had pointed him out to the Israelites as their predestined deliv- 
erer. Stephen makes the remark evidently for the purpose of 
reminding the Jews of their own similar blindness in regard to 
the mission of Christ ; comp. v. 35. — StSwo-iy, not ivould give (E. V.), 
hwt gives ; present either because the event was so near (see on 
1, 6), or because the deliverance begins with this act (Mey.). 
. V. 26. co<^^9^?7, appeared, showed himself, with the involved idea, 
perhaps, that it was unexpected. — avrol^ to them, i. e. two of his 
countrymen (Ex. 2, 13). The expression is vague, because the 
facts are supposed to be familiar. — cruvT^Aao-ev, k. t. A., urged them 
unto peace, reconciliation. — -u/Aets after eare should be left out. — 



Chap. VII, 29-31. 



COMMENTARY. 



135 



For IvaTL, see on 4, 25. — avSpcs belongs to a^eXcfiOL, men related as 
hreihren are ye (comp. 1, 16; 2, 29. 37) ; noi — KvpLoi as the nomi- 
native of address (E. V.). The relationship aggravated the out- 
rage. It was more unseemly than when the combatants, as on 
the day before, had been Hebrew and Egyptian. With the same 
appeal Abraham says to Lot, " Let there be no strife, I pray thee, 
between thee and me, and between my herdmen and thy herd- 
men ; for we are men brethren" (Gen. 13, 8 in Heb. and Sept.). 

V. 29. Iv T<2 A-o/o) TovTio, at this luord, which showed that his 
attempt to conceal the murder had failed ; see Ex. 2, 12. His 
flight was now necessaiy to save his life ; for " when Pharaoh 
heard this thing, he sought to slay Moses." — ev yrj MaSta/x, in the 
land of Madiam, or Midian. " This would seem," says Gesenius, 
" to have been a tract of country extending from the eastern shore 
of the Elanitic Gulf to the region of Moab on the one hand, and 
to the vicinity of Mount Sinai on the other. The people here 
were nomadic in their habits, and moved often from place to 
place." It is common for yrj to omit the article before the name 
of a country ; see v. 36 ; 13, 19. "W. k 19. 

V. 30. irXrjpioS^evTdDn, k. t. X.., forty years having been com-pleted. 
Stephen follows the tradition. It was said that Moses lived forty 
years in Pharaoh's palace, dwelt forty years in Midian, and gov- 
erned Israel forty years. That he was one hundred and twenty 
years old at the time of his death, we read in Deut. 34, 7. — 
Iv rrj ipy^i^iio .... ^cva, in the desert of the mount Sinai, in the des- 
ert where this mount was situated. According to Ex. 3, 1, this 
appearance of the angel took place at Horeb. Both names are 
given in the Pentateuch to the same locality. Of this usage the 
common explanation has been, that Sinai designated a range of 
mountains, among which Horeb was the particular one from 
which the law was given. Dr. E-obinson assigns reasons for 
thinking that Horeb was the general name, and Sinai the spe- 
cific one. See his Bibl. Res. Vol. I. p. 120, ed. 1856. Heng- 
stenberg, Winer, Ewald, and others, reject the old opinion. — Iv 
cf>X.oyL TTvpos ^oLTov, in the fiery flame of a bush. — Trvpos supplies the 
place of an adjective ; comp. 9, 15 ; 2 Thess. 1, 8. W. ^ 34. 3. b ; 
S. k 117. 6. 

V. 31. Karavorjcrai, to observe, contemplate viz. the vision (see 
V. 32) ; not to understand, learn the cause, which would be unsuit- 
able in the next verse. — (/wovt) Kvptov, the voice of the Lord. It 
will be seen that the angel of Jehovah in v. 30 (comp. Ex. 3, 2) 
is here called Jehovah himself Examples of a similar transition 
from the one name to the other occur often in the Old Testament. 



136 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VII, 32-35. 



It has been argued from this usage, as well as on other grounds, 
that the Revealer, under the ancient dispensation, was identical 
with the Revealer or Logos of the new dispensation.^ 

V. 32. iyo) 6 -^609, K. T. A,. In tliis way Jehovah declares him- 
self to be the true God, in opposition to the idols of the heathen, 
and especially the author of those promises to the patriarchs 
which were now on the eve of being fulfilled. — ovk hoXfxa Kara- 
vorjaat, SC. to opa/xa. In Ex. 3, 6, it is said further, that " Moses 
liid his face ; " an act prompted by his sense of the holiness of 
Him in whose presence he stood; comp. 1 Kings 19, 13. 

V. 33. Xvaov, K. T. X., loose the sandal of thy feet. vTroSrjixa is a 
distributive singular, for the plural. W. § 27. 1. It was a mark 
of reverence in the East to take off the shoes or sandals in the 
presence of a superior, so as not to approach liim with the dust 
which would otherwise cleave to the feet. On this principle the 
Jewish priests officiated barefoot in the tabernacle and the tem- 
ple. Hence, too, none enter the Turkish mosques at present, 
except with naked feet, or, in the case of foreigners, with slip- 
pers worn for the occasion. — In 77} ayta io-rlv, Luger finds a 
special reference to w. 30. 32. The God of Abraham, Isaac, and 
Jacob was present, and Avhere he appears the place is holy, 
though it be in the wilderness. 

V. 34. tSojv etSov = ^n^^i'i hx'n. Truly I saiv ; and so in the fol- 
lowing verbs the tense is aorist : I heard when they groaned and 
came down (not am come) when I saw and heard. In Hebrew 
the infinitive absolute before a finite verb denotes the reality of 
the act, or an efiect of it in the highest degree ; after the verb, it 
denotes a continuance or repetition of the act. See Gesen. Heb. 
Gr. H28. 3 ; W. ^ 45. 8. The easier Greek construction for this 
idiom is that noticed on 4, 17. For airoa-TeX^ (T. K), read airoa-- 
reiXo) (Tsch. Mey.), but with a future sense. See W. ^ 13. 1. 

V. 35. rovTov is here emphatic, ovros introduces the next three 
verses with the same efiect. — rjpvqcrauTOf denied. The verb is 
plural, because, though the rejection was one person's act (v. 27), 
it revealed the spirit of the nation. — ap^ovra koL XvTpoiTrjv, as a 
ruler and redeemer; comp. 5, 31. Stephen selects the words 
evidently with reference to the parallel which he would institute 

' Tlie subject is an intei'esting one ; but does not fall propei-ly witliin our pres- 
ent limits. The reader will find it discussed in Smith's Scripture Testimony to 
the Messiah, Vol. I. p. 482 sq., and in Hengstenberg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 
165 sq. Valuable supplementary matter (for the object is to deal only with the 
later objections) will be found in Kurtz's article, "Der Engel dcs Herrn," in 
Tholuck's Litterai-ischer Anzciger, 1846, Nos. 11-14, and inserted for substance, 
in the author's Geschichte des alten Bundes, Vol. I. pp. 121-126. 



Chap, VII, 36-38. 



COMMENTARY. 



137 



between Moses and Christ. — iv x^ipt stands for 1^3, bj/ the hand, 
agency (comp. Gal. 3, 19), since it was through the angel in the 
bush that God called Moses to deliver his people. Tischendorf 
reads a-vv x^tpt (unusual but well supported), with the hand, i. e. 
attended by the angel's aid and power, an adjunct of tovtov 
rather than the verb. — rfj (Sdro) is feminine here and in Luke 20, 
37, but masculine in Mark 12, 26. 

V. 36. i^rjyayev avrovs, led them forth out of Egypt. Hence we 
cannot render Trot-jjo-a?, after he had shown, performed (E. V.), be- 
cause the miracles in the desert were not antecedent to the 
exodus. The participle expresses here an accompanying act 
of e^-^yayev, 'performing (Vulg., faciens) ; since the leading forth 
formed a general epoch with which the associated events, 
whether historically prior or subsequent, could be viewed as coin- 
cident in point of time. On the force of the participle in such a 
case, see on 21, 7. — For the difierence between ripara and arjjjiua, 
see on 2, 22. Lachmann inserts rfj before yfj, but on slight evi- 
dence. — Alyv-n-TO) is more correct than Alyv-n-Tov (T. R.). 

V. 37. '7rpo(ji'^Tr]v, K. T. A. For the explanation of this prophecy, 
see on 3, 22. No one can doubt that Stephen regarded Christ 
as the prophet announced by Moses ; yet, it will be observed, he 
leaves that unsaid, and relies on the intelligence of his hearers 
to infer his meaning. Here is a clear instance in which the 
speech adjusts itself to those su29pressed ml'Sitioiis of the subject, 
on which, as I suppose, its adaptation to the occasion so largely 
depended. By quoting this prediction of Moses, Stephen tells 
the Jews in etfect that it was they who were treating the law- 
giver with contempt ; for while they made such pretensions to 
respect for his authority, they refused to acknowledge the prophet 
whom he foretold, and had commanded them to obey. — KvpLos 
before and rjfiwv after S-e6<5 ( T. R.) are doubtful. — avrov aKovaea-S-ej 
him shall ye hear, was inserted probably from 3, 22 (Lchm. Tsch. 
Mey.). 

V. 38. 6 ycvo/xevos .... rcov Trarepooj/ rjfxCjv, ivho ivas (lit. hecamey 
entered into connection) ivith the angel and with our fathers. The 
meaning is, that he brought the parties into association with 
each other, acted as mediator between God and the people ; 
see Gal. 3, 19. This fact is mentioned to show how exalted a 
service Moses performed, in contrast with the indignity which he 
experienced at the hands of his countrymen. He was a type. 
Stephen would say, of the Jesus despised, crucified by those 
whom he would reconcile unto God. — Iv rfj iKKXrja-La, in the con- 
gregation, i. e. of the Hebrews assembled at Sinai at the time of 

18 



138 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. VII, 39-41. 



tlie promulgation of the law. So all the best critics and the 
older E. versions (Tynd. Cran. Gen. Rhem.) translate this word. 
It is evident that iKKXrjala here affords no countenance to the idea 
that the Hebrew nation as such constituted the church under the 
ancient economy. — ^uyvra characterizes Aoyta with reference, not 
to their effect (comp. Rom. 8, 3; Gal. 3, 21), but their nature or 
design : life-givmg oracles, commands ; comp. Rom. 7, 12. The 
inadequacy of the law to impart hfe does not arise from any in- 
herent defect in the law itself, but from the corruption of human 
nature. 

V. 39. iarpdiprjaav . . . . ets AtyvTrrov, turned ivith their hearts 
unto JEgijft, i. e. longed for its idolatrous worship, and for the sake 
of it deserted that of Jehovah (Calv. Kuin. De Wet. Mey.). 
The next words are epexegetical, and require this explanation. 
Some have understood it of their wishing to return to Egypt ; 
but that sense, though it could be exj^ressed by the language, not 
only disregards the context, but is opposed to Ex. 32, 4 and Neh. 
9, 1 8. The Jews are there represented as worshipping the golden 
calf for having brought them out of Egypt, and not as a means 
of enabling them to return thither, 

V. 40. S-€ovs, ot TrpoTTopevaovTaL rjfjLwv, gods who shall go bejbre us, 
to wit, as guides, protectors. This is a literal translation from 
Ex. 32, 1. The plural is best explained as that of the pluralis 
exceUentioc, since Aaron made but one image in compliance with 
this demand of the people (called -9eoi, t2"iripj< in Ex. 32, 8), and 
since the Hebrews" would naturally enough transfer the name of 
the true God to the object of their idolatrous worship. De Wette 
hesitates between this view and that of ^€o^;s as abstract, deity, 
divine power. The latter is better perhaps than Meyer's categor- 
ical plural : gods such as the calf represented. — 6 yap, k. t. X..,/or 
as to this Moses who led us forth, etc. ovros is contemptuous, like 
iste. The nominative absolute strengthens the sarcasm. W. § 
29. 1. yap alleges the disappearance of Moses as a reason why 
they should change their worship ; possibly, because it freed 
them from his opposition to their desires, but more probably 
because, whether he had deserted them or had perished, it 
showed that the God whom he professed to serve was unworthy 
of their confidence. 

V. 41. ip.oaxo7roir]aav is elsewhere unknown to the extant Greek. 
They selected the figure of a calf, or more correctly bullock, as 
their idol, in imitation, no doubt, of the Egyptians, who Avorship- 
ped an ox at Memphis, called Apis, and another at Heliopohs- 
called Mnevis. Win. Realw. I. p. 644 ; Hertz. Encyck. Vol. VII. 



Chap. VII, 42. 43. 



C OMMENT AEY. 



139 



p. 214. Mummies of the animals so worshipped are often found 
in the catacombs of Egypt. — eu^patVovro, rejoiced, made merry, 
refers doubtless to the festive celebration mentioned in Ex. 32, 6. 

— rot? cpyots is plural, because the idol was the product of their 
joint labors. Meyer supposes it to include the various imple- 
ments of sacrifice, in addition to the image ; (in his last edition : 
ivorks such as this.) 

V. 42. l(TTpe\pe, turned away^ withdrew his favor. — TrapiSwK^v, 
gave iqj (Rom. 1, 24),=:€tacre in 14, 16 ; he laid for the present no 
check upon their inclinations. In consequence of this desertion 
they sunk into still grosser idolatry. — rrj o-rpaTca tov avpavov, the 
host of heaven, i. e. the sun, moon, and stars. This form of wor- 
ship is called Sabaism, from as applied to the heavenly 
bodies. — Iv yS'^^Ao) rcov Trpo^T^rcov, in the book of the prophets, i. e. 
the twelve minor prophets, whom the Jews reckoned as one col- 
lection. The passage is Amos 5, 25-27. — /x-^ o-^ayta, k. t. A,. 
This sign of a question requires a negative answer, and that an- 
swer is to be understood in a relative sense. See W. § 57. 3. 
Did ye offer unto me sacrifices and offerings ? i. e. exclusively. The 
reply is left to their consciences. Even during the eventful 
period in the wilderness, when the nation saw so much of the 
power and goodness of God, they deserted his worship for that 
of other gods, or, while they professed to serve him, united his 
service with that of idols. The question ends here. 

V. 43. KoX aveXd/Bere, k. t. k. The tacit answer precedes : No, 

— ye apostatized, and took up the tabernacle of Moloch, i. e. to 
carry it with them in their marches, or in religious processions. 
This tabernacle was intended, no doubt, to resemble the one con- 
secrated to Jehovah. Stephen follows the Septuagint. lAoko^ 
stands there for Q^S^^, i. e. the idol worsliipped as your king, which 
was the Moloch of the Amorites. The Seventy supply the name 
of the idol as well known from tradition. But there is almost 
equal authority, says Baur,i for reading tabbrj, Milkoni, a proper 
name. That variation would bring the Greek into still closer 
conformity with the Hebrew. — to aarpov tov Seov, the star of the 
god, i. e. an image resembling or representing a star worshipped 
by them as a god. — By 'V^fx^av (also written 'Fecfidv, 'Pc/x<^a, 
'Po/x<^a) the Seventy express which, like most of the an- 
cient translators, they took to be a proper name. Some of the 
ablest modern scholars defend the correctness of that transla- 

^ Der Prophet Amos erklart, von Dr. Gustav Baur, p. 362. 



140 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. YII, 44. 



tion.^ In this case the Greek name must have sprung from a 
corrupt pronunciation of the Hebrew name ; see Gesen. Lex. p. 
463. According to others, 'j^i'^Si should be rendered statue, or stat- 
ues, and the idol would then be unnamed in the Hebrew. So 
Gesenius, E-obinson (N. T. Lex. s. v.), and others. Admitting 
that sense, it was unnecessary for Stephen to correct the current 
version ; for he adduced the passage merely to establish the 
charge of idolatry, not to decide what particular idol was wor- 
shipped. Whether the star-god to which they paid their homage 
was Saturn, Venus, or some other planet, cannot be determined, 
— Toi;? TVTTov^, the figures, in apposition with o-Krjvrjv and aarpov. 
The term was so much the more appropriate to the tabernacle, 
as it contained probably an image of Moloch. — /xeroiKtS is the 
Attic future. — liriKuva Ba/JuA-wvos, beyond Babylon, where the He- 
brew and Septuagint have beyojicl Damascus. The idea is the 
same, for the prediction turned not upon the name, but the fact, 
viz. that God would scatter them into distant lands. The Bab- 
ylonian captivity was the one best known, and, besides, in being 
exiled to the remoter place the Jews were transported beyond 
the nearer. 

V. 44. (TKr]vr] Tov fiaprvpLov = 'n'l'Sl'} ''?^)< (Numb. 9, 15; 17, 
23), the tabernacle of the testimony, or law, so called, because it 
contained the ark in which the tables of the decalogue were 
kept. The law is termed a testimony, because it testifies or de- 
clares the divine will. Bahr's explanation ( Symbohk, Vol. L p. 
80) is different: the tabernacle was a testimony or witness of the 
covenant between God and his people. — TroLrjo-ai .... l(x>paKci, 
that he should make it according to the pattern ichich he had seen, 
Viz. on Mount Sinai ; see Ex. 25, 9. 40. By this reference, Ste- 
phen reminds the Jews of the emblematical import, consequently 
the subordinate value, of the ancient worship. Moses, under the 
divine guidance, constructed the earthly tabernacle so as to have 
it image forth certain heavenly or spiritual realities that were to 
be accomplished under " the better covenant of which Jesus is 
the Mediator." Here we have the rudiments of the view which 
pei-vades the Epistle to the Hebrews ; see especially Heb. 8, 5 
What was true of the tabernacle was true also of the fii'st and 
the second temple ; they were built after the same model, and 
were in like manner avrirviroL, or o-Ktat rcov kirovpavloiv. That appli- 
cation of the remark could be left to suggest itself. 

1 See especially Movers iiber die Phonitzier, Vol. I. p. 289 sq. He maintains 
that may be traced, as a proper name in various Oriental languages. 



Chap. VII, 45-47. 



COMMENTARY. 



141 



V. 45. Kat adds elcnqycLyov to TroLyjcrat. — StaSe^a/xei/ot, having 
received (the tabernacle), viz. from Moses or his contempora- 
ries, since those who entered Canaan were a later generation ; 
not inherited (Alf.), a false meaning; and noi who came after, 
successors (E. V., retained from Cranm.), since that substan- 
tive construction would require the article (see Pape s. v.). 

— /xera Ivyo-ov, with Joshua as their leader, under his guidance. 

— Iv rfj KdracTxicrci twv iSviov, into the possession of the heathen, the 
territory inhabited by them ; comp. hoS^-qro rj yrj rjixlv iv Karacr-^la-u, 
in Numb. 32, 5. ev shows that the idea of rest predominates 
over that of motion. Meyer and De Wette translate on talcing 
possession of the heathen, on their subjugation. The other mean- 
ing is better, because it supplies an indirect object after da-r^yayov, 
and adheres to the prevalent passive sense of Karao-xeo-tg ; see 
Rob. Lex. s. v. — ews rcuv rjixcpoiv AamS belongs to du-qyayov, em- 
ployed suggestively : brought the tabernacle into the land, and 
retained it until (inclusive) the daijs of David. Some join the 
words with e^wo-cv, which exalts a subordinate clause above 
the principal one, and converts the aorist into an imperfect : was 
expelling from Joshua until David. 

V. 46. OS ... . rov ^^ov, ivho found favor, etc. Compare 13, 22. 
The tacit inference may be, that, had the temple been so impor- 
tant as the Jews supposed, God would not have withheld this 
honor from his servant. — jirrja-aTo, asked for himself a privilege. 
We have no record of this prayer, though it is implied in 2 Sam. 
7, 4 sq., and in 1 Chron. 22, 7. In the latter passage David says : 
As for me, it was in my mind to build an house unto the name 
of the Lord my God." In that frame of spirit he indited the 
hundred and thirty-second Psalm. — evpetv .... 'laKw/? coincides 
with Ps. 132, 5 (Sept.). To express the object of David's re- 
quest, Stephen avails himself of the language contained in that 
passage. Ti*anslate, a habitation [— oIkov in v. 48, place of abode, 
iem-^le) for the God of Jacob ; not tabernacle (^ —o-Krjvrj in v. 44), 
as in the E. version. The tabernacle existed already, and it was 
not that structure, but a temple, which David was anxious to 
build. The confusion arises from rendering the different Greek 
terms by the same word. 

Verses 47-53. Period of the Temple and the Prophets. 

V. 47. 8e, adversative. What was denied to David was 
- granted to Solomon ; see 2 Chron. 6, 7. 8. Yet even the builder 
of the temple acknowledged (2 Cliron. 6, 18) that God is not 



142 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. YII, 48-53. 



confined to any single place of worship. The tenor of the speech 
would be apt to remind the hearers of that admission. 

V. 48. d/\A' ovx .... KarotKeL. The temple was at length built ; 
but was never designed to circumscribe the presence of the in- 
finite Arcliitect (see v. 50), or to usurp the homage that belongs 
to him alone. The remark here was aimed, doubtless, at the 
superstitious reverence with which the Jews regarded the tem- 
ple, aiid at their proneness in general to exalt the forms of reli- 
gion above its essence. For ovx ^^^i^ position, see on 2, 7. mots 
is probably a gloss from 17, 24. — Ka^cbs, k. t. X. To give greater 
effect to his reproof, Stephen quotes the testimony of the proph- 
et, viz. Is. 66, 1. 2. 

V. 51. There is no evidence that Stephen was interrupted 
at this point. Many critics assume that without reason. The 
sharper tone of reprehension to which the speaker rises here 
belongs to the place ; it is an application of the course of remark 
which precedes. We have no right to ascribe it to Stephen's 
irritation at perceiving signs of impatience or rage on the part of 
his hearers. — dTreptV/xTyrot .... wo-tV, uncircumcised, etc., i. e. des- 
titute of the disposition to hear and love the truth, of which their 
circumcision should have been the sign ; comp. Lev. 26, 41 ; Jer. 
6, 10 ; Rom. 2, 29. For rfj KapUa see 2, 37. — v/aets del, k. t. X., 
Ye do always resist the Holy Spirit, under whose influence the 
messengers of God, e. g. Christ and the apostles, spoke to them. 
To reject their testimony was to reject that of the spirit himself. 
What follows appears to restrict the language to that meaning. — 
Kol v/xet?, also you, where ovto)<s would state the comparison more 
exactly. See W. § 53. 5. 

V. 52. TLva Tchv irpoc^riroiv, k. t. X., ivhom of the prophets, etc. 
Stephen would describe the general conduct of the Jews tow- 
ards their prophets ; he does not afiirm that there were no ex- 
ceptions to it. Other passages, as 2 Chron. 36, 15. 16 ; Matt. 
23, 37, and Luke 13, 33. 34, make the same representation. — 
Toi;? TrpoKarayyeiXavra's, k. t. X., those who announced beforehand, etc., 
designates the prophets with reference to the leading subject of 
their predictions. See on 3, 21. 24. — rov ScKacov, the Just one, 
(3, 14) slain by them as a malefactor. — vvv, now, as the climax 
of the nation's guilt. — TrpoSoVai, traitors. See 3, 13, 

V. 53. Those who were thus guilty (v. 52) acted in the 
character of those ivho (oinve?, such as) received, etc. — rov vojxov 
. . . . ayyeXX(i)v, the law as (ets predicative sign, see on v. 21) ordi- 
nances (plural with reference to voixov as an aggregate of single 
acts) of angels ; the latter not as the authors of them, in which 



Chap. Yll, 53-55. 



COMMENTARY. 



143 



sense they were God's, but as communicated through them ; 
comp. 6 Si dyyeXojv AaXiy-^ets in Heb. 2, 2, the word spoken through 
angels, and especially Starayet? 8t' ayyiktav in Gal. 3, 19, ordained 
on the part of God through angels. The elHptical explanation, 
reckoned unto ordinances, as of that rank or class, affords the 
same meaning, but is not so simple. See W. ^ 32. 4. b. Some 
translate upon the ministrations, agency of ; but that both strains 
the use of the preposition (not necessary even in Matt. 12, 41) 
and employs the noun differently from Rom. 13, 2 (not elsewhere 
in N. T.). The presence of angels at the giving of the law is 
not expressly stated in the Old Testament, but is alluded to in 
Gal. 3, 19, and Heb. 2, 2. Philo and Josephus testify to the same 
tradition. The Seventy translate Deut. 33, 2 in such a manner 
as to assert the same fact. It is implied perhaps in Ps. 68, 18. 
The Jews regarded this angelic mediation as both ennobling the 
law, and as conferring special honor on themselves, to whom the 
law was given. For a striking proof of this Jewish feeling, see 
Jos. Antt. 15. 5. 3. From another point of view, viz. that of Christ's 
superiority to angels, this angelic intervention showed the inferi- 
ority of the law to the gospel ; which is the view taken in Heb. 
2, 2, and probably in Gal. 3, 19. — koI ovk l^vXa^arc, and yet ye 
kept it not. vofxov as the principal word supplies the object, and not 
Starayas (E. V.). In this verse, therefore, we have the apostle's 
idea in Rom. 2, 23, where he says that the Jews gloried in the 
law, while they dishonored God by their violations of it. 

Verses 54-60. The Death of Stephen. 

V. 54. It is disputed whether Stephen finished his speech or 
not. The abrupt manner in which he closes, and the exaspera- 
tion of the Jews at that moment, render it probable that he was 
interrupted. aKovovT€<5 as present favors the same view, but is 
not decisive (see 5, 5 ; 13, 48). — For hwrrplovro, see on 5, 33. 

V. 55. TTX-qprjs 'TTvevfjiaTo? aytov. The Spirit revealed to his soul 
this scene in heaven. It was not a vision addressed to the 
senses. It is needless, therefore, to inquire, as Meyer now ad- 
mits, whether our martyr could see the opened sky through the 
roof or a window. — For So^av Seov, the glory of God, see on v. 2, 
— i(TTioTa, standing, instead of sitting, as at other times. The 
Saviour had risen in order to intimate his readiness to protect or 
sustain his servant (Eng. Kuin. Mey.). It appears to me doubt- 
ful whether we are to attach that or any other significancy to the 
particular attitude in which he appeared. 



144 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. VII, 56-58. 



V. 56. ISov, K. T. X. This declaration would tend to exasperate 
them still more. They are now told that He whom they had 
crucified, and whom they were ready to slay anew in the person 
of his followers, was exalted to supreme dominion at the right 
hand of God. See remarks on 2, 34. 

V. 57. Kpa^avre?, crying, among other things, perhaps that he 
should be silent, or that he should be put to death ; comp. 1 9, 32 ; 
Matt. 27, 23 ; John 19, 12. — awicrxov to. wra avrwv. They affected 
to regard his words as blasphemous, and stopped their ears as an 
expression of their abhorrence. — koi wpfx-qaav, k. t. X. Under the 
Roman laws, the Jews had no power to inflict capital punishment 
without the sanction of the procurator or his proxy; see John 18, 
31. Nearly all critics, at present, concur in that view. Hence 
the stoning of Stephen was an illegal, tumultuous proceeding. 
The Roman governors connived often at such irregularities, pro- 
vided the Roman interest or power suffered no detriment. As 
Pilate was deposed in A. D. 35, or 36, some have thought that 
his office may have been still vacant (see on 6, 1), and that the 
Jews took greater liberty on that account. 

V. 58. eio) Trj<5 TToA-eo)?, out of the city, because a place so holy 
was not to be defiled with blood ; see Lev. 24, 14. Compare the 
note on 14, 19. — koX ot fjidpTvp€<s, k. r. A., and the witnesses laid off 
their garments, that they might have the free use of their arms in 
hurling the stones. The law of Moses required the witnesses in 
the case of a capital offence to begin the work of death ; see 
Dent. 13, 10 ; 17, 7. The object of the law, it has been suggested, 
may have been to prevent inconsiderate or false testimony. Many 
would be shocked at the idea of shedding blood, who Avould not 
scruple to gain a private end, or to gratify their malice, by misrep- 
resentation and falsehood. — Trapa roi;? TToSa?, at his feet for safe- 
keeping; comp. 22, 20. Their selecting Saul for this purpose 
shows that he was already known as a decided enemy of the 
Christians. His zeal and dialectic skill in the controversy with 
Stephen (see on 6, 9) could not have failed to establish his claim 
to that character. — veavcov, a young man; a designation which 
the Greeks could apply to a person till he Vv^as forty years 
old, but perhaps in common speech would rarely extend be- 
yond the age of thirty. This term, therefore, is very indefinite, 
as an indication of Saul's age at the time of this occurrence. In 
all probability he was not far from thirty when he was converted; 
not much less, as the Sanhedrim would hardly have entrusted 
so important a commission to a mere youth (see 9, 1 sq.), and 



Chap. VIII, 1. 



COMMENTARY. 



145 



not more, as liis recorded life (closing about A. D. 64) would 
otherwise be too short for the events of his history.^ 

V. 59. iTTLKaXovfjiivov, callmg upon, viz. Christ. Kvpic 'l-qcrov 
before supplies the only natural object after this participle. " That 
the first Cln-istians called on Jesus," says De Wette, i. e. ad- 
dressed prayer to him, "is evident from 9, 14. 21; 22, 16; comp. 
2, 21; Rom. 10, 12 sq." See further, on 9, 14. — As the dying 
Saviour said to the Father, " Into thy hands I commend my spirit," 
so the dying Stephen said now to the Saviour, Se^at to Trvevfxa 

fJiOV. 

V. 60. fir] (TTr)(Tri<s .... ravTTjv, establish not this sin to them, reck- 
on or count it not to them (Rob. De Wet). Christ had set an 
example of this duty, as well as enjomed it by precept. No par- 
allel to this prayer of Stephen can be found out of Clnistian his- 
toiy. The Greeks expressed a dehortatory command or wish by /x?; 
with the subjunctive aorist, when the act was one not yet com- 
menced ; comp. on 10, 15. This is Hermann's rule. See Mt. ^ 
511. 3; K. ^ 259. 5. — iKoifMrj^r), fell asleep, died; Comp. 13, 36; 1 
Cor. 15, 18, etc. Heathen writers employed the verb occasionally 
in that sense ; but its derivative, Kot/x-qTi^pLov, cemetery, i. e. a place 
where the body sleeps in the hope of a resurrection, was fii*st 
used by Clnistians. It marks the introduction of the more cheer- 
ful ideas which the gospel has taught men to connect with the 
grave. 



CHAPTEE YIII. 

Verses 1-3. The Burial of Stephen. 

V. 1. The first sentence here would have closed more properly 
the last chapter. — crvvevSoKw, consenting, approving ivith them, viz. 
the murderers of Stephen, so that he shared their guilt without 

1 For information in regard to tlie early life and training of the apostle Paul 
(a topic important to a just view of his character and history), the student mar 
consult Dr. Davidson's Introduction to the New Testament, Vol. II. p. 122 sq. ; 
Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. I. p. 40 sq. (2d ed.) ; 
Selections from German Literature (Edwards and Park), p. 31 sq. ; Schrader's Der 
Apostel Paul, Zweiter Theil, p. 14 sq. ; Hemsen's Das Leben des Apostels u. s. w., 
erstes Kapitel ; and Tholuck's Vermischte Schriften, Band 11. p. 272 sq. 
19 



146 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. Vni, 1-3. 



participating so directly in the act. In Rom. 1, 32, Paul lays it 
down as one of the worst marks of a depraved mind that a per- 
son can bring himself to applaud thus coolly the sins of others, 
and in 22, 20, he says that he himself had exhibited that mark 
of depravity in relation to the death of Stephen. Luke here 
records probably a confession which he had often heard from the 
lips of the apostle. For rjv with the participle, see on 1, 10. — iv 
€K6Lvr] rfj rjfjiepa, on that day (comp. 11, 19) ; not indefinite at that 
time, which would require the noun to be plural. The stoning 
of Stephen was the signal for an immediate and universal per- 
secution. — Travres need not be pressed so as to include every 
individual; see on 3, 18. Zeller clings to the letter, and then 
argues against the truth of the narrative from the improbability 
of such a panic. Many of those who fled returned, doubtless, 
after the cessation of the present danger. It is not to be sup- 
posed that the church which we find existing at Jerusalem after 
tliis was made up entirely of new members. — /cara ra? x^P^^> 
K. T. A. They fled at fii'st to different places in Judea and Sama- 
ria; but some of them, probably the foreign Jews, went after- 
wards to other countries (see v. 4 and 11, 19). 

V. 2. a-i;j/eKo/xt(rav, bore aivay together (i. e. to the grave), joined 
to bury ; or simply buried, as the force of the preposition is not 
always traceable in this verb (see Pape s. v.). — 8e, nmv, carries 
back the mind to Stephen after the digression in v. 1 ; not but, in 
spite of the persecution, for it was not only permitted among the 
Jews, but required, that the bodies of those executed should be 
buried. — avSpe? cuXa^ecs are pious Jews (see on 2, 5), who testi- 
fied in this way their commiseration for Stephen's fate, and their 
conviction of his innocence. The Christians would not have 
been allowed to perform such an office ; they, too, would have 
been designated as disciples or brethi'en. — kott^tov, lamentation, 
as expressed in the Oriental way by clapping the hands or smit- 
ing on the breast. 

V. 3. 8e, now, presents Saul again as the principal person ; or 
possibly b2it (E. V.), contrasting his conduct with that of the 
cvXa^eLs. — Kara rovs olkov;, into the houses one after another. The 
preposition marks both direction and succession. — avpoiv, drag- 
ging, bearing off with violence ; comp. 14, 19 ; 17, 6. See Tittm. 
Synm. p. 57 sq. We see the man's ferocious spirit in his man- 
ner. " Haling," in the English translation, is an old word for 
haidmg or haivling. — re avSpas, k. t. A., not only men but women ; 
repeated also in 9, 2 and 22, 4 as a great aggravation of his 
cruelty. 



Chap. Vin, 4-7. COMMENTAKY. 



147 



Verses 4-8. The Gospel is preached in Samaria. 

V. 4. ot fxh ovv Stao-TrapeWes, Those therefore clispersed, taken' as 
a substantive; comp. 1, 6. The clause is illative as well as re- 
sumptive, since it was in consequence of the persecution (v. 1) 
that the disciples were led to new fields of labor. — Sa^A^^ov, ivent 
abroad, lit. through, i. e. different places. Luke intimates the cir- 
cuit of their labors more fully in 11, 19. 

V. 5. This is the Philip mentioned in 6, 5 and 21, 8 ; not the 
apostle of that name, for he remained still at Jerusalem, see v. 1. 
— KareX^wv, havi?ig come down, because he journeyed from Jeru- 
salem (v. 15) ; to go to that city was dva^aiveii/. — ek iroXiv TTj^ Itajxa- 
petas-, unto tJie city of Samaria, genitive of apposition (Grot. Kuin. 
Win. Rob.), or a city in that country (Olsh. Neand. De Wet. 
Mey,). That the capital was called Samaria at this time, as 
well as Sebaste^ we see from Jos. Antt. 20. 6. 2. ttoXlv, with that 
reference, may omit the article because Sa/xa/aeta? defines it ; 
comp. 2 Pet. 2, 6. W. M9. 2. It would be most natural to repair 
at once to the chief city, and it was there that such a man as 
Simon Magus (see v. 9) would be most apt to fix his abode. — 
o-xXoi, in V. 6, indicates a populous city. If it was not the capital, 
it may have been Sychar, where the Saviour preached with so 
much efiect (Olsh.) ; see John 4, 5 sq. — airots, unto them. The 
antecedent lies in ttoXlv, comp. 18, 11; Matt. 4, 23; Gal. 2, 2. 
W. ^ 67. 1. d. 

V. 6. TTposeix^v, attended, listened with eager interest ; not be- 
lieved (Kuin.), which anticipates the result in v. 12. — ev rcS clkovuv, 
K. T. A., ivJien they heard, and saw, etc. kv with the infinitive de- 
notes here, not the cause, but the time or occasion. K. h 289. 
1. 2. 

V. 7. TToXXwv yap, K. T. X., For from many ivho had unclean spir- 
its, they (the spirits) icent forth, etc. ttoAAojv depends on in the 
verb (Mey. De Wet), comp. 16, 39 ; Matt. 10, 14. Some (Eng. 
Kuin.) make Tn/eu/xara the subject of the verb, and supply avra 
after Ixovroiv. The other is the more natural order. — (Soojvra, 
K. T. X., crying icith a loud voice, and testifying to the Messialiship 
of Jesus, or the truth of the gospel ; comp. Mark 3, 11 ; Luke 4, 
41. The expression would suppose the reader to be acquainted 
with the fuller account of such cases in the history of Christ. 
Some understand the cry here to have been an exclamation of 
rage or indignation on the part of the demons, because they 
were compelled to release their victims. — ttoXXoI 8e, k. r. X. Here, 



148 COMMENTAEY. Chap. VIII, 9-11. 

too (see on 5, 16), ordinary diseases are distinguished from de- 
moniacal possession. 

'Verses 9-13. Simon the Sorcerer, and his Professed Belief. 

V. 9. Stfttoi/. For the history of this impostor, his character, 
and the traditions of the church respecting him, the reader is re- 
ferred to Neander's Church History, Vol. I. p. 454, or his Planting 
of the Church, p. 46 sq. See note on v. 24. — TrpovTnipx^^, ivas 
there before, i. e. the arrival of Philip, and had been for a long 
time, see v. 11. — /xayeuW, k. t. X., states in what character and by 
what arts he secured so much power. — e^to-rcov to c^os, bewitch- 
ing the nation; either because he traversed the country, or drew 
to himself crowds in the city where he dwelt. 

V. 10. (XTTo fjLLKpov €(j)<5 fxeyoXov, from small unto great, i. e. both 
young and old, see Heb. 8, 11 ; Jon. 3, 5 (Sept.). The expression 
has been called a Hebraism, but examples of it occur in Greek 
writers (Mey.). — ovro?, k. t. A., This one is the great power of God, 
i. e. through him is exhibited that power ; they supposed liim to 
perform wonders which evinced his possession of superhuman 
gifts. The language is similar to that in Rom. 1, 16, where the 
gospel is said to be 8wa/xts ^eoi) ets a-oirrjpLav, i. e. an instrumental- 
ity exhibiting the power of God in the salvation of men. This 
is the more obvious view of the sense, and is the one commonly 
received. Neander would ascribe to the words a theosophic, 
concrete meaning. He supposes the Samaritans to have recog- 
nized Simon " as more than a man : the Great Power which at 
first emanated from the invisible God, and through which he 
created every thing else, had now appeared in a bodily form on 
the earth." It appears to be exacting too much from the lan- 
guage to understand it in that manner. Xeywv eTvat nva iavrov p.iyav, 
in V. 9 (comp. 5, 36 ; Gal. 2, 6), would not show that he himself 
carried his pretensions so far ; and the people are not likely to 
have conceded to him more than he claimed. — The variation t] 
KaXovixivT] p-cydXr} is well supported (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.) : ivhich is 
called great, i. e. is truly so, deserves the epithet. De Wette 
thinks KaXov/xivT] a gloss, added to weaken the idea: called great, 
but not so in reality. 

V. 11. LKav(o xpov(x),fora long time. The dative stands for the 
ordinary accusative, as in 13, 20 ; John 2, 20 ; Ptom. 16, 25. W. 
^31. 9; S. ^106. 4. — rat? />tayetats, k. t. A., they had been beicitched 
by his sorceries (lit. put beside themselves) ; not he had beicitched 
them (Vulg. Eng. V.). The perfect elecrraKevai, says Scholefield 



Chap. Vin, 13-17. COMMENTARY. 149 

(Hints, etc. p. 40), does not admit a transitive sense. See also 
Briid. Concord, s. v. It was necessary that men deluded to such 
an extent should be reclaimed by arguments addressed to the 
senses ; see vv. 6. 7. 17. 

V. 13. 6 Se 5t)ao)v, K. r. A., And Simon also himself believed, viz. 
the word preached, i. e. professed to be a disciple, and was bap- 
tized in that character. The verb describes him with reference 
to his supposed or apparent state, not his actual position. He 
may have been not wholly insincere at first, but soon showed 
that he had no correct views of the gospel, that he was a stranger 
to its power; see on v. 18. — Swa/xct? differs from cr-qixda, as ex- 
plained on 2, 22. — Editors hesitate between 8wa/xcts koI arjfjLua 
fjieydXa and a-rjfxeLa koI Svvdjxws [X€yd\a<3. 

Verses 14-17. Peter and John are sent to Samaria. 

V. 14. There is no inadvertence here. The apostles had 
remained at Jerusalem (v. 1). — ^a^xapua may be the name of 
the city or the country ; see on v. 5. The application here would 
not control it there. Neander refers it to the country. In that 
case, as Pliilip had preached at one place only, we must regard 
the idea as generalized : his success there was hailed as the 
pledge of success in all Samaria. — Trpo? avrovs, unto them in that 
city, or country ; the antecedent imphed, as in v. 5. 

V. 15. Kara/SdvTes, having come down. Their imparting the 
Spirit was consequent on the journey hither (post hoc), but is 
not said to have been the object of it (propter hoc). That none 
but the apostles were empowered to bestow this gift, has been 
affirmed by some, and denied by others (see 1 Tim. 4, 14). If it 
was a prerogative of the apostles (who had no successors in the 
church), the inference would be that it ceased with the extinc- 
tion of that order. The Catholics and those who entertain 
Catholic views appeal to this scripture as showing the inferi- 
ority of the pastor to the bishop. — Tvpo^y-qviavro, k. t. A. The Sa- 
maritans had received already the converting influences of the 
Spirit; and hence the object of the prayer was, that their faith 
might be confirmed by a miraculous attestation ; see on 5, 32. — 
oTTw? with the finite verb circumscribes the infinitive ; comp. 25, 
3 ; Matt. 8, 34 (De Wet.) ; better here as telic, since prayer may 
be viewed as a necessary condition of the gift ; comp. v. 24. 

V. 17. eTTCTi^ow is the imperfect of a repeated act. For the 
import of the symbol, see on 6, 6. — koI iXajx/^avov, k. t. A., and 
they received the Holy Spirit as the author of the endowments 



150 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VIII, 18-20. 



conferred on them. Among these may have been the gift of 
tongues (see 2. 4 ; 10, 46), and also that of prophesy, as well as 
the power of workmg mhacles. Middleton's rule is, that the 
anarthous -n-vevjjia denotes only some effect or actual operation of 
the Spirit, while to irvev^a signifies the Divine Person in general, 
without reference to any particular instance or mode of operation. 
See Green's Gr. p. 229. The distinction affects no question of a 
doctrinal nature ; it may agree well enough with some passages, 
but is purely arbitrary in its application to others. The true prin- 
ciple is that stated on 1, 2. 

Verses 18-24. The Hypocrisy of Simon, and its Exposure. 

V. 18. ^eao-aftevos (which means to see ivith interest, or desire) 
has less external support than tSwi/. Meyer retains the former, 
on the principle that the more common word would displace the 
less common, instead of the reverse. The amlDition or cupidity of 
Simon had slumbered for a time, but was now aroused at the 
sudden prospect of obtaining a power which w^ould enable him to 
gratify his selfish desires, which would place at his command un- 
bounded wealth and influence. He had seen Philip perform mh- 
acles, but had seen no instance until now, in which that power had 
been transferred to others. The interval between this develop- 
ment of his true character and his profession of the Christian faith, 
was probably not long. — Trpoa-^veyKev avrois xpw^'^^> offered to them 
money. This act has originated our word simony, which Web- 
ster defines as " the crime of buying or selliug ecclesiastical pre- 
ferment, or the corrupt presentation of any one to an ecclesias- 
tical benefice for money or reward." It is fortunate for us, that 
our religious institutions in this country require us to obtain our 
knowledge of the term from a lexicon. 

V. 1 9. Kajxoi, to me also, that I may possess it like you ; not to 
me as well as to others, since no example of. such transfer was 
known to him. — w eav, u2:)on whomsoever, see on 2, 21. — l^ova-Lav 
raurr/v refers to V. 18,^/^^5jt?(9^t'er, authority, wliich he had seen them 
exercise ; not to the clause following. Hence Iva is not definitive, 
to ivit, that, but telic, in order that. 

V. 20. TO apyvpiov, k. t. X., May thy money luith thee (= and 
thou) perish, lit. be for destruction, consigned thereto. Tliis is the 
language of strong emotion ; it expresses the intense abhorrence 
which the proposal excited in the mind of Peter. That it was 
not a deliberate wish, or an imprecation, is evident from v. 22, 
where the apostle points out to Simon the way to escape the 



Chap. VIII, 21-23. 



COMMENTARY. 



151 



danger announced to him. avv aoi some take to mean ivith thee 
who art in the way to destruction, i. e. may thy money share the 
doom to which thou art devoted. But the ckuise contains only 
one verb, and it is violent to make it thus optative and declara- 
tive at the same time. — on rrjv Su)peav, k. t. .\., because thou didst 
think, deem it possible (aor., because the proposal made was the 
sin) to acquire (not passive, as in the Eng. V.) tJte gift of God 
with money, rrjv Smpedv stands opposed to Sea xpyixdroiv KTaaSai, 
and hence means, that which God bestows gratuitously on those 
who are qualified to receive it ; not that wliich it is his preroga- 
tive to give in distinction from men. 

V. 21. ovK ecrrt .... KXrjpos, Thou hast no part nor lot. The 
first term is literal, the second figurative ; they are conjoined in 
order to afiirm the exclusion spoken of with more emphasis. — Iv 
Tw Aoyo) Tovro), in this word, doctrine, or gospel, which we preach 
(Olsh, Neand.), or in this thing, viz. the gift of the Spirit (Eng. 
Mey. De Wet.). The first sense accords better with the usage 
of the word, and is also stronger and more comprehensive ; for 
if the state of his heart was such as to exclude liim from the or- 
dinary benefits of the gospel, much more must it render him unfit 
to recieve the higher communications of the Spirit, or to be hon- 
ored as the medium of conferring them on others. 

V. 22. ixeTav67](Tov .... rauTT^? occurs in sensu prcegnanti for re- 
pent, and turn from this thy wickedness ; comp. fjierdvoLa oltto veKpCjv 
Ipycov in Heb. 6, 1. W. § 66. 2. — For the received Seov after 
Se-^S^yjTt, most manuscripts read Kvpiov. — el apa .... KapScas a-ov, if 
perhaps the thought of thy heart shall he forgiven thee. Some idea 
Hke and thus see if appears to lie between the imperative, and 
the indicative future. See W. ^ 41. p. 268. Some attribute the 
problematical form of the expression to an uncertainty, on the 
part of Peter, whether the man had sincerely repented or would 
repent of his sin. That view assigns the qualifying effect of 
apa to the first clause, instead of the second, where it stands. 
Others, more correctly, find the ground of it in the aggravated 
nature of the sin, or in the apostle's strong sense of its aggra- 
vated nature, leading him to doubt whether he ought to represent 
the pardon as certain, even if he repented. — y] hrivoia, the thought, 
wicked purpose, a vox media. 

V. 23. ets yap, k. t. A,., For I see that thou art in the gall of 
bitterness. The gall of noxious reptiles was considered by the 
ancients as the source of their venom ; and hence x'^^l> with an 
allusion to that fact, becomes an expressive metaphor to denote 
the malice or moral corruption of the wicked. Compare this 



152 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. TOI, 24-26. 



with Job 20, 14 ; Rom. 3, 13. pt^a TriKpta?, in Heb. 12,. 15, is a 
different figure. TTLKpiag describes a quality of x^'^'^^* is 
equivalent to an adjective, bitter gall (see on 7, 30) ; so that, 
transfeiTing the idea from the figure to the subject, the expres- 
sion imports the same as malignant, aggravated depravity. — koI 
crvvSeaixov dSi/ctas, and in the bond of iniquity, i. e. not only wicked 
in principle, but confirmed m the habit of sin, bound to it as with 
a chain. — ets (lit. unto) belongs also to the second clause, and in 
both cases implies the idea of abandonment to the influence or 
condition spoken of. 

V. 24. Se-^^T^re, k. t. X. We may infer from Luke's silence as 
to the subsequent histoiy of Simon, that the rebuke of the apos- 
tle alarmed only his fears; that it produced no reformation in his 
character, or his course of life. This conclusion would be still 
more certain, if it were true, as some maintain, that tliis Simon 
was the person whom Josephus mentions under the same name 
as the wicked accomplice of the procurator Felix (Antt. 20. 7. 2), 
Neander held at one time that they were the same, but after- 
wards receded from that opinion. So common a name is no 
proof of their identity, and it is proof against it, that this Simon, 
according to Justin Martyr, belonged to Samaria, while the other 
is said to have been a native of Cyprus. 

Verses 25-35. Conversion of the Ethiopian. 

V. 25. 01 fxev, viz. Peter and John, probably unattended by 
Philip. — evrjyyeXicravTo (T. K), preached, may state the result of 
their labors while they had been absent, or what took place on 
their return to Jerusalem. The latter view agrees best with the 
order of the narrative, and is requhed if we read vTricrrpefj^ov and 
€vr)yyeXLt,ovro (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.), ivere preachi?ig. Tliis verb, ac- 
cording to a later Grecism (Lob. ad Plnyn. p. 267), may take its 
object in the accusative, as well as the dative ; comp. v. 40 ; 14, 
15. 21 ; 16, 10 ; Luke 3, 18; Gal. 1, 9. W. § 32. 1. 

V. 26. 8e answers to fiiv in v. 25. — eXdXrjcre, k. t. X. Phihp 
appears to have received this direction in Samaria (v. 13), and 
soon after the departure of the apostles. Zeller conjectures 
(Theol. Jahrb. 1851) that he had come back to Jerusalem in the 
mean time ; but the terms of the communication are against that 
view. — avao-rq^i involves an idiom explained in the note on 9, 
18. — TTopevov. For the tense, see on 3, 6. — Kara /xecny/x/Jptav, 
doivn to the south, because in Samaria he was so far to the north 
of Jerusalem. Tliis expression points out, not the direction of 



Chap. Till, 26. 



COMMENTARY, 



153 



the road from Jerusalem to Gaza, but that in which Pliihp was to 
travel, in order to find the road. The collocation joins the words 
evidently to the verb, and not, as some have represented, to the 
clause which foUows. — Gaza was about sixty miles southwest 
from Jemsalem. — avrr] ea-rlv epT^/xos, This is desert. Some refer the 
prononn to Td^av, and, as that city was demohshed a short time 
before the destmction of Jerusalem, they suppose that Luke by 
eprjfjLos would describe its condition in consequence of that event. 
Tliis is the opinion of Hug, Scholz, Meyer (formerly), Leke- 
bnsch, and others. But unless Luke wrote the Acts later than 
A. D. 6-4 or 65,^ this explanation cannot be correct ; for Gaza was 
not destroyed by the Romans till after the commencement of the 
Jewish war wliich resulted in the overthrow of Jerusalem. Most 
of the critics who contend for a later origin of the book derive 
their chief argument for it from tliis assumed meaning of ep7]ixo<;. 
But further, even supposing Luke to have written just after the 
destruction of Gaza, it appears improbable that the novelty 
merely of the event would lead liim to mention a circumstance 
so entirely disconnected with his histor}^ Others refer avrr] to 
68ov, but differ on the question whether we are to ascribe the 
words to Luke or the angel. According to Bengel, Olshausen, 
Winer (Realw. I. p. 395), De Wette, and others, they form a par- 
enthetic remark by Luke, who would give the reader an idea of 
the region wliich was the scene of so memorable an occurrence. 
I prefer tliis opinion to any other. According to some, the words 
belong to the communication of the angel, and were intended to 
point out to the evangelist the particular road on wliich he would 
find the eunuch. In that case it seems to me that the relative 
pronoun would have introduced them more naturally than avrr] 
(yet see W. ^ 22. 4) ; and besides, if it were so that any one 
road to Gaza was kno^\m as " desert " beyond others, Luke may 
have inserted the epithet for the reader's information, as well as 
the angel for the sake of Philip. " There were several ways," 
says Dr. Robinson, " leading from Jerusalem to Gaza. The most 
frequented at the present day, although the longest, is the way 
by Ranileh. Anciently there appear to have been two more di- 
rect roads; one down the great Wady es-Surarby Beth-Sliemesh, 
and then passing near Tell es-Safieli ; the other through Wady 
el-Musurr to Betogabra or Eleutheropolis, and thence to Gaza 
through a more southern tract." Bibl. Res. II. p. 640 ; or p. 514 
(ed. 1656). Another route still proceeded by the way of Betlile- 



i See Introduction, § 5. 

20 



154 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. Vm, 27. 



hem and Bethzur to Hebron, and then turned across the plam to 
Gaza. It passed through the southern part of Judea, and hence 
through a region actually called "the desert" m Luke 1, 80. 
This description would apply no doubt to some part of any one 
of the roads in question. The Hebrews termed any tract "a 
desert" which was thinly inhabited or unfitted for tillage. See 
more on v. 36. Lange ^ spirituahzes the expression : this is des- 
ert (morally) ; the angel's reason why the evangelist should seek 
to enhghten also this benighted region. 

V. 27. Al^LoiJ/, an Ethiopian, may refer to the country where 
he resided (comp. 2, 9), or to his extraction. Hence some sup- 
pose that the eunuch was a Jew, who Uved in Ethiopia, but most 
that he was a heathen convert to Judaism. Observe the mean- 
ing of AlS^iOTTisiv in the next clause. It was customary for prose- 
lytes, as well as foreign Jews, to repair to Jerusalem for worship ; 
comp. 20, 2; John 12, 20. — €vvov-^o<5, a eunuch in the proper im- 
port of the word ; not a minister of state, courtier, to the exclusion 
of that import, because it would then render Swacrr?ys superfluous. 
The latter term, a state officer, is a noun both in form and usage 
(De Wet. Rob.), and is not to be translated as an adjective with 
Gvvovxo'S (Kuin. Mey.). — Kai/SaK?ys r^s ^acnXiorcrq^ Al^Loirow, Candace, 
the queen of the Ethiopians. Ethiopia was the nam6 of the por- 
tion of Africa known to the ancients south of Egypt, of which 
Meroe, a fertile island formed by two branches of the Nile, con- 
stituted an important part. Win. Realw. II. p. 439. " It is evi- 
dent both from Strabo and Dio that there was a queen named 
Candace in Ethiopia, who fought against the Romans about 
the twenty-second or twenty-third year of the reign of Augus- 
tus Csesar. (Dio caUs her queen of the Ai-^tWes virlp AlyvTrTov 
olKovvres.) It is clear also from Pliny, who flourished in the 
reign of the Emperor Vespasian, that there was a queen of 
Ethiopia named Candace in liis time ; and he adds, that tliis 
had been the name of their queens now for many years. It is 
beyond all doubt, therefore, that there was a queen of Ethiopia 
of this name at the time when Philip is said to have converted 
the eunuch. Eusebius tells us that this country continued to be 
governed by women even to liis time." See Biscoe, p. 47. Can- 
dace was the name, not of an individual, but of a dynasty, hke 
Pharaoh in Egypt, or Csesar among the Romans. — i-n-l rys ya-Cv^s 
over (as in 12, 20) the treasure. — TrpoaKwrja-Mv, in order to wo?~ship 
proves, not that he was a Jew, but that he was not a heathen. 



1 Das apostolische Zeitalter, zweiter Band, p. 109. 



Chap. Vni, 28-32. 



COMMENTAEY. 



155 



V. 28. aveytvoicTKe, was reading, aloud as we see from v. 30, and 
probably the Greek text, not the Hebrew, since the Septuagint 
was used mostly out of Palestine. It is still a custom among the 
Orientals, when reading privately, to read audibly, although they 
may have no particular intention of being heard by others. i It 
was common for the Jews to be occupied in this way, especially 
when they were travelhng (Schottg. Hor. Heb. II. p. 443). — It 
is not improbable that the eunuch had heard, at Jerusalem, of the 
death of Jesus, and of the wonderful events connected with it, 
of his claim to be the Messiah, and the existence of a numerous 
party who acknowledged liim in that character. Hence he may 
have been examining the prophecies at the time that Phihp ap- 
proached him, with reference to the question how far they had 
been accomphshed in the history of the person concerning whom 
such reports had reached him. The extraordinary means which 
God employed to bring the Ethiopian to a knowledge of the gos- 
pel, and the readiness with which he embraced it, authorize the 
belief, that in this way, or some other, his mind had been spe- 
cially prepared for the reception of the truth. 

V. 29. KoX\r]^r]TL T<3 apjxaTL tovto), attach thyself to this chariot, 
keep near it, follow it. He heard the eunuch read for a time 
unobserved before he addressed him. 

V. 30. apdye, k. t. A., Dost thou U7iderstand then ivhat thou 
readest ? ye serves to render the question more definite. The 
answer after apa is more commonly negative ; comp. Luke 18, 8. 
IQotz ad Devar. II. p. 180 sq. ; W. k 57. 2. This is given as the 
rule for prose. — ytvwcrKecs a dvayivwo-Kcts is a paronomasia (comp. 
2 Cor. 3, 2) and is too striking to be accidental, Pliihp spoke no 
doubt in Greek, and would arouse the mind tln:ough the ear. 

V. 31. TTO)? yap, K. T. A., For how coidd I ? The form of 

the reply attaches itself to the implied negative which precedes. 
— oSfjy-qar}, should guide, instruct, similar to John 16, 13. 

V. 32. 17 8e TrepLoxT], k. t. A., Now the contents (comp. 1 Pet. 2, 6) 
of the passage (De Wet. Mey.); not of the Scripture in general, 
section, because ypa^-^s, being hmited by the relative clause, 
must denote the particular place ivhich he was reading ; comp. 
V. 35; Luke 4, 21. — r]v av-rq, was this, viz. Is. 53, 7. 8, quoted 
almost verbatim from the Septuagint. — ^X"^^' ^<^<^ sc. nirr; nns), 
the servant of Jehovah, or the Messiah. — kcu ws d/x,vo5, k. t. A., and 
as a lamp, etc. This comparison represents the uncomplain- 
ing submission with which the Saviour yielded liimself to 

^ See Jowett's Eesearches in Syi'ia, p. 443. 



« 



156 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. VIII, 33-35. 



the power of his enemies. The death of Clirist was so dis- 
tinctly foretold in this passage, that Bolingbroke was forced to 
assert that Jesus brought on his own crucifixion by a series of 
preconcerted measures, merely to give the disciples who came 
after liim the triumph of an appeal to the old prophecies.^ 

V. 33. €v TT) raTretvwo-et, k. t. X., admits most readily of this 
sense : In his humiliation, i. e. in the contempt, violence, outrage, 
which he suffered, his judgment was taken away, viz. the judg- 
ment due to him; he had the rights of justice and humanity 
withheld from him. The Hebrew is hj^i DSdsiasi "n^S'To, which 
yields essentially the same meaning : Through violence andimn- 
ishment he was taken away, i. e. from life (De Wet.). — Ty]v Se yeveav, 
K. r. X., and his generation luho shall fully declare ? i. e. set forth 
the wickedness of his contemporaries in their treatment of him 
(Mey. De Wet. Rob.). The Hebrew sustains fully that trans- 
lation. It is possible, also, to render the Greek and the original 
thus : Who shall declare his 2^osterity, the number of his spiritual 
descendants or followers ? The prophet in this case points, by 
an incidental remark, from the humiliation of Clnist to his subse- 
quent triumph, or glorification. Hengstenberg prefers the last 
meaning.^ — on ... . avrov conforms to the fijst sense of the clause 
which precedes, better than to the second. 

V. 34. (XTroKpt^et?, addressing (see 3, 12), or answering in fur- 
ther reply to the question in v. 30 (Mey.). The passage from 
Isaiah is cited for the information of the reader, and this verse 
follows historically after v. 31. — -n-epl eavrov, k. t. X. The perplex- 
ity of the eunuch in regard to the application of the prophecy 
indicates that he was a foreigner, rather than a Jew. The great 
body of the Jewish nation understood this portion of Isaiah to 
be descriptive of the character and sufferings of the Messiah.^ 
" The later Jews," says Gesenius, " no doubt, relinquished this 
interpretation, in consequence of their controversy with the Cluis- 
tians." 

V. 35. avoL^as TO (TTOfxa avrov is an imperfect Hebraism, i. e. 
was not peculiar to the Hebrew or Hellenistic writers, but most 
common in them. See W. § 3. It arises from the Oriental fond- 
ness for the minute in description, the circumstantial. The ex- 

1 Chalmers, Evidences of Christianity, Chapter VI. 

2 For a fuller view of the original passage, the reader is referred to Hengsten- 
berg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 518 sq.; and to Professor Alexander's Commentary 
on Isaiah. 

' See the proofs in Hengstenberg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 484 sq., and Schott- 
gen's Hor£B Hebraicae, Vol. 11. p. 647 sq. 



Chap. VIII, 36. 



COMMENTARY. 



157 



pression occurs properly before important, weighty remarks ; 
comp. 10, 34; Job 3, 1; 32, 20. — koL ap$dix€vo<s 6.170 Trj<s ypa^-JJs 
TavTY]^ is elliptical for and beginning from this 2>cissage, and pro- 
ceeding thence to others. W. ^ 66. 1. c. 

Verses 36-40. The Baptism of the Eunuch. 

V. 36. Kara rr]v 68ov, along (5, 15) the ivay. — Ittl tl vdwp, unto a 
certain ivater ; not some, as the genitive would follow that parti- 
tive sense. C. ^ 362. /5. — rt KinXvei, k. t.X., What hinders (what 
objection is there) that I should he baptized? This is the modest 
expression of a desire on the part of the eunuch to declare his 
faith in that manner, provided the evangelist was willing to ad- 
mmister the ordinance to him; comp. 10, 47. As De Wette 
remarks, the question presupposes that Philip, among other things, 
had instructed him in regard to the nature and necessity of bap- 
tism. As the road on which the eunuch journeyed is unknown 
(see on v. 26), it cannot be ascertained where he was baptized. 
It may interest the reader to state some of the conjectures. Eu- 
sebius and Jerome concur in saying that it took place at Bethzur 
(Josh. 15, 58 ; Neh. 3, 16), near Hebron, about twenty miles south 
of Jerusalem. The site has been identified, bearing still the an- 
cient name. The water there at present issues from a perennial 
source, a part of which runs to waste in the neighboring fields, 
and a part is collected into a drinking trough on one side of the 
road, and into two small tanks on the other side. It was formerly 
objected that no chariot could have passed here on account of 
the broken nature of the ground ; but travellers have now dis- 
covered the traces of a paved road and the marks of wheels on 
the stones. See Hitter's Erdkunde, XVI. 1. p. 266, and Wilson's 
Lands of the Bible I. p. 381. The writer found himself able 
to ride at a rapid pace nearly all the way between Bethlehem 
and Hebron. The veneration of early times reared a chapel on^ 
the spot, the ruins of which are still to be seen. Von E-aumer 
defends the genuineness of tliis primitive tradition. In the age 
of the crusaders, the baptism was transferred to Ain Haniyeh, 
about five miles south-west of Jerusalem. A fountain here on 
the hill-side, which irrigates freely the adjacent valley, is known 
among the Latins as St. Philip's Fountain. One of the ancient 
roads to Gaza passed here, but appears to have been less trav- 
elled than the others. Dr. Robinson thinks that the parties must 
have been nearer to Gaza at the time of the baptism, and would 



' Palastina, von Karl von Raumer (1850), p. 411 sq. 



158 



COMMENTARY. Chap. VIII, 37-39. 



refer the transaction to a Wady in the plain near Tell el-Hasy. 
Bibl. Res. II p. 641 ; or p. 514 (1856). 

V. 37. This verse is wanting in the best authorities. The 
most reliable manuscripts and versions testify against it. The 
few copies that contain the words read them variously. Meyer 
suggests that they may have been taken from some baptismal 
liturgy, and were added here that it might not appear as if the 
eunuch was baptized without evidence of his faith. Most of the 
recent editors expunge the verse. In regard to the passage, see 
Green's Developed Criticism, p. 97, and Tregelles on the Text 
of the N. T., p. 269. Yet the interpolation, if it be such, is as 
old certainly as the time of Irenseus; and Augustine in the fourth 
century, though he objected to a certain misuse of the text, did 
not pronounce it spurious. See Humphry's note here. Those 
who contend for the words remind us that the oldest manuscripts 
represent a later age, than that of these fathers. Bornemann puts 
them in brackets as entitled still to some weight. — t6v vlov tov 
Seov is the predicate after cTmt. 

V. 38. Koi iKeXevae, k. t. X., And he ordered (viz. the charioteer) 
that the carriage should stop, lit. stand; an instructive use of the 
word for 9, 7. The eunuch's equipage corresponded with his 
rank. Kat KaTe/Srjcrav, k. t. A., and both went down into the water ; 
not here unto it (which ets may also mean) for it stands opposed 
to Ik tov vSaros, in the next verse ; besides they would have occa- 
sion to enter the stream, or pool, in order to be baptized into it ; 
com p. ijSaiTTLa-Sr) eis tov 'lopSdvrjv, ivas baptized into the Jordan, in 
Mark 1, 9. See Rob. Lex, p. 118. The preposition in KaTe/Srjaav 
may refer to the descent from the higher ground to the water, or 
to the entrance into the water ; but not to the descent from the 
chariot, for this verb corresponds to ave/S-rjcrav in v. 39, thei/ loent up, 
whereas the eunuch only returned to the carriage. 

V. 39. Ik tov vSaTo?, out of the ivater ; where some render from, 
which confounds Ik with airo. — Trvev/xa, K. T. A., the Spirit of the 
Lord seized (hurried away) Philip. The expression asserts that 
he left the eunuch suddenly, under the impulse of an urgent 
monition from above, but not that the mode of his departure was 
miraculous in any other respect. This last certainly is not a 
necessary conclusion. — kiropeveTo, k. t. X., for he vjent his ivay, re- 
turned to his country, rejoicing, x^iptui/ belongs logically to a 
separate clause, but is put here for the sake of brevity. — Tradi- 
tion says that the eunuch's name was Indich, and that it was he 
who first preached the gospel in Ethiopia. It is certain that 
Christianity existed there at an early period, but its introduction, 



Chap. IX, 1. 



COMMENTAEY. 



15^ 



says Neander, cannot be traced to any connection with his la- 
bors. 

V. 40. evjoe^e, k. t. A.., not was = ^v (Kuin.), but was found at 
(lit. unto, from the idea of the journey thither) Azotus, i. e. was 
next heard of there, after the transaction in the desert. This 
place was the ancient Ash'dod, a city of the Philistines, near the 
sea-coast. The ruins consist of a mound covered with broken 
pottery, and of a few pieces of marble (see Amos 1, 8). A little 
village not far off, called Esdud, perpetuates the ancient name. — 
TToAets does not depend on the participle, but on the verb, as in v. > 
25. Among the towns through which he passed between Azotus 
and Csesarea must have been Lydda and Joppa. Csesarea was 
Philip's home. Here we find him again, after the lapse of more 
than twenty years, when the Saul who was now "breathing 
menace and murder against the disciples " was entertained by 
him as a Christian guest ; see 21, 8. — Luke's narrative brings us 
frequently to Ccesarea. It was about sixty miles northwest from 
Jerusalem, on the Mediterranean, south of Carmel. It was the 
ancient SrpaTcoT/os Tri^pyos, which Herod the Great had rebuilt and 
named Csesarea in honor of Augustus. It was now the resi- 
dence of the Roman procurators. Its inhabitants were mostly 
heathen ; the Jewish population was small. For an account of 
this city in its splendor, and in its present state of desolation, see 
Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. II. p. 344 sq. 



CHAPTEK IX. 

Verses 1-9. Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus. 

V. 1. 84 hut, turns the attention again to Saul. — In connects 
this verse with 8, 3. — IfXTrvioiv .... (j>6vov, breathing menace and 
murder ; in 26, 11, e/x/ia«/o/x,evo9. The figure is founded apparently 
on the fact, that a person under the excitement of strong emotion 
breathes harder and quicker, pants, struggles to give vent to the 
passion of which he is full (Wetst. Kyp. Kuin. Olsh.). irvuv rtvos, 
to breathe of something, to be redolent, is a different expression. 
The genitive in this construction denotes properly that from or 
out of which one breathes, as the cause, source ; the accusative, 
that which one breathes, as the substance, element. See W. ^ 
30. 9. c; Mt. § 376. Meyer translates e/xTrveW, inhaling; bu^ Iv in 



160 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IX, 2. 



this compound was generally lost; see Tronmi's Concord, s. v. — 
T(3 apxi^p^i' If Saul was converted in A. D. 36, the high-priest 
was Jonathan, the successor of Caiaphas (deposed in A. D. 35) 
and a son of Ananus, or Annas; but if he was converted in 
A D. 37 or 38, the high-priest was Theopliilus, another son of 
Annas. 

V. 2. eTTtcTToXas, letters, which were not merely commendatory, 
but armed hun with full power to execute his object; see v. 14; 
26, 12. For the apostle's age at tliis time, see on 7, 58. The Jews 
in every country recognized the Sanhedrim as their liighest ec- 
clesiastical tribunal. In 26, 10 (comp. v. 14 below), Paul says 
that he received his authority from the apxtepei'?, and in 22, o, from 
the Trpecr/SvTepLov, wliich are merely different modes of designating 
the Sanhedi-im; see on 4, 5. He says here that he had liis 
commission from the liigh-priest ; wliicli harmonizes entirel}'- mth 
the other passages, since the liigh-priest represented the Sanhe- 
drim in this act. On receiving Saul's application, he may have 
convened that body, and have been formally instructed to issue 
the letters. The proposal was sufficiently important to engage 
the attention of the entire council. — et? Aaixao-Kov states the local 
destination of the letters. Tliis ancient capital of Syiia was still 
an important city, and had a large Jewish population. It lay 
northeast of Jerusalem, xiistant about one hundred and forty 
miles, making for those times a rapid journey of five or six days. 
The route of Saul on this expedition can only be conjectui'ed. 
If the Roman roads in Syria had been opened as earl}^ as tliis, 
he went probably for the sake of despatch by the way of Bethel 
or Gophna to Neapohs, crossed the Jordan near Scythopolis, the 
ancient Bethshean (now Beisan),and proceeded thence to Gadara, 
a Roman city, and so through the modern Hauran to Damascus. 
By another track which coincided in part with the preceding, he 
passed along the base of Tabor, crossed the Jordan a few miles 
above the Sea of Tiberias (where Jacob's bridge now is), and then 
either ascended to Csesarea Phihppi, at the foot of Hermon, or 
turned more abruptly to the right, and traversed the desert as 
before on the east of Antilebanon. For the details, see How- 
son's Work, Vol. I. p. 102 sq. — irpos ras (TvvayoryoL<;, unto the syna- 
gogues, i. e. the officers of them, who were the dp^tcrvi/aycoyos 
(Luke 8,49), and the Trpea/SvTepoL associated with him (Luke 7, 3). 
The former term was sometimes apphed to them both; see 13, 
15 ; Mark 5, 22. These rulers formed a coUege, whose pro™ce 
it was, among other duties, to punish those who deserted the 
JcAvish faith. De Wet. Heb. Archssol. § 244. Hence it belonged 



Chap. IX, 3-6. 



C OMMENT ART. 



161 



to them to discipline those who joined the Christian party ; or, as 
it was proposed in this instance, to carry them to Jerusalem, it 
was their duty to aid Saul in his efforts to apprehend the delin- 
quents. — r^s oSov, i. e. KttT iioxy]v, of the (well-known Christian) 
ivay in regard to faith, manner of life, etc. ; comp, 19, 9. 23 ; 22, 
4 ; 24, 14, 22. See the idea expressed more fully in 16, 17; 18, 
25. W. § 18. 1. oSov depends on oVra? under the rule of appur- 
tenance, property. K. § 273. 2 ; C. ^ 387. 

V. 3. ev 8e T(5 TTopevecrS^aL, k. t. A., Nbio ivliile he journeyed, it 
came to pass ( Hebraistic) that he, etc. — Aa/xao-KcS depends on the 
verb (K. ^ 284. 3. 2) ; not the dative of the place whither. — TrcptT^- 
a-Tpa^j/eu avrov cfiZs, a light gleamed around him. The preposition 
in the verb governs avrov. In 22, 6, it is repeated, according to 
the rule stated on 3, 2. In 22, 6, Paul says that the light wliich 
he saw was a poiverful light, and in 26, 13, that it exceeded the 
splendor of the sun at noonday. That Luke's statement is the 
more general one, while the intenser expressions occur in Paul's 
recital, is what we should expect from the truth of the liis- 
tory. 

V. 4. Treo-wv kin rrjv yrjv, having fallen to the earth, probably from 
the animal wliich he rode; see 22, 7. — riKova-e^K.r.X. See also 
22, 7 ; 26, 14. The necessary inference is, that Saul heard audi- 
ble words, and not merely that an impression was made upon 
him as if he heard them. It was a part of the miracle that those 
who accompanied him heard the voice of the speaker, but failed 
to distinguish the words uttered. The communication was in- 
tended for Saul, and was understood, therefore, by him only. 

V. 5. Tis ct, KvpLE ; Who art thou, Lord ? He did not know yet 
that it was Christ who addressed him. Hence Kvpu has the sig- 
nificance which belongs to it as recognizing the fact, that an 
angel, or perhaps God himself, was now speaking to him from 
heaven. To suppose it used by anticipation, i. e. as denoting him 
who proved to be Christ, makes it Luke's word, and is unnatural. 
Yet Saul's uncertainty could have been but momentary : " con- 
scientia ipsa facile diceret, Jesum esse " (Eng.). — The remainder 
of the verse, as it stands in the common text, viz. o-Kkqpov .... 
XaKTiZeiv, has been transferred to tliis place from 26, 14. See 
Green's Developed Criticism, p. 98. 

V, 6. Most of the manuscripts begin this verse with dAAa. 
The sentence rpipnov .... iroLrjaaL (which the English translation 
has copied) is wanting in the best authorities. It rests cliiefly 
upon some of the early versions. The words kol 6 Kvpios tt/oo? 
avTov have been derived from 22, 10. — ay\Aa occurs often before 

21 



162 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. IX, 6. 7. 



a command abruptly given; comp. 10, 20; 26, 16. W. § 53. 7; 
K. § 322 ; R. 12. — kol XaXrj^-qcrcraL, k. t. X. It would appear from 
the speech before Agrippa (see 26, 16-18), that Christ may have 
made to Saul, at this time, a fuller communication than Luke 
has reported in this place. The verb here (it shall he told thee, 
etc.) does not exclude that supposition ; for it may import that, 
on his arrival in the city, he should be confirmed in what he had 
now heard, or instructed further, in regard to his future labors. 
But some prefer to consider Paul's narrative before Agrippa as 
the abridged account. The message which Ananias delivered to 
Saul (intimated here in v. 15, but recorded more fully in 22, 
14-16) was a message from Christ; and as the apostle makes no 
mention of Ananias in 26, 16 sq., it is very possible that he has 
there, for the sake of brevity, passed over the intermediate 
agency, and referred the words directly to Clnist, which Christ 
communicated to him through Ananias. This would be merely 
applying the common maxim. Quod quis per almm facit, id ipse 
fecisse putatur. — rt o-e Set woLeZv, what thou must do, is the answer 
probably to Saul's question tl ttol-^cto), what shall I do, recorded in 
22, 9. Set refers not to duty, but the divine purpose, destination ; 
see 22, 10. 

V. 7. etcTTiyKeto-av ivveot, were Standing (see on 1, 10) speechless, 
having stopped instantly, overcome by amazement and terror; 
comp. tixf^ofioL iyevovTo in 22, 9. The adjective is more correctly 
written iveoL W. ^ 5. 1. This verb often means to stand, not as 
opposed to other attitudes, but to be fixed, stationary, as opposed 
to the idea of motion ; comp. 8, 38 ; Luke 5, 2. See the Class. 
Lexx. s. V. In this sense the passage is entirely consistent with 
26, 14, where it is said that when they heard the voice the?/ all 
fell to the ground. Plainly it was not Luke's object to say that 
they stood erect in distinction from kneeling, lying prostrate, and 
the like ; but that, overpowered by what they saw and heard, 
they were fixed to the spot ; they were unable for a time to 
speak or move. The conciliation which some adopt (Eng. Kuin. 
Bmg.) is that they fell to the ground at first, but afterwards rose 
up and stood. It is unnecessary to urge this view ; but Zeller's 
objection to it that elo-T-qKeio-av as pluperfect excludes a previous 
falling is ungrammatical. — dKovovT€<s jxev riys <f)0)vrj<5, hearing indeed 
the voice. The genitive after this verb points out the source or 
cause of the hearing ; the accusative (see v. 4), that which one 
hears. See the note on v. 1. In 22, 9, Paul says, in reference 
to the same occurrence, r^v Se (fxovrjv ovk ^Kova-av rov AaXoSj/ros /xoi, 
which we may render, but they understood not the voice of him 



Chap. IX, 7. 



CO-MMENTARY. 



163 



speaking to me. In adding rov XaXovvrog, ivho spake, the writer 
shows that he had in mind the sense of (^wvrjv, and not the mere 
sound. aKovd), hke the corresponding word in other languages, 
means not only to hear, but to hear so as to understand. Of the 
latter usage, the New Testament furnishes other clear examples. 
1 Oor. 14, 2 : " For he that speaketh in an unknown tongue, 
speaketh not unto men, but unto God ; for no man understands 
him," — oi>8ets yap aKovu; comp. V. 16, where aKovu passes into 
oTSe. Mark 4, 33 : " And with many such parables spake he the 
word unto them, as they were able to understand it," — Ka^m 
rihvvavTo aKoveiv. Some reckon here John 6, 60; Gal. 4, 2], and 
other passages. For instances of this sense in the classics, see 
Rob. Lex. s. v. The same usage exists in the Hebrews One of 
the definitions of 2!"a'^ (see Gesen. Lex. s. v.) is to understand. 
In Gen. 42, 23, it is said that Joseph's brethren " knew not that 
he heard them" (i. e. understood, in the E. V.); "for he spoke 
unto them by an interpreter." See also Gen. 11, 7. The English 
language has the same idiom. We say that a person is not 
heard, or that we do not hear him, when, though we hear his 
voice, he speaks so low or indistinctly that we do not understand 
him. The intelligence of the writer of the Acts forbids the idea of 
a palpable contradiction in the two passages. Since in 22, 9 we have 
<jniivr}v, and here in v. 7 cfiwvrjs, some would attribute to the genitive 
a partitive sense, i. e. something of the voice, or indistinctly. But 
the difference does not hold ; for in 22, 7, Paul says of himself 
TjKova-a <poivrj'5, where he cannot mean that he had only a confused 
perception of what was said to him. Some prefer to vary the 
sense of ^covTj, viz. ?ioise or sound in this place, but voice in 22, 9. 
But allowing the word to admit of. that distinction (see on 2, 6), 
it is much less common than the proposed variation in olkovo}, and 
much less probable here, since the use of the verb would be 
varied in passages so remote from each other, whereas cfnovrj 
would have different senses in almost successive verses. — fx-qhiva 
hi '^€(i)povvTe<i, hut seeing no one who could have uttered the voice. 
This appears to be denied of Saul's companions, in opposition to 
what Avas true of him, viz. that simultaneously with the light he 
had seen a personal manifestation of Christ; comp. v. 17 ; 22, 18. 
That he saw the speaker as well as heard him, we may infer 
from the language of Barnabas in v. 17, and that of Ananias in 
V. 17 and 22, 14. To the fact of his having a view of the glori- 
fied Saviour at this time, Paul alludes probably in 1 Cor. 9, 1, 
, where he mentions his having seen the Lord as an evidence of 
his equality with the other apostles. See the note on 1, 3. Ne- 



1G4 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. IX, 8-12. 



ander, De Wette, Meyer, Osiander, Thiersch, and others, find such 
an aUusion in tliat passage. 

V. 8. avewy/xeVwv .... avTov, and when his eyes were opened, i. e. 
his eyeUds, which he had spontaneously closed when struck with 
the gleaming light. This expression refers usually to the recov- 
ery of one's eyesight, as in Matt. 9, 30 ; John 9, 10. 20. etc. — ovSiva 
e^Xe-n-e, saw no one, i. e. of his companions, because he was now 
blind ; or, which is a better reading, ov'SeV, saw nothing, and hence 
being unable to see at all, must be led by the hand; not no one 
from whom the voice came (Eng.), since we must have here 
an explanation of the next clause. 

V. 9. ftr/ ySXeVcav (subjective negative), not seeing as opposed 
to a possible idea of the reader that Saul might have regained 
his sight ere this; whereas ov (objective) in the next clause 
states the historical fact. W. k 55. 5. Meyer, in his last edition, 
recalls his remark that the negatives are interchanged here. 

Verses 10-18. Ananias is sent to Saul, and baptizes him. 

V. 10. That Ananias was one of the seventy disciples is an 
unsupported conjecture of some of the older writers. — 6 Kvpios, 
i. e. Christ, see v. 17. — iSov eyco =: '^ssri. This answer implies 
that the person hears, and waits to listen further ; comp. Gen. 22, 
1. 7; 27, 1; 1 Sam. 3, 8, etc. 

Y. 11. For avaa-TOi';, see on v. 18. — pvy^rjv, street, or more strict- 
ly alley, lane (comp. Luke 14, 21) ; = o-rej/wTros in the later Greek. 
See Lob. ad Phryn. p. 40, and E.. and P. Lex. s. v. — rriv KaXovfjce- 
vTjv iv^elav, which is called straight. The principal street in Da- 
mascus at present runs through the city from east to west, and is 
remarkably straight in some parts, as well as narrow. The Ori- 
ental Christians say that this is the street in which Saul lodged. 
The traces of a triple colonade are reported to be found in the 
adjacent houses on both sides of the street, and if so they show 
that the present street, though not so wide, follows at least the 
line of an ancient street of the city. But even in that case it 
may be questioned whether pvp.-q would be applied to a thorough- 
fare adorned with works of so much splendor. — Tapcrea, a native 
of Tarsus (22, 3), see on v. 30. — yap irpoa-ev-xe-TaL, for he prays. The 
act is then taking place, and is mentioned as a reason why Ana- 
nias might be sure of a favorable reception. He is informed of 
the vision also because that served in like manner to prepare the 
way for his visit. 

V. 12. KoX elSci/, K. T. A., and saw a man, (made known to him 



f 



Chap. IX, 13-15. COMMENTARY. 165 

in the vision as) Ananias hy name ; a breviloquence like that in 

15, 9. — l-TTL^ivTa avTio x^^P^f placing hand upon him, as a sign of 

the benefit which he was to be the medium of communicating ; 

comp. on 6, 6. The expression is indefinite, hke that in 12, 1. 

Lachmann thinks the authority sufficient to read ras x^'-P'^^, as in 

V. 17. — avafSkeij/r], might look up, open his eyes and see. This 

sense is not common out of the New Testament. It is .found \ 

(a case not usually cited) at the close of Plut. de sera Num. vin- 

dicta. 

V. 13. The reply of Ananias shows how fearful a notoriety 
as a persecutor Saul had acquired. Compare 26, 10. — ocra KUKa, 
how great evils. — rots dytots crov, unto thy saints, i. e. those conse- 
crated to him, and so his. This term, as applied in the New 
Testament, refers to the normal or prescribed standard of Chris- 
tian character, rather than the actual one. See 1 Cor. 1, 2, as 
compared with 1 Cor. 3, 2 ; 11, 21, etc. It belongs to all who 
profess to be disciples, and does not distinguish one class of them 
as superior to others in point of excellence. 

V. 14. ^^ova-Lav. Ananias may have received letters from 
the Christians at Jerusalem ; or those who came with Saul may 
have divulged the object of the journey since their arrival. — 
Tovs cTTtKaXoTj/xeVous TO ovofxa crou, those who call upon, invoke in 
prayer, thy name; comp. 2, 21 ; 7, 59 ; 1 Cor. 1, 2. This partici- 
ple is middle, not passive. The Greek for those on whom thy name 
is called would be like that in 15, 17. The expression here is the 
one which the Seventy commonly use to translate dan K'nj?, a 
well known formula in the Old Testament signifying to worship. 
Gesenius (Lex. p. 938) says with reference to this phrase : To 
call on the name of God is to invoke his name, i. e. to praise, cel- 
ebrate, worship God. Of course, we are to attach the same 
meaning to the words in the New Testament. Hence this lan- 
guage, which states a fact so characteristic of the fust Christians 
that it fixed upon them the name of callers upoii Christ, shows that 
they were accustomed to offer to him divine honor. See on 7, 59. 

V. 15. o-KcCos €KXoy^s, a vessel (2 Cor. 4, 7), instrument, of choice, 
i. e. a chosen instrument. For this use of the genitive, see on 7, 
30. The similar examples in Greek belong rather to poetry. It 
is a common idiom in Hebrew. Gesen. Heb. Gr. k 104. — /3ao-- 
racrai, to hear, continues the metaphor in crKeuos (Alf ). — (Saa-iXcwv, 
ki?igs, rulers of the highest class; comp. 17, 7 ; John 19, 15. Paul 
stood as a witness for Christ before the governors of Cyprus, 
Achaia, and Judea, and before Herod Agrippa and probably Nero. 
— vlu)v 'la-pai^X, The progress of the narrative wiU show how 



166 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. IX, 16-18. 



faithfully he executed this part of his mission. Though he was 
the great apostle of the Gentiles, he never ceased to preach to 
his countrymen. 

V. 16. lyoi yap, k. t. X., For I will shoiv him by experience, will 
cause him to learn in the course of his life (Bng. Mey.). Ac- 
cording to De Wette, it means that God would teach him by 
revelation ; but this verb is not employed to denote the commu- 
nication of knowledge in that manner. The statement here con- 
firms the declaration that Saul would accomplish so much for the 
cause of Christ ; for {yap) he was to sufier much, and liis labors 
would be efficient in proportion to his sufferings. 

V. 17. etTre, k. t. A. The address of Ananias to Saul is reported 
more fully in 22, 14 sq. He salutes him as brother (dSeA^e), not 
as of the same stock nationally (2, 29; 21, 1; 28, 17), but as 
having now "obtained like precious faith" with himself He 
could apply that title to Saul with confidence after having received 
such information in regard to the state of his mind, and the sphere 

of labor to which Christ had called him. — 'It^o-ous ^px^v. Luke's 

account of the communication to Ananias passes over this part of 
it. ri, in this clause, in which, omits the preposition because the 
antecedent has it (a species of attraction) ; comp, o irpoa-KiKX-qixai 
in 13, 2, Mat. § 595. 4. c. — koX TrXrja-S-fj';, k. t. A., and mayest he filled 
with the Holy Spirit, i. e. receive abundantly the extraordinary 
gifts and qualifications which he would need as an apostle, ( comp. 
Gal. 2, 7 sq.). See the note on 1, 8. 

V. 18. oLTreTreaov .... oxjet A-cTTtScs, there fell off from his eyes as 
if scales. This means that he experienced a sensation as if such 
had been the fact, wcret shows that it was so in appearance, not 
in reality ; comp. 2, 3 ; 6, 15, etc. The nature of the injury which 
his eyes had suffered we cannot determine ; but it is certain that 
the recovery from the injury was instantaneous and complete. 
We may suppose that Luke had often heard Paul relate how he 
felt at that moment. — dvao-ras, having risen up, and (if need be) 
gone forth to the place of baptism ; comp. Luke 4, 38 (see Rob. 
Lex. s. V. II. 1. a) ; or simply, having made himself ready, i. e. 
without delay; comp. Luke 15, 18. On this Hebraistic use of the 
word, see Gesen. Lex. p. 919; W. h 65. 4. c. It is impossible to 
infer from it that he was baptized in the house of Judas, or that 
he was not. Damascus at the present day abounds in water, and 
all the better houses have a reservoir in their court, or stand be- 
side a natural or an artificial stream. See Robinson, Vol. III. p. 
400. — Xa^liv Tpoffi'qv, having taken food after the fast of the three 
days, see v. 9. 



Chap. IX, 19-23. 



COMMENTARY. 



167 



Verses 19-23. The Labors of Paul at Damascus. 

V. 19. jX€.Ta Tcov fxo.'^rjTioVy ivith the disciples, in private inter- 
course with them. — ?;/>i€pa9 nm?, certain days, denotes too brief a 
period to apply to the entire residence at Damascus (Neand. De 
Wet. Mey.). 

V. 20. K(xi ev-^ecog, and immediately, after the days spent in the 
society of the Christians there. — iKrjpvacre rov 'Ii^orow — iK-^pvacre 
OTL 6 ^l7](Tov<s i(TTLv, K. T. X.; 866 ou 3, 10. 'It^qtov? is the iudividual 
or personal name of the Saviour ; and it was the apostle's ol)ject 
to establish the identity of Jesus with the Son of God, or the 
promised Messiah ; comp. v. 22. 

V. 21. 6 irop^-qa-a'i, ivho destroyed, put to death; see 22, 3. — 
ovo/xa rovTo, viz. that of Jesus (v. 20). The form of the remark 
adapts itself to the narrative. — wSe, hither, after a verb of motion; 
here in v. 14. — ets rovro anticipates the next clause. — For a.pxi^- 
pcL^f see on 4, 6. — The astonishment expressed here proceeded 
from the Jews, whom Paul addressed in the synagogues. Most 
of the Christians at Damascus must have been apprised of the 
change in his character before he appeared in public. 

V. 22. ^avXos 8e, K. T. A., But Saul was more strengthened, i. e. 
in his faith, see 16, 5; Rom. 4, 20. This remark describes his 
state after the lapse of some time subsequent to his conversion. 
It is made apparently, not merely to indicate his Christian pro- 
gress, but to suggest why he preached with such convincing 
power. — o-u/x/?t/3a^(ov, k. t. X., proving that this one is the Christ. 
ovTos recalls 'l-qaovv in v. 20 the more readily, because tovto inter- 
venes in V. 21. 

Verses 23-25. The Flight of Paul from Damascus. 

V. 23. a)s Se . . . . LKaval, Now when many days were accom- 
jjlished. At this place, probably, we are to insert the journey into 
Arabia, which the apostle mentions in Gal. 1, 17. So Neander, 
Hemsen, Meyer, and others. That Luke makes no allusion to 
this journey agrees with the summary character of his history 
generally, in relation to the early portion of Paul's life. It will be 
observed, he does not say that the " many days " were all spent 
at Damascus, but that many had elapsed since his first arrival, 
before the escape which took place under the circumstances nar- 
rated. Hence the language leaves us at liberty to suppose that 
he passed more or less of the intermediate period elsewhere. 
The time that Paul was absent in Arabia belongs probably to the 



168 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. IX, 24. 



earlier part of the rjiiipaL iKavai, rather than the latter ; for in Gal. 
1, 17 he mentions Arabia before Damascus, as if the former 
country was the first important scene of his apostlesliip. The 
time which he spent in Arabia formed not improbably a large 
part of the three years before his return to Jerusalem ; for that 
supposition explains best the fact that he was still so unknown 
there as a Christian, see v. 26. Some critics, as Olshausen, Eb- 
rard, Sepp,^ would place the excursion into Arabia between v. 25 
and V. 26. The objection to that view is, that the apostle must 
then have come back to Damascus {ttoXlv vTria-TpexJ/a ek Aafxaa-Kov 
in Gal. 1, 17), in the face of the deadly hostility on the part of the 
Jews which had already driven him from that city. 

V. 24. lyvoicr^ri rw ^at^Ao), became known by Saul, to him. For 
the dative after the passive, see on 5, 9. The discovery enabled 
the apostle to escape the danger. — irap^nqpow ras irvXa^, were 
watching the gates, i. e. with the aid of soldiers whom the gov- 
ernor placed at their disposal, so that the act of guarding ithe 
city could be ascribed to the Jews, as in this passage, or to the 
ethnarch, as in 2 Cor. 11, 32. The Jews at this time were influ- 
ential as well as numerous at Damascus, and could easily enlist 
the government on their side. — Sta. tov t€lxov<s, through the ivall, 
and at the same time hia S-vplSo? 8ta rov reixovs, through a window 
through the wall, as is stated in 2 Cor. 11, 33, i. e. as commonly 
understood through the window of a house overhanging the wall. 
Compare Josh. 2, 15; 1 Sam. 19, 12. Houses are built in that 
manner, in Eastern countries, at the present day. A wood-cut 
representing such a window may be seen in Howson's Work, 
Vol. I. p. 124.^ — eV (TTTvpih, in a basket. That those who aided 
Paul's escape should have used a basket for the purpose, was 
entirely natural, according to the - present customs of the 
country. It is the sort of vehicle which people employ there 
now if they would low^r a man into a well, or raise liim into 
the upper story of a house. See Illustrations of Scripture, 
p. 69. 

^ Das Leben Cliristi, von Dr. Joh. Rep. Sepp, Band, IV. p. 47. 

2 Possibly another explanation may be the correct one. A few steps to the left 
of Bab-es-Shurkeh, the gate on the east side of Damascus, I observed two or three 
windows in the external face of the wall, opening into houses on the inside of the 
city. If Saul was let down through such a window (which belongs equally to the 
house and the wall), it would be still more exact to interchange the two expres- 
sions ; that is, we could say, as in the Acts, that he escaped " through the Avail," 
or as in the Epistle to the Corinthians, that he escaped " through a window through 
the wall." 



Chap. IX, 26-29. 



COMMENTARY. 



169 



Verses 26-31. Paul returns to Jerusalern, and from there goes to 

Tarsus. 

V. 26. This is Paul's first journey to Jerusalem since his con- 
version, and took place in A. D. 39. See Introduct. $ 6. 1. His 
motive for this step, as he states in Gal. 1, 18, was that he might 
make the acquaintance of Peter. — KoXkacr^ai, to associate with 
them as one of their own faith. — Travres kfjiof^ovvro, k. t. A. If 
Paul had spent most of the last three years at Damascus, we 
should suppose that the report of his labors during that time 
would have reached Jerusalem, and prepared the way for his more 
cordial reception. On the contrary, if he had been withdrawn 
for the most part from their knowledge, in the more retired re- 
gion of Arabia, it is less surprising that they now regarded him 
with suspicion. The language, according to either view, it will 
be observed, does not affirm that they had never heard of his con- 
version, but that they could not readily persuade themselves that 
it was sincere. The sudden appearance of Voltaire in a circle 
of Christians, claiming to be one of them, would have been some- 
thing like this return of Saul to Jerusalem as a professed disciple. 

V. 27. BapvajSa? stood high among the disciples at Jerusalem 
(4, 36; 11, 22). No one out of the circle of the apostles could 
have interposed a more powerful word in behalf of Saul. — Trpos 
Toi)s airoa-ToXovi, unto the apostles, viz. Peter and John (Gal- 1, 19). 
The other apostles were probably absent from Jerusalem at this 
time. — 8ir]yiQ(raTo, related fully, since they may have heard a re- 
port of the occurrence, but had received no definite information 
concerning it. He could add also his own personal testimony to 
the truth of what had come to their ears. — ttojs .... eTrappT/o-tacr- 
aro. He had been himself probably a witness of Paul's zeal at 
Damascus; and for that reason, and because his labors there 
were more recent, he says nothing of the residence in Arabia, — 
Iv Tw oi/o/xart rov 'lr}(Tov, in the name of Jesus, as the sphere of his 
preaching (Mey.) ; not in virtue of authority from him. 

V. 28. i]v /xcT avTwv, was with them, during fifteen days, as we 
learn from Gal. 1, 18. — ela-Tropevoficvos koI cK7ropcvo/xevo?, goino- in 
a7id going out, i. e. in the exercise of his ministry, as results from 
the next clause. For the import of this Hebraism, see on 1, 21. 

V. 29. TTpos Toi)5 'EXXr/vtorra?. See note on 6, 1. He addressed 
himself to them because he himself was a foreign Jew, and was 
familiar with the Greek, which they also spoke. It has been 
conjectured that one of the festivals may have been in progress 

22 



170 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. IX, 30. 



at this time, and that these Hellenists had come to Jemsalem on 
that account. Compare Jolm 12, 20. — iTrex^ipow, attempted; im- 
perfect because they were seeking the opportunity to kill him. We 
are not to suppose that they had ventured as yet on any open 
act. 

V. 30. eTTiyj/ovre? Se ol dSeX^ot, But the brethren having asceV' 
tained, viz. their hostile design. Paul departed in conformity 
with their advice. We learn from 22, 17, that another motive 
concurred with this : he was informed in a vision that God would 
have him occupy a different field of labor. Without that revela- 
tion he might have thought it best to remain, in defiance of the 
present danger, and notwithstanding the importunity ,of his 
friends; comp. 21, 13. It is a mark of truth that we find Luke 
stating the outward impulse, the apostle the inner ground. — In 
KCLTTfyayov the preposition marks the descent to the sea-coast. — 
For CcBsarea, see on 8, 40. For the route hither from Jerusalem, 
see on 23, 31. — /cat e^aTreo-rciAav, k. t. A.., and they seiit him forth to 
Tarsus. This city was the capital of Cilicia, on the river Cyd- 
nus. It possessed at this time a literary reputation which rivalled 
that of Athens and Alexandria. It had received important polit- 
ical privileges both from Antony and Augustus, but did not enjoy 
the right of Roman citizenship. See the note on 22, 29. — We 
might conclude from the statement here, that Paul went directly 
to Tarsus by sea. That inference, it has been said, contradicts 
Gal. 1, 21, where, speaking of this journey, Paul puts Syria be- 
fore Cilicia, as if he went to the latter country through the for- 
mer. It is to be noticed that these two countries are always 
named in that order (see 15, 23. 41), and that ordei" agrees with 
the land-route from Jerusalem to Cilicia, which was the one more 
commonly taken. Hence Paul may have adhered to that order 
in Gal. 1, 21, from the force of association, though in this instance 
he went first to Cilicia, and from there made missionary excur- 
sions into Syria. But if any one prefers, he can suppose, with 
De Wette, that Paul took ship at Csesarea, and then landed again 
at Seleucia ; or with Winer, Riickert, and others, that Syria, in 
the Epistle to the Galatians, included a part of the region be- 
tween Jerusalem and CsBsarea. The term had sometimes that 
wider sense. Some have fixed on Caesarea in the north of Pal- 
estine as the place meant here ; but in that case the epithet wliich 
distinguishes the less celebrated city from the other would have 
been added, as in Matt. 16, 13; Mark 8,27. — In these regions 
of Syria and Cilicia, Paul remained four or five years ; for he 
went thither from Jerusalem in A. D. 39 (see on v. 26), and left 



Chap. IX, 31. 



COMMENTARY. 



171 



for Aiitiocli in A. D. 43 (see on 11, 26). Tlmt he was occupied 
daring this time in laboring for the spread of the gospel, is not 
only to be inferred from the character of the man, but is expressly 
stated in Gal. 1, 21-23. Further, in the sequel of the narrative, 
(15, 23. 41), we jS.nd churches existing here, the origin of which 
is unknown, unless we suppose that they were planted by Paul's 
mstrumentality at this time. It is not an irrelevant reflection, 
which Mr. Howson suggests, that during this residence of Paul 
in his native land "some of those Christian 'kinsmen,' whose 
names are handed down to us (Rom. 16, 7. 11. 21), possibly his 
sister, the playmate of his cliildhood, and his sister's son, who 
afterwards saved his life (23, 16 sq.), may have been gathered 
by his exertions into the fold of Christ." The apostle reappears 
next in 11, 25. 

Verses 31-35. Peter preaches at Lydda, and heals a Para- 
lytic. 

V. 31. al /xev ovv, k. t. X., The churches now .... had peace, i. e. 
rest from the persecution which they had suffered since the death 
of Stephen. It had continued for three years (see v. 26), if the 
subject of tins paragraph be next in order after the preceding 
one. It is not certain that Luke mentions the cause of this res- 
pite. As Lardner, De Wette, and others suggest, it may have 
been owing to the troubles excited by the order of Cahgula, to 
have liis image set up in the temple. (Jos. Antt. 18. 8. 2-9.) The 
Jews may have been too much engrossed by their opposition to 
that measure to pursue the Christians. oZv in that case takes 
up again the main thi'ead of the history after the digression re- 
lating,to Paul. Meyer makes it strictly illative from v. 3-30, as 
if the peace was the result of Paul's conversion and labors. But 
as he began to act on the side of the Christians so soon after the 
death of Stephen, we should then have too brief an interval for the 
persecution. Copies vary betAveen iKKX-qo-lat and iKKXrjo-ta, but favor 
the latter. — PaXiAatas. This is our only notice of the existence of 
churches in that native land of the apostles. — otKo8o/xoi!/x€i/at, being 
built up, i. e. in faith and piety; see 1 Cor. 8, 1 ; 14, 4 ; 1 Thes. 
5, 11, etc. It is contrary to usage to understand it of external 
organization. It does not refer to the increase of numbers, since 
that is the idea of the verb which follows. The E. V. makes this 
participle a verb, and separates it from its natural connection in 
the sentence. — 7ropcvo/xevat=~bn, ivalking ; a common Hebraism, 
to denote a course of conduct. — ru) ^6j8u) tov Kvplov, in the fear of 



172 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. IX, 32-35. 



the Lord, in conformity with that state of mind ; dative of rule or 
manner. W. k 31. 6. b. — /cat tt; 7rapaKA.7^crct rov ayiov Trv€VfxaTO<;, 
belongs not to Tropevofxa/aL, bat to iirXrj^vvovTo, of which it assigns 
the cause : and hy the aid, persuasive energy, (Kuin. Mey. Rob.), 
of the Holy Spirit luere multiplied. That sense of TrapaKX-^a-ei is 
not certain. De Wette : The power of consolatory discourse con- 
ferred by the Spirit on those who preached ; comp. 4, 36. 

V. 32. Peter may have left Jerusalem soon after the departure 
of Paul ; see on v. 27. — Supxoix^vov, k. r. A,., passing through all 
the believers in that part of the country. After Travrwi/ supply 
dytW (Bng. Mey. De Wet.), not tottwv (Kuin. Wiesl.) ; comp. 20, 
25 ; E-om. 15, 28. The narrative assumes that the gospel had 
been preached here already (see 8, 44) ; and this was a tour of 
visitation. — Kai, also, includes the saints at Lydda among the 
Travroiv. In crossing the plain from Yafa or Joppa to Ramleh, 
the traveller sees a village with a tall minaret in the southeast, 
and on inquiring the name is told that it is Lud or Lid. It 
stands on the ancient line of travel between Jerusalem and 
Ca3sarea. It is the modern representative of the Lydda in our 
text. 

V. 33. His name may indicate that JEneas was a Greek, or 
Hellenistic Jew. He was probably a believer, as faith was usu- 
ally required of those who received the benefits of the gospel. — 

ercov oktw, since eight years, for so long a time. — Kpa/SfSdrio, pal- 
let, as in 5, 15. 

V. 34. (TTpu)(Tov aeavTw, spread for thyself, i. e. thy bed, not in 
future (Kuin.), but immediately (De Wet. Mey.). Others had 
performed that office for him hitherto. He was now to evince his 
restoration by an act which had been the peculiar evidence of 
his infirmity. The object of the verb suggests itself; it,is not 
strictly an ellipsis. 

V. 35. elSov avTov, saw him after his recovery, whom they had 
knowai before as a confirmed paralytic. — Travres may be restricted, 
as suggested on 3, 18. — rov ^apiova = *f\'ydt}, the Plain. It ex- 
tended along the sea-coast from Joppa to Casarea, about thirty 
miles. Here the part nearest to Lydda appears to be meant. 
Some have thought (Win. Reahv. II. p. 383) that Saron may 
designate here a village of that name. — otrti/es iTriaTpexj/av, k. t. A., 
who, influenced by the miracle, turned unto the Lord, see v. 42 ; 
not who had turned (Kuin.). In the latter case, the import of the 
remark would be that the miracle was a credible one, because it 
was so well attested. Such an apologetic interest is foreign to 
Luke's manner. 



Chap. IX, 36-40. 



COMMENTARY. 



173 



Verses 36-43. Feter visits Joppa. 

V. 36. 'loTTTny, Jopya (Jon. 1, 3) was northwest from Lydda 
(see on v. 32), the present Japha, or Yafa, on the sea-coast. — Tab- 
itha = 5<'^''^:? is Chaldee, and means a gazelle. We may infer 
from it her Jewish origin. To her Greek friends she may have 
been known also by the other name. — koI eXerjiMocrvviov, and (es- 
pecially) alms, deeds of charity ; Kal, explicative. 

V. 37. Xoi;cravr€«?, k. t. X., having washed, they placed her in the 
uj^per chamber of the honse where they were. As the limitation 
suggests itself, the article is omitted. W. k 19. 1. It is inserted 
in V. 39, because there it points back to this place. It was cus- 
tomary among the Hebrews for women to perform this rite ; but 
as Luke would specify here the act rather than the agency, he 
employs the masculine of the participle, equivalent to the indefi- 
nite " they." W. h 27. 6. 

V. 38. eyyus governs 'Iottttt; as an adverb. The distance be- 
tween the places is ten or twelve miles. — dTreWaAai/. It is not 
said that they sent for him with any definite expectation of a 
miracle. It was natural that they should desire his presence 
and sympathy at such a time. 

V. 39. CIS TO v7r€p(^ov, into the upper chamber. The body was 
usually kept here when for any reason the interment was de- 
layed. See Jahn's Archaol. § 204 ; Win. Realw. I. p. 467. They 
had been waiting in this instance for the arrival of Peter. — at 
XVP^''> ividoivs, who had been the objects of her benevolence, 
and who now mourned the death of their benefactress. Every 
one must be struck at the natural manner in which this beautiful 
incident is introduced. — ;>^tr6jvas koI t/xana, tunics and coats, such 
as were worn by men and women. The omission of the article 
(suggestive of a wrong sense as inserted in E. V.) shows that 
they presented specimens only of her industry. Some of the 
garments may have been worn by those present, and others Jiave 
been laid up for future distribution. — oo-a, lohich all, which so 
many, not = a simply, ivhich. — eVoiet (imperf), was accustomed to 
make. 

y. 40. iK/3aXu)v .... Travras, But having put all forth, caused 
them to retire; not with violence, see Mark 5, 40 ; John 10, 4. 
The object may have been to secure himself from observation 
and interruption, while he prayed with fervor and agony. Elisha 
pursued the same course, for the same reason probably, when he 
restored to life the Shunamite's son ; see 2 Kings 4, 33 ; also 



174 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. X, 1. 



Matt. 9, 25. — TrpoarrjviaTo. Peter would address his prayer to 
Christ ; for the apostles wrought their miracles in his name ; see 
V. 34 ; 3, 6. 16; 4, 10. — avdaTrjSt, arise, stand erect. ^ Peter speaks 
as one who felt assured that his prayer had prevailed, see Matt. 
17, 20. 

V, 42. eyeVero draws its subject from the context, viz. the mir- 
acle. — ■ eTTL Tov KvpLov, upoii the Lord, Christ, whose gospel had 
been so signally attested as true. 

V. 43. Peter remained here many clays, because the place was 
large, and the people evinced a preparation for the reception of 
the word. — ySvpo-et, a tanner. The more scrupulous Jews regarded 
such an occupation as unclean, and avoided those who pursued it. 
The conduct of Peter here shows that he did not carry his preju- 
dices to that extent. 



CHAPTER X. 

Verses 1-8. The Vision of Cornelius, the Centurion. 

V. 1. €KaTovTdp)(Yj<; is often interchanged with iKarovrdpxos (21, 
32; 22, 25, etc.). The first is the prevalent form in the later 
Greek. W. ^^8. 1. The word has a uniform termination in some 
copies of the text. — o-TrctpT/s 'IraXtKTys. Some suppose this cohort 
to have belonged to the legio Italica, or Italica prima, of which 
we read in Tacitus (Hist. 1. 59, 64, etc.) ; but the fact stated by 
Dio Cassius (55. 24) is overlooked, that this legion was raised by 
Nero, and consequently was not in existence at this period of our 
narrative. " While no ancient writer has left any notice confirm- 
ing Luke's accuracy in this passage, it so happens that an inscrip- 
tion *n Gruteri informs us that volunteer ItalAaii cohorts served 
in Syria, i. e. Italian or Roman soldiers, who enlisted of their 
own accord, instead of being obliged to perform miUtary service 
(see Diet, of Aiitt art. Velones). It is generally supposed that 
the Roman cohorts, instead of being incorporated always with a 
particular legion, existed often separately. It is probable that 
such an independent cohort was now stationed at Caesarea, 

1 Copied in Ackerman's Numismatic Illustrations of the Narrative Portions of 
the New Testament, p. 34. 



Chap. X, 2-5. 



COMMENTARY. 



175 



called the Italian, because it-consisted of native Italians, where- 
as the other cohorts in Palestine were levied for the most part 
from the country itself See Jos. Antt. 14. 15. 10; Bell Jud. 1. 
17. 1. Compare the note on 27, 1. It is worthy of remark, as 
Tholuck ^ suggests, that Luke places this Italian cohort precisely 
here. Ca3sarea was the residence of the Roman procurator (see 
on 8, 40) ; and it was important that he should have there a body 
of troops on whose fidelity he could rely. 

V. 2. evore/Srjs .... ^eov, devoiit and fearing God. All the cen- 
turions in the New Testament appear in a favorable light 
(Hmph.). See 27, 3 ; Matt. 8, 5 ; Luke 7, 2. The one here was a 
worshipper of Jehovah, but had not submitted to circumcision, or 
avowed pubHcly the Jewish faith. The opinion that he was a 
proselyte disagrees with v. 28. 34 ; 11, 1. 8 ; 15, 7 ; for those pas- 
sages show that he was regarded by the Jews at this time as 
belonging still to a heathen community. Cornelius was one of 
those men, so numerous in this eifete age of idolatry, who were 
yearning for a better worship, and under that impulse had em- 
braced the pure theism of the Old Testament, so much superior 
to every other form of religion known to them. They attended 
the synagogues, heard and read the Scriptures, practised some of 
the Jewish rites, and were in a state of mind predisposing them 
to welcome the gospel of Christ when it was announced to them. 
This class of persons furnished the greater part of the first Gentile 
converts. — tw Xaw, the people, viz. of the Jews; comp. v. 42; 26, 
17. 23; 28, 17. Perhaps Luke 7, 5 brings to view one of the 
ways in which he applied his benefactions. 

V. 3. ev opdixaTL may be understood of an inner or of an out- 
ward vision (Neand.). — <^wepco9, disti7ictly, applies better to a per- 
ceptive act than to an act of consciousness. eTSei/ is ambiguous 
in that respect. — too-ct wpav iwaTrjv, about the ni?ith hour, in the 
course of it; accusative of time how long. Bernh. Synt. p. 116. 
This hour was one of the Jewish hours of prayer (3, 1). 

V. 4. Tt iart; What is it which is designed or desired? — For 
KvpL€, see the remark on 9, 5. — Trpocrcuxat and iXerjixoo-vvai, which 
belong to one verb here, are assigned to two verbs in v. 3 J. — 
CIS fivr][x6(Tvvov, for a memorial, as such (see on 7, 21), i. e. he was 
now to receive evidence of his being remembered, inasmuch 
as God was about to open a way for his attainment of the peace 
of mind which he had so anxiously sought. 

V. 5. Joppa was about thirty miles south of Csesarea. — ^era- 

1 Die Glaubwiii-cligkeit der Evangelischen Geschichte, p. 174. 



176 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. X, 6-10. 



7re/Ai/^at is middle, because he was to execute the act thimigh the 
agency of others. K. § 250. K 2; B. § 135. 8. — 24(.ojm .... 
IXerp - . Both names are given, so as to prevent mistake as to the 
individual whom the messengers were to find. This, too, is the 
reason for describing so minutely his place of abode. 

V. 6. Trapa S^d\acr(Tav, by the sea-shore, Yiz. that of the Mediter- 
ranean. Luke states a fact here ; the ground of it we learn from 
other sources. The sanatory laws of the ancients, it is said, re- 
quired tanners to live out of the city; "non solum ob mortua 
animalia, quorum usum ipsa eoruni opificii ratio efflagitabat, sed 
etiam ob foetidos in eorum ofiicinis et sedibus odores et sordes." 
Walch, Dissertationes, etc.. Vol. I. p. 125. The convenient pros- 
ecution of their business required that they should be near the 
water. — oiSros XaX-^cret crot riac 8et Troietv, at the close of this verse, in 
the common text, was inserted in conformity with 9, 6 ; 10, 32. 

V. 7. m 8e d7r^A.^ev, k. t. X. He despatched the messengers, 
therefore, on the same day, although it was so far advanced (v. 
3); comp. l^avrT^s in v. 33. — 6 XaXQ)v must be taken as imper- 
fect; comp. John 9, 8 (De Wet.). — tojv Trpoa-KapTepovvrwv auT(3, of 
those (sc. soldiers) who waited upon him, who stood ready to per- 
form those personal services which he might require. Kuinoel's 
idea is that they acted as a house-sentry. — eva-ejSrj accords with 
the description of the centurion's family in v. 2. 

Verses 9-16. The Vision of Peter. 

V. 9. T-g.: i-TravpLov, on the morrow, after their departure from 
CsBsarea. — Itti to Sw/xa, upon the house-top, the roof Avhich, accord- 
ing to the Oriental manner, was flat, or but slightly inclined. It 
was the place often chosen for the performance of religious du- 
ties. Jahn's Archseol. § 24. The situation does not expose 
one necessarily to public view. A wall or balustrade three or 
four feet high sunminds many of the roofs in the East, where a 
person may sit or kneel without being observed by others. Moses 
required (Deut. 22, 8) that every house should have such a pro- 
tection. 

V. 1 0. Trpoo-Treivos occurs only here. The law of analogy shows 
it to be intensive, very hungry. — -^^cXe y^vaaa-^ai, desired to eat ; 
not would have eaten. — 7rapacrKevat,6vTO)v 8e iKCLvujv, While they now 
(not hut) were preparing, i. e. for the evening repast; see v. 9. 
The pronoun refers to those in the family where Peter was en- 
tertained. — c«:crrao-ts = ev TTvcv/xari (Rev. 1, 10), i. e. a trance, or 
rapture^ whereby (if we may so express it) he was transported 



Chap. X, 11-15. 



COMMENTARY. 



177 



out of himself, and put into a mental state in wliich he could dis- 
cern objects beyond the apprehension of man's natural powers. 
See 11, 5; 22, 17. — In the mode of instruction which God em- 
ployed in this instance, he adapted himself to the peculiar cir- 
cumstances in wliich Peter was placed. " The divine light that 
was making its way to his spirit revealed itself in the mirror of 
sensible images, which proceeded from the existmg state of his 
bodily frame" (Neand). 

V. 11. S^€(jjp€i, beholds with, wonder (see on 4, 13). — aKevos n, 
a certain vessel, receptacle, which 6%vy]v jxsydXrjv describes more 
definitely as a great sheet. — reWapo-tv .... yiys, hound by four 
corners or ends (anarthrous, since the number was not definite 
of itself), and (thus) let doivn upon the earth. The conception of 
the scene suggested by the text is that of the sheet upheld by 
cords attached to its four points, and suspended from above by 
an unseen power. This is the common view, and, I think, the 
correct one. Meyer understands dp^at? of the four corners of 
heaven, i. e. east, west, north, and south, to wliich the four ends 
of the sheet were fastened. Neander inchnes to that interpreta- 
tion, dpxats with such a reference would seem to demand the 
article, as much as the translation into English and German. — 
Lachmann expunges SeSe/xei/ov Kat, after A, B, C, and some other 
authorities; but probably the omission of the words in 11, 5 led 
to their omission here. 

V. 12. Trai/ra to, TcrpaTroSa, all the quadrupeds, i. e. as to their 
varieties, not individually. The text here is confused, t^s yijs is 
to be retained, no doubt, but should follow epTrera (Lchm. Mey. 
Tsch.). — KoX TO. ^-qpta before koX to. ipTrerd is not found in the con- 
trolling manuscripts. It is evident that the text in 11, 6 has in- 
fluenced the text in this passage. 

Y. 13. dvao-rcts. See on 9, 18. Yet Peter may have been 
kneeling, or reclining, at that moment (Mey.). — S^va-ov kol cfidye, 
slay and eat, i. e. any one of the creatures exliibited to him, with- 
out regard to the distinction of clean or unclean. 

Y. 14. Trav, preceded by the negative, is a Hebraism for ovhev ; 
comp. Matt. 24, 22 ; Rom. 3, 20 ; Eph. 5, 5. The two modes of 
expression present the idea from different points of view. That 
of the Hebrews excepts every thing from the action of the verb ; 
that of the Greeks subjects nothing to it. Gesen. Heb. Gr. ^ 149. 
1 ; W. ^ 26. 1. — KOLvov is the opposite of dyiov, common, unholy 
As this sense was unusual, the more exphcit aKa^aprov follows. 

Y. 15. a 6 ^eo9 iKaS^dpiae, What God cleansed, i. e. declared by 
this symbolic act to be clean. The aorist and perfect should not 

23 



178 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. X, 16-20. 



be confounded here. Verbs in Hebrew have often this declar- 
ative sense; comp. Lev. 13, 3. 8. 13 ; 16, 30; Ezek. 43, 3; Jer. 1, 
10, etc. See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s. ^^d. An approximating usage 
exists in Greek. — crv /xr) koCvov, call not thou common, crv is con- 
trasted with -^609. It is not usual to insert the first or second 
personal pronoun as the subject of a verb, unless it be emphatic. 
K. k 302. 1 ; B. ^ 129. 14. The imperative is present because he 
was committing the prohibited act at the time. Compare the 
note on 7, 60. 

V. 16. TovTo refers to the repetition of the voice, not to the 
vision as seen three times. Those who understand it in the lat- 
ter way overlook ttoXw Ik Sevripov just before. The command was 
reiterated, in order to impress the words more deeply on the mind 
of Peter. 

Verses 17-23. The Messengers arrive at Joppa. 

V. 17. hrpr6p€L, was perplexed, uncertain. — rt av elrj, lohat it 
might he, signify ; comp. Luke 8, 9 ; John 10, 6. He must have 
been convinced that such a revelation was not designed merely 
to announce the abolition of a ceremonial custom ; but it was not 
yet evident to him how much the principle comprehended, and 
especially in what practical maimer he was to exhibit liis libera- 
tion from the scruples by wliich he had been bound hitherto. — 
o cTSe, which he had seen ; comp. on 1, 2. — Kot ISov, then behold, as 
in 1, 10. — StepwT^o-avre?, a strengthened sense, having inquired 
out. The tanner was an obscure man and not to be found in a 
moment. — IttX rov TrvXojva, unto the gate, which opened directly into 
the house or court ; not the porch, vestibule, since the more 
splendid houses only had that appendage (De Wet.) ; comp. 
Matt. 26, 71. 

V. 18. (fioivrja-avTes, SC. tlvol (see V. 7), having called some one, 
or, without any object, having called, announced their presence. 
— £6 ^evt^crai, if he lodges. The present tense turns the question 
into a direct form. The use of the two names again (v. 5) is not 
unmeaning. So many persons were called Simon, that the stran- 
gers must be minute in their inquiry. 

V. 19. SLev^vfjiovfxivov is stronger than ivd-v/xovfievov in the com- 
mon text : earnestly/ considering. The first is the better attested 
word. — rpets after ai/8/Dcs should be omitted. It was added from 
V. 7; 11, 11. 

V. 20. aXka, hut, turns the discourse to a new pomt; comp. 
9, 6. — /xTySev 8taK/Qtvoju,€vos, making no scruple, i. e. to go with them, 



Chap. X, 21-25. 



COMMENTARY. 



179 



althongli they are heathen. — iyw = Trvevjxa m v. 19, — aTreo-raX/ca 
avTovs, sent them; not perfect (E. V.). 

V. 21. rov<s aTreo-raX/xeVous airo rov K.opvrjXtov Trpos avrov defines 
ai/Spas; and since, in the pubhc reading of the Scriptures, a new 
section began here, the words were necessary in order to suggest 
the connection. This accounts for our finding them in a few 
copies. The preponderant testimony is against them. 

V. 22. fjcapTvpovixa/os occiu'S, as in 6, 3. — ixpeixaTco-'^r), luas di- 
vinely instructed; comp. Matt. 2, 12. In the classics this word 
refers to a commnnication made in reply to a question ; but in 
the New Tetsament and the Septuagint it drops that relative 
sense. — p^/xara, u'ords, instruction; comp. XaXrja-u croi in v. 32. 
The first account of the vision (v. 4 sq.) omits this partic- 
ular. 

Verses 23-33. Feter proceeds to CcEsarea. 

V. 23. T-fi kiravpLov, on the morrow after the arrival of the mes- 
sengers. — Ttves Tcoy ctSeX^coi/. They are the six men mentioned in 
11, 12. We are not infonned of their object in accompanying the 
apostle. They may have gone as his personal friends merely, or 
from a natural desire to know the result of so extraordinary a 
summons. In his defence before the church of Jerusalem (see 
11, 1 sq.), Peter appealed to these brethren to confirm his state- 
ments. Some have conjectured that he may have foreseen the 
necessity of that justification, and took the precaution to secure 
the presence of those who would be acknowledged as impartial 
Jewish witnesses. 

V. 24, iiravpLov, on the morrow after leaving Joppa ; comp. v. 
9. Tliirty miles (see on v. 5) was more than a single day's jour- 
ney in the East. It must be the truth which brings out such 
accuracy in these details, — For et? in the verb repeated be- 
fore the noun, see on 3, 2. — roijg dvayKatou? </)tXoi;?, his intimate 
friends. The classical writers combine the words with that 
meaning (Kypk. Wetst). 

V, 25. ws Se, K. T. \., Noiv as it came to pass that Peter ivas en- 
tering, Cornelius having met him, \az. at the door, or in the court 
of the house. The first interview appears to have taken place 
there, and then the centurion and the apostle proceeded to the 
room where the company were assembled ; see v. 27. — lirl rovg 
TToSa?, upo7i the feet, viz. of Peter, which he may have embraced 
at the same time ; comp. Matt. 28, 9. — TrpoaeKvvria-ei', paid rever- 
ence, viz. by prostrating himself in the Oriental manner. Since 



180 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. X, 26-28. 



Cornelius acknowledged Jehovah as the true God, and must have 
regarded him as the only proper object of worship, it is difficult 
to believe that he intended this as an act of religious homage. 
The description of liis character in v. 2 and v. 22 cannot be easily- 
reconciled with the imputation of such a design. See more on 
the next verse. 

V. 26. avTov ^€Lp€, raised him up, caused him to rise by the 
command addressed to him. — Kayw auro?, k. t. A., I also myself am 
a man, as well as you. Peter may have been surprised at such a 
mode of salutation from a Roman, whose national habits were so 
different ; he had reason to fear that the centurion had mistaken 
his character, was exceeding the proper limits of the respect due 
from one man to another. He recoiled at the idea of the possi- 
bility of having a homage tendered to him, which might partake 
of the reverence that belongs only to God. In other words, it is 
more probable that Peter, in his concern for the divine honor, 
warned the centurion against an act which he apprehended, than 
that the centurion committed an act so inconsistent with his re- 
ligious faith. That inconsistency is so much the less to be ad- 
mitted, because Peter had just been represented in the vision so 
distinctly as a man. The apostles claimed no ability to know the 
hearts or thoughts of men, except as their actions revealed them. 
Compare with this conduct of Peter that of Paul and Barnabas 
at Lystra (14, 14 sq.). The Saviour, on the contrary, never re- 
pressed the disposition of liis disciples to think highly of his rank 
and character. He never reminded them of the equality of his 
nature with their own, or intimated that the honor paid to him 
was excessive. He received their homage, whatever the form in 
which they offered it, however excited the state of mind wliich 
prompted it. This different procedure on the part of Christ we 
can ascribe only to his consciousness of a claim to be acknowl- 
edged as divine. 

V. 27. avvoixikoiv avrQ, conversing with him (Whl. Rob.); comp. 
ofXLXecv in 20, 11 ; 24, 26; Luke 24, 14. 15. Some render accom- 
panying him, which is too self-evident to be stated so formally. 
The first sense is peculiar to Luke. — elarjXS^e, went in, perhaps 
into an upper room; see on 1, 13. 

V. 28. w5 may qualify the adj ective, how, in what degree ( Mey.) , 
or eo-Ttv, how it is (knowledge and fact accordant). — a^ifxirov, un- 
lawful. The Jews professed to ground this view on the laws of 
Moses; but they could adduce no express command for it, or 
just construction of any command. No one of the N. T. writers 
employs this word, except Peter here and in 1 Pet. 4, 3. — 



Chap. X, 28-30. 



COMMENTARY. 



181 



KoWaaSaL, k. t. X., to associate with (5, 15), or come unto, one of 
another nation. The second verb evolves the sense of the first. 
ak\6(^v\oi is applied to the Phihstines in 1 Sam. 13, 3-5 (Sept.), 
and to the Greeks in 1 Mace. 4, 12. It has been said that Luke 
has betrayed here an ignorance of Jewish customs ; since the 
Jews, though they refused to eat with the uncircumcised (Gal. 2, 
12), did not avoid all intercourse with them. But the objection 
presses the language to an extreme. We are to limit such gen- 
eral expressions by the occasion and the nature of the subject. 
The intercourse with the Gentiles, represented here as so repug- 
nant to Jewish ideas, was such intercourse as had now taken 
place ; it was to enter the houses of the heathen, partake freely 
of their hospitality, recognize their social equality. In accord- 
ance with this, we find KoAXao-^at exchanged for crwe^ayesin 11, 
3 ; the word there may be supposed to define the word here. 
De Wette objects that the act of eating has not been mentioned ; 
but it is not mentioned anywhere, and yet the subsequent accu- 
sation against the apostle alleges it as the main ofience. The 
act was, doubtless, a repeated one ; see v. 48. An instance of 
it may have preceded the utterance of the words here in question. 
Nothing would be more natural, at the close of such a journey, 
than that the travellers should be supplied with the means of 
refreshment before entering formally on the object of the visit. 
Considered in this light, Peter's declaration in tliis verse agrees 
entirely with that of Josephus ( Cent. Ap. 2. 28) : " Those for- 
eigners {aXKo^vkoi) who come to us without submitting to our 
laws, Moses permitted not to have any intimate connections 
with us ; " see also lb. 2. 36. Compare John 18, 28. - koX ifxol, 
K. T. \., and (in opposition to that Jewish feeling) God showed me, 
viz. by the vision. 

V. 29. Sib Kol, K. T. X., Therefore I also came, i. e. he was not 
only instructed, but obeyed the instruction. Kat connects rik^ov 
with eSet^e. — avavTLppr)roi<; = avaix(l)L(^6Xmy ivithout delay, (Heysch.). 
It is a later Greek word, — nVt Xoyo), ivith what reason, for what 
object; dative of the ground or motive. W. § 31. 6. c. Peter 
was already apprised that Cornelius had sent for him in conse- 
quence of a revelation, but would desire naturally to hear a fuller 
statement of the circumstances from the centurion himself The 
recital may have been necessary, also, for the information of 
those who had assembled. 

V. 30. airo T€TdpTr]<i rjiJiipa<;, k. r. A.., has received different ex- 
planations. (1.) From the fourth day (prior to the vision) ivas I 
fasting unto this hour, i. e. unto an hour corresponding to that 



182 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. X, 30-33. 



which was then passing, viz. the ninth (Hnr. Neand. De Wet.). 
According to this view, Cornelius had been fasting four days 
at the time of the angel's appearance to him. (2.) From the 
fourth day (reckoned backward from the present) unto this hour, 
i. e. he was observing a fast which began four days before and 
extended up to the time then present. It was on the first of the 
days that he saw the angel. But rjix-qv as past represents the fast 
as having terminated, and so would exclude rauTTys r^^s ojpas. 
Meyer in his second edition abandons this view for the next. 
(3.) From the fourth day (reckoning backward as before) i. e. 
four days ago unto this hour in which he was then speaking 
(Eng. Kuin. Olsh.). The fast commenced with the day and had 
continued unbroken until the ninth hour, when the angel ap- 
peared. This view agrees with the number of days which had 
elapsed since the angel's communication, viz. four, and allows 
time enough for the abstinence to justify the use of vt^o-tcvW. — rifx-qv 
is an imperfect middle, rare out of the later Greek. W. § 14. 2. 
b ; B. § 108. IV. 2. — koX rrjv Ivvariqv o)pav, and during the ninth 
hour (accusative as in v. 3) ; so that (ravVr/s — kwaTiqv) it was 
about three o'clock in the afternoon when Peter arrived at Cae- 
sarea. — avr^p Iv icrSrjTL XafXTrpa r= ayycAov tov S^eov in V. 3. See 1 , 



now of the approval of his acts ; the acts were approved when 
he performed them. — rj Trpoo-evxrj refers more especially to his 
prayer at this time. But the answer to this prayer was an 
answer to his other prayers, since the burden of them had doubt- 
less been, that God would lead him to a clearer knowledge of 
the truth, and enable him to attain the repose of mind which a 
conscience enlightened, but not yet " purged from a sense of 
evil," made it impossible for him to enjoy. Hence irpoa-^v^^ai in 
V. 4, could be exchanged here for the singular. 

V. 32. 7rifjLxJ/ov ovv, Send, therefore, because in this way he 
would obtain the evidence that he was approved. — /AeraKaAeo-at 
exemplifies the usage of the middle noticed on v. 5. — The ver- 
bal accuracy here as compared with v. 5, is natural. There was 
but one way to report the words of such a message. The angel's 
voice and mien had left an impression not to be effaced. 

V. 33. i^av-nj's agrees with the narrative in v. 7. — KaXS? i-TroLY]- 
aas, thou hast done well (see 3 John v. 6) ; a common phrase ex- 
pressive of the gratification which a person derives from the act 
of another (Wetst. Baph.). For the construction, comp. Phil. 4, 



11. 




CnAP. X, 34-36. 



COMMENRARY. 



183 



14. — ivu)7nov Tov Scov yin the .sight of God, with a consciousness 
of his presence ; and hence prepared to hear and obey his mes- 
sage. This is a reason why Peter should speak with freedom 
and confidence. " Terra bona; inde fructus celerrimus" (Bng.) 

Verses 34-43. The Address of Feter. 

V. 34. See the remark on dvot|asro aro^a in 8, 35. — Trpoo-MTro' 
XrjTny}<; is a word coined to express concretely the idea of D"i3!d 5<b5 : 
respecter of persons, i. e. Yiexe partial m the way of regarding one 
man as better than another, on the ground of national descent. 

V. 35. 8eKT05 avT^ Ian, is acceptable to him, i. e. his righteous- 
ness, his obedience to the divine will, as far as it extends, is as 
fully approved of God, though he be a Gentile, as if he were a 
Jew. It is evident from KaraXafi^dvofxaL, that 6 (fioftov/xevos avrov 
Koi epya^o/xevos SLKaLoavvrjv describes the centurion's character be- 
fore his acceptance of the gospel, and, consequently, that Scktos 
avT<^ appUes to him as a person still destitute of faith in Christ. 
That Peter did not intend, however, to represent his righteous- 
ness, or that of any man, prior to the exercise of such faith, as 
sufficient to justify him in the sight of God, is self-evident ; for 
in V. 43 he declares that it is necessary to believe on Christ, in 
order to obtain " the remission of sins ; " comp. also, 15, 11. The 
antithetic structure of the sentence indicates the meaning. 6 
cl)oj3oviX€vo<;, K. T. A., is the opposite of ovk Trpoa-WTroXyj-n-ry]?, i. e. God 
judges man impartially; he approves of what is excellent, in 
those of one nation as much as in those of another ; he will con- 
fer the blessings of his grace as readily upon the Gentile who 
desires to receive them, as upon the Jew. In other words, since 
the apostle has reference to the state of mind which God requires 
as preparatory to an interest in the benefits of the gospel, the 
righteousness and the acceptance of which he speaks must also 
be preparatory, i. e. relative, and not absolute.^ 

V. 36. The construction is uncertain, but the most simple is 
that which makes \6yov depend on otSare, in apposition with prjfxa : 
The ivord ivhich he sent .... (I say) ye know the thing that was 
done, etc. So essentially, Kuinoel, Meyer, "Winer, and others. 
See W. k 62. 3. Others refer Xoyov to what precedes, and supply 
Kara or take the accusative as absolute : the ivord ( viz. that God 
is thus impartial) ichich he sent, etc. (Bng. Olsh. De Wet). 
That mode of characterizing the contents or message of the gos- 

1 Neander's remarks on this passage, in his Planting of the Christian Church, 
deserve attention ; see the close of the first Section or Book. 



184 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. X, 36-37. 



pel is unusual. The structure of the sentence is no smoother 
in this case than in the other. A recent writer^ has proposed to 
construe euayyeXt^d/^evog as a predicate of 6 cfiol3ovfX€vo<5, k. t. A. : he 
that fears God is acceptable to him .... having announced (to him) 
as glad tidings, peace, etc. But the participle in tliis position can- 
not be separated without violence from the subject of airka-TuXe, 
nor is the accusative in any other instance retained after tliis 
verb in the passive; comp. Matt. 11, 5; Heb. 4, 2. The con- 
struction would be correct in principle, but is not exemplified. — 
aTTco-retXe, k. t. A-., sent to the sons of Israel, i. e. in the fii*st instance, 
as in 3, 26 ; 13, 26. That priority Peter concedes to the Jews. — 
dprjvrjv, peace, reconciliation to God procured through Christ; 
comp. E-om. 5, 1. 10 ; not union between the Jews and Gentiles 
(De Wet.), an effect of the gospel too subordinate to be made 
so prominent in this connection. The apostle restates the idea 
in V. 43. — oi!to9 .... Kvpio<s, This one is Lord of all. Travrwv is 
mascuhne, not neuter. Peter interposes the remark as proof of 
the universality of this plan of reconciliation. The dommion of 
Clirist extends over those of one nation, as well as of another; 
they are all the creatures of his power and care, and may all 
avail themselves of the provisions of his grace. Compare Rom. 
3, 29. 30 ; 10, 12. 

V. 37. otSare, k. t. X., implies that they had already some 
knowledge of the life and works of Clirist. The fame of Ms 
miracles may have extended to CsBsarea (see Matt. 15, 21; 
Mark 7, 24) ; or Philip, who resided there (8, 40), may have be- 
gun to excite public attention as a preacher of the gospel. 
Some think that Cornelius was the centurion who was present 
at the crucifixion of Christ (Matt. 27,44; Mark 15, 39; Luke 
23, 47), since it was customary to march a portion of the troops 
at CsBsarea to Jerusalem, for the preservation of order during the 
festivals. It is impossible to refute or confirm that opinion. 
Peter proceeds to communicate to them a fuller account of the 
Saviour's history, and of the nature and terms of liis salvation. 
— prjima = Xoyov in V. 36 (Kuin. Mey.) ; or thing (De Wet), 
which is more congruous with yevSfxevov, and associates the word 
with the indubitable facts on which it rested. — />tera, ro ^a7m(7/>ta, 
after the baptism, i. e. the completion of John's ministry. The Sa- 
viour performed some public acts at an earlier period, but did not 
enter fuUy on his work till John had finished his preparatory mis- 
sion. The diiFerence was so slight that it was sufliciently exact 



1 In the Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1850, p. 402 sq. 



Chap. X, 38-41. 



COMMENTARY. 



185 



to make the beginning or the close of the forerunner's career the 
starting-point in that of Christ. See on 1, 22. 

V. 38. 'Irjo-ovv transfers the mind from the gospel-liistory to 
the personal subject of it. The appositional construction is kept 
up still, airo Na^aper, f)'om Nazareth, as the place of liis resi- 
dence; see Matt. 2, 23. — e^pto-ey, k. t. A., how God anointed 
him luith the Holy Spirit, etc. See note on 1, 2, and on 4, 26. 
Swa/xet is defined by what follows as power to perform miracles. 
— 8t7}A.«^ev, went fro7n place to place ; comp. 8, 4. — tco/xevo?, k. t. X., 
healijig those oppressed by the devil. -His triumph over this form of 
Satanic agency is singled out as the liighest exliibition of his 
wonder-working power. 

V, 39. la-jxiv supphes the coiTect word after T7/x.et9, but is not 
genuine. — a/ Tcrfj x^P^^ ^^^^ country of the Jeivs and 

in Jerusalem ; the capital of the nation, and its territory here op- 
posed to each other. The Jews inhabited not only Judea, but 
Galilee, and a region on the east of the Jordan. — ov Kal, ivhom 
also, an additional fact (Luke 22, 24) in the Saviour's liistory 
(De Wet.) ; showing the extent of their animosity and violence. 
Winer 66. 3) suggests a brachylogy : icliom (of which also 
we are witnesses) they slew, etc. This is too complicated. — 
Kpeixda-avres, by hanging. See note on 5, 30. Here again the E. 
version represents the Saviour as put to death before he was sus- 
pended on the cross. 

V. 41. ov TravTt tw Xaw, not unto all the people, i. e. of the Jews ; 
comp. on V. 2. — dAAa /xapruo-t, K. T, X., but unto luitnesses before 
appointed by God. The choice of the apostles is ascribed indif- 
ferently to Him, or to Clnist (1, 2.) Trpo in the participle repre- 
sents the selection as made before Cluist rose from the dead; 
not as purposed indefinitely before its execution. — The ex- 
ception here made to the publicity of the Saviour's appearance 
accords with the narrative of the Evangehsts ; they mention no 
instance in which he showed himself to any except his personal 
followers. Paley founds the following just remarks on that 
representation of the sacred writers. " The history of the resur- 
rection would have come to us with more advantage, if they had 
related that Jesus had appeared to his foes as well as his friends ; 
or even if they asserted the public appearance of Christ in gen- 
eral unqualified terms, without noticing, as they have done, the 
presence of his disciples on each occasion, and noticing it in such 
a manner as to lead their readers to suppose that none but dis- 
ciples were present. If their point had been to have their story 
beheved, whether true or false ; or if they had been disposed to 

24 



186 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. X, 41-43. 



present their testimony, either as personal witnesses or as histo- 
rians, in such a manner as to render it as specious and unobjec- 
tionable as they could ; in a word, if they had thought of any 
thing but the truth of the case as they understood and believed 
it, — they would, in their account of Christ's several appearances 
after his resurrection, at least have omitted tliis restriction. At 
this distance Of time, the account, as we have it, is perhaps 
more credible than it would have been the other way; because 
this manifestation of the historian's candor is of more advantage 
to their testimony than the difference in the circumstances of 
the account would have been to the nature of the evidence. 
But this is an effect which the Evangelists could not foresee ; 
and is one which by no means would have followed at the time 
when they wrote." — otVij/es . , . . avrw, who ate and drank with 
him. See Luke 24, 43; John 21, 13. Hence they testified to a 
fact which they had been able to verify by the most palpable 
evidence. Compare the note on 1, 3. — ^erk to avaa-njvaL avrov ck 
veKpMv, after he rose from the dead, belongs to the clause which 
immediately precedes. It was after his resurrection that they 
had this intercourse with liim. The punctuation of some editors 
refers the words incorrectly to v. 40. 

V. 42. Kr)pv$aL T(o Aao), to preach to the people, as above. Peter 
alludes to the sphere of their ministry which they were directed 
to occupy at first; comp. 1, 8; 3, 26, etc. — otl avrds, that himself 
and no other. W. § 22. 4. — KptxT^s ^(Lvto)v koI veKpC)v, judge of the 
living and dead, i. e. of all who shall be on the earth at the time 
of his final appearance (1 Thess. 4, 17), and of all who have 
lived previously and died. For other passages which represent 
Christ as sustaining this office of universal judge, see 17, 31 ; 2 
Tim. 4, 1 ; 1 Pet. 4, 5. Olshausen and some others, understand 
tJie living and dead, to be the righteous and wicked; but we are to 
attach to the words that figurative sense only when the context 
(Matt. 8, 22), or some explanatory adjunct (Eph. 2, 1), leads the 
mind distinctly to it. 

V. 43. TovTO) .... fiapTvpovcTLv, FoT tMs onc (dat. comm.) testify 
all the prophets ; comp. on 3, 24. — a<^e(rtv . . . . eis avTov states the 
purport of their testimony. This clause presents two ideas : fii-st 
that the condition of pardon is faith in Christ; and secondly, 
that this condition brings the attainment of pardon within the 
reach of all : every one, whether Jew or Gentile, ivho believes on 
him shall receive remission of sins. See Rom. 10, 11. For the 
explanation of tov ov6p.o.ro% avrov, see on 2, 21. 



Chap. X, 44-47. 



COMMENTAKY. 



187 



Verses 44-48. Cornelius and others receive the Spirit, and are 

baptized. 

V. 44. hi \a\ovvTo<;, still speaking. Hence Peter had not finished 
his remarks when God vouchsafed this token of his" favor ; see 
11, 15. — TO TTvevfxa, the Spirit, i. e. as the author of the gifts men- 
tioned in V. 46. The miracle proved that the plan of salvation 
which Peter announced was the divine plan, and that the faith 
which secured its blessings to the Jew was sufficient to secure 
them to the Gentile. A previous submission to the rites of Ju- 
daism was shown to be unnecessary. It is worthy of note, too, 
that those who received the Spirit in this instance had not been 
baptized (comp. 19, 5), nor had the hands of an apostle been laid 
upon them (comp. 8, 17). This was an occasion when men were 
to be taught by an impressive example how little their accep- 
tance with God depends on external observances. — Travras re- 
stricts itself to the Gentiles (v. 27) since they were properly the 
hearers to whom Peter was speaking, and not the Jews. 

V. 45. ol Ik 7repiT0jxrj<;, they of the circumcision, i. e. the Jewish 
brethren, mentioned in v. 23; comp. 11, 2; Rom. 4, 12; Col. 4, 
11. — TTto-Tot = 7rto-T€i;ovTes. See 16, 1; John 20, 27. " Verbal ad- 
jectives in TO?, which have usually a passive signification, have 
often in poetry, and sometimes in prose, an active signification." 
See K. Ausfiihr. Gr. k 409. 3. A. 1. — ort Kai k-nX ra e^vr], that also 
upon the heathen, as well as upon the Jews. The assertion is 
universal because this single instance established the principle. 

V. 46. rjKovov avTuiv, were hearing them while they spoke. — 
-yXojo-o-at?, ivith tongues new, before unspoken by them. The ful- 
ler description in 2, 4 prepares the way for the conciser statement 
here. 

V. 47. ixrjTi TO vS(x)p, K. T. A., Can perhaps any one forbid the 
water that these should not be baptized 1 The article may con- 
trast {?8(o/3 and irvev/xa with each other, or more naturally desig- 
nate the water as wont to be so applied. The import of the 
question is this : Since, although uncircumcised, they have be- 
lieved and received so visible a token of their acceptance with 
God, what shduld hinder their admission into the church? 
Who can object to their being baptized, and thus acknowl- 
edged as Christians in full connection with us? As KOiXvw in- 
volves a negative idea, /xt^ could be omitted or inserted before 
PaTVTLcrSrjvaL. The distinction may be, that the infinitive with 
fjLYj expresses the result of the hinderance ; without /xt}, that 



188 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XI, 1-4. 



which the hinderance would prevent. See Woolsey on the Al- 
cestis, V. 11. ixrj after such verbs has been said to be superfluous 
(K. § 318. 10), or simply intensive (Mt. ^ 534. 3). Klotz ad Devar. 
(II. p. 668) suggests the correct view. See also Bernh. Synt. 
p. 364. — Ka-^ws Kttt ^/xets, o.s also we received, viz. eV apxQ (see 11, 15), 
in the beginning. 

V. 48. TTpoa-iraie, commanded that the rite should be performed 
by others ; he devolved the service on his attendants. Peter's 
rule in regard to the administration of baptism may have been 
similar to that of Paul; see 1 Cor. 1, 14. — eTrt/^etrnt, sc. i-rr avrot?; 
comp. 28, 14. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Verses 1-18. Peter Justifies himself at Jerusalem for his visit to 

Cornelius. 

V. 1. Peter, John and James were among the apostles now at 
Jerusalem (8, 14 ; 12, 2), and no doubt others. — Kara r^v 'lovSatW, 
throughout (comp. 15, 23) Judea, since the brethren belonged to 
difierent churches in this region; see Gal. 1, 22. — ra l^vx], the 
heathen wliile still uncircumcised (see v. 3). 

V. 2. ore avkp-t], when he ivefit up. There is no evidence that 
Peter was summoned to Jerusalem to defend his conduct. He 
had reason to fear that it would be censured until the particulars 
of the transaction were known, and he may have hastened his 
return, in order to furnish that information. — ol Ik Trcptro/x?}?, they 
of the circumcision, are the Jewish believers, as in 10, 45 ; not here 
a party among them more tenacious of circumcision than the 
others. It is implied that this tenacity was a Jewish character- 
istic. The narrower sense of the expression occurs in some 
places. 

V. 3. See the remarks on 10, 28. No!ice the ground of the 
complaint. It was not that Peter had preached to the heathen, 
but that he had associated with them in such a manner as to vio- 
late his supposed obligations as a Jew. Compare? the note on 2, 
39. We may infer that he had avoided that degree of intimacy 
when he himself entertained the Gentile messengers (10, 23). 

V. 4. dp^a/x€vos, K. T. A., conimencing, i. e. proceeding to speak 
(see on 2, 4), or beginning with the first circumstances he related 
unto them, etc. This repetition of the history shows the impor- 



Chap. XI, 5-17. COMMENTARY. 189 

tance attached to this early conflict between the gospel and Ju- 
daism. 

V. 5. For the omission of rfj before TroXet, see on §, 5. — opa/xa 
denotes here what was seen, and differs from its use in 10, 3. — 
reaaapo-Lv dpxo-i^ Ka^ie/xeVr/v, let down, suspended, by four corners, 
i. e. by means of cords fastened to them. Luke abbreviates here 
the fuller expression in 10, 11. 

V. 12. By a mixed construction, StaKpti/o/xevov agrees with the 
suppressed subject of crvveX^eiv, instead of /xot. C. S 627. /3. ; Mt. 
\ 536, — ot o^^\(\ioi ovToi, these six men (see 10, 23) ; they had, 
therefore, accompanied Peter to Jerusalem, either as witnesses 
for him, or for his own vindication, since they had committed the 
same offence. 

V. 13. Tov ayyeXov, the angel known to the reader from the 
previous narrative (10, 3. 22). Those addressed had not heard 
of the vision, and must have received from Peter a fuller account 
of it than it was necessary to repeat here. — avSpa<s has been 
transferred to this place from 10, 5. 

V. 14. Tras 6 oTkos (tov, all th]] family. The assurance embraces 
them because they were prepared, as well as Cornelius, to wel- 
come the apostle's message ; comp. 10, 2. This part of the com- 
xTiunication has not been mentioned before. 

V. 15. apiacr^ai is not superfluous (Kuin.), but shows how 
soon the Spirit descended after he began to speak: see on 10, 44. 
W. ^ 67. 4. — ev apxi?' ^^^^ beginning, i. e. on the day of Pente- 
cost. The order of the narrative indicates that the conversion 
of Cornelius took place near the time of Paul's arrival at Antioch. 
Some ten years, therefore (see on v. 26), had passed away since 
the event to which Peter alludes ; comp. on 15, 7.- 

V. 16. €fjLVYjar3^r]v, K. T. A.., And I remembered the declaration of 
the Lord, i. e. had it brought to mind with a new sense of its 
meaning and application; comp. Matt. 26, 75; John 12, 16. The 
Saviour had promised to bestow on his disciples a higher baptism 
than that of water (see 1, 5 ; Luke 24, 49) ; and the result proved 
that he designed to extend the benefit of that promise to the 
heathen who should believe on him, as well as to the Jews. — 
w? eXeycv, how he said. See on 1,5. 

V. 17. eScoKcv, gave, as mentioned in 10, 44. — Kat, aZso, con- 
nects r]{xiv with avrois. — TnaTevcrcwLv, having believed, refers to both 
pronouns (De Wet. Mey.), i. e. they all received the same gift in 
the same character, viz. that of believers. Bengel (to whom Mey. 
assents now) limits the participle to rjfuv. — eyca 8e rts ^fjirjv, k. t. A., 
combines two questions ( W, § 66. 5.) ; Who then luas II Was 1 



190 COMMENTARY. Chap. XI, 18. 19. 

able to witlistand God ? i. e. to disregard so distinct an intimation 
of his will that the heathen should be recognized as worthy of 
all the privileges of the gospel, without demanding of them any 
other qualification than faith in Christ. Sumros suggests that such 
opposition would have been as presumptuous and futile, as a con- 
test between man's power and infinite power. 8e with rts strength- 
ens the question, as in 2 Cor. 6, 14. It is left out of some copies, 
but not justly. 

V. 18. y](yvxO'0-a.v, were silent, refrained from further opposition 
(v. 2) ; comp. 21, 14. — eSo^a^ov expresses a continued act. The 
sudden change of tenses led some to write kho^aa-av. — apayc, 
therefore, then (Matt. 7, 20; 17, 26); more pertinent here than 
the interrogative apaye (8, 30). The accentuation varies in diiFer- 
ent editions. — For -niv /^eravoiav cSokcv, see the note on 5, 31. — 
eis ^(MTjv, ecbatic, unto life, i. e. such repentance as secures it; 
comp. 2 Cor. 7, 10. 

Verses 19-24. The Gospelis preached at Antioch. 

V. 19. ot {xkv ovv Stao-7rapei/re?, those therefore dispersed, recalls 
the reader to an earlier event in the liistory ; see 8, 4. — airo tt}? 
3-Xiil/ew<;,from (as an effect of) the persecution (Whl. Win. Mey.) ; 
comp. 20, 9 ; Luke 19, 3. This is better than to render siiice the 
persecution. It is more natural to be reminded here of the cause 
of the dispersion, than of the time when it began. — k-rn Sre^ai/oj, 
upon Stephen, on his account; comp. 4, 21 ; Luke 2, 20. W. ( 
48. c. — SiyjXSov. See 8, 4. 40. — ^olvlkt]?. Fhcenicia in this age 
lay chiefly between the western slope of Lebanon and the sea, 
a narrow plain reacliing from the river Elutherus on the north to 
Carmel on the south. Its limits varied at different times. Among 
the PhcEuician cities were Tyre and Sidon ; and the statement 
here accounts for the existence of the Christians in those places, 
mentioned so abruptly in 21,4; 27, 3. — 'Avrtoxeta?. Here we 
have the first notice of this important city. Antioch was the cap- 
ital of Syria, and the residence of the Roman governors of that 
province. It was founded by Seleucus Nicator, and named after 
his father, Antiochus. It stood "near the abrupt angle formed 
by the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor, and in the opening where 
the Orontes passes between the ranges of Lebanon and Taurus. 
By its harbor of Seleucia it was in communication with all the 
trade of the Mediterranean ; and, through the open country be- 
hind Lebanon, it was conveniently approached by the caravans 
from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It was almost an Oriental Rome, 



Chap. XI, 20-23. 



COMMENTARY. 



191 



in which all the forms of the civilized life of the empire found a 
representative." Howson, 1. p. 149. See further, on 13, 4. It is 
memorable in the first Christian age as the seat of missionary 
operations for the evangelization of the heathen. 

V. 20. Whether the preachers came to Antioch before the con- 
version of Cornelius or afterward, the narrative does not decide. 
Some prefer to place the arrival after his baptism, lest Peter 
might not seem to be the first who preached the gospel to the 
Gentiles. See the note on 15, 7. — Si, but, distinguishes the 
course pursued by certain of them, from that of the other Siao-Trap- 
ei/res. The general fact is fii'st stated, and then the exception. — 
KvTrptoi, i. e. Jews born in Cyprus ; see 2, .5. 9. — Trpo? tols^'EAX?/- 
vaq, unto the Greeks, opposed to 'louSatoig, Jeivs, in the foregoing 
verse. The received text has 'EXXi^vio-ra?, Hellenists (see on 6, 1) 
and the mass of external testimony favors that reading. "Words 
worth's note presents the evidence on that side in a strong light. 
On the contrary, the internal argument appears to demand "EAAry- 
va?. Some of the oldest versions and a few manuscripts support 
that as the original word. The majority of critics in view of this 
two-fold evidence decide for "EXA-vyva? (Grsb. Lchm. Tsch. De 
Wet. Mey.). It would have been nothing new to have preached, 
at this time, to the Greek- speaking Jews ; see, e. g. 2, 9 ; 9, 29. 
If we accept "EXXT^va?, the Greeks addressed at Antioch must have 
been still heathen in part, and not merely Jewish proselytes. No 
other view accounts for Luke's discrimination as to the sphere of 
the two classes of preachers. — Kvp-qvaloL. See on 2, 10. 

V. 21. For KvpLov, comp. 4, 30; Luke 1, 66. — /xcr' avroiv, 
with them who preached at Antioch. The subject of discourse, 
both in the last verse and the next, requires this reference of the 
pronoun. 

V. 22. rjKovo-^Y} ct? ra wra is a Hebraism, says De Wette, with- 
out any instance exactly parallel in Hebrew. — 6 Xoyo?, the report. 
Trepl avTU)v excludes the idea that it was a communication sent 
from the brethren at Antioch. — k^airicrruXav derives its subject 
from kv 'lepoo-oXvfjioL^ ; comp. Gal. 2, 2. — SteXS^uv, with the direc- 
tion that he should go (comp. 20, 1 ) ; left out of some of the early 
versions as if unnecessary. See W. § 65. 4. d. — Bapvd^av. See 
4, 36 ; 9, 27. 

V. 23. x^-P*^^ '^^^ S^eov, the grace, or favor of God, as manifested 
in the conversion of the heathen. — TrapcKaXet Travra?, exhorted all 

* The New Testament in the Origmal Greek with Notes, by Chr. Wordsworth, 
D. D., Canon of Westminster (London 1857). 



192 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XI, 24-26. 



who had beheved. We find him exercising here the pecuHar 
gift for which he was distinguished ; see on 4, 36. — ry Trpo^eW 
T7]<; /capStas, witk the purpose of the heart, i. e. a purpose sincere, 
earnest. 

V. 24. oTt ^v, K. T. A., because he was a man good and full of the 
Holy Spirit, etc. This description states why he exerted himself 
so strenuously to establish the converts in their faith. l^a-Kia-TuXav 
in V. 22 is too remote to allow us to view it as the reason why 
they selected him for such a service. — koX Trpoa-ereS-r], k. t. A. 
The labors of Barnabas resulted also in the accession of new 
believers. 

Verses 25. 26. Paul arrives at Antioch, and labors there. 

V. 25. Our last notice of Paul was in 9, 30. — aval-q-rria-ai, in 
order to seek out, find by inquiry or effort. It was not known at 
what precise point the apostle was laboring; see Gal. 1, 21. 
eupcov indicates the same uncertainty. Barnabas would naturally 
direct his steps first to Tarsus, whither he would proceed by sea 
from Seleucia (see on 13,4), or track his way through the 
defiles of the intervening mountains. Howson : " The last time 
the two friends met was in Jerusalem. In the period since 
that interview, ' God had granted to the Gentiles repentance 
unto life' (v. 18). Barnabas had 'seen the grace of God' 
(v. 23), and under his own teaching ' a great multitude ' (v. 24) 
had been ' added to the Lord.' But he needed assistance ; he 
needed the presence of one whose wisdom was greater than his 
own, whose zeal was an example to all, and whose peculiar mis- 
sion had been miraculously declared. Saul recognized the voice 
of God in the words of Barnabas ; and the two friends travelled 
in all haste to the Syrian metropolis." 

V. 26. IviavTov oXov, a ivhole year, viz. that of A. D. 44, since 
it was the year which preceded Paul's second journey to Jerusa- 
lem, at the time of the famine. See on 12, 25. The apostle 
had spent the intervening years, from A. D. 39 to 44, in Syria 
and Cilicia (see on 9, 30). — avvax^rivai, k. t. A., they came together 
in the church, the public assembly, i. e. for the purpose of worship, 
and, as we see from the next clause, for preaching the word : and 
taught a great multitude (comp. 14, 21) ; many of whom, no doubt, 
they won to a reception of the truth. Meyer explains (rvva^S^rivaL 
of the hospitality shown to the teachers, with an appeal to Matt. 
25, 35. But the context which should indicate that sense, is op- 
posed to it here. — ^j^piy/xartVat .... Xpio-navovs, and the disciples 



Chap. XI, 26-28. 



COMMENTARY. 



193 



were first named Christians at Antioch. Thus ten years or more 
elapsed after the Saviour left the earth before the introduction 
of this name. Its origin is left in some uncertainty. XpLo-navoi 
has a Latin termination, like 'H/owSiai/ot in Matt. 22, 16, and Mark 
3, 6. We see the proper Greek form in Na^wpato? in 2, 22, or 
'IraXtKos in 10, 1. Hence some infer (Olsh. Mey.) that it must 
have been the Roman inhabitants of the city, not the Greeks, 
who invented the name. The argument is not decisive, since 
Latinisms were not unknown to the Greek of this period. It is 
evident that the Jews did not apply it first to the disciples ; for 
they would not have admitted the imphcation of the term, viz. 
that Jesus was the Messiah. It is improbable that the Christians 
themselves assumed it ; such an origin would be inconsistent 
with its infrequent use in the New Testament. It occurs only 
in 26, 28 ; 1 Pet. 4, 16, and in both places proceeds from those 
out of the church. The Kokov ovofxa to iTriKk-q^lv i<f vixas in James 
2, 7 may be the Christian name. The believers at Antioch had 
become numerous ; they consisted of Gentiles and Jews ; it was 
evident that they were a distinct community from the latter ; and 
probably the heathen, whether they were Greeks or Romans, or 
native Syrians, needing a new appellation for the new sect, called 
them Christians, because the name of Christ was so prominent 
in their doctrine, conversation, and worship. The term may not 
have been at first opprobrious, but distinctive merely. 



Verses 27—30. Barnabas and Saul are sent with Alms to Jeru- 
salem. 

V. 27. Iv TavraLs rat? rjfxepais, in these days, i. e. about the time 
that Paul himself came to Antioch ; for it is reasonable to sup- 
pose that an inter\'al of some extent occurred between the pre- 
diction and the famine. — 7rpo<f>rjTat, inspired teachers; see on 2, 17. 
Agabus, at least, possessed the prophetic gift, in the strict sense 
of that expression. 

V. 28. avaa-To.'i, having stood up, in order to declare his message 
more formally. — ^^Aya^Sos is known only from this passage and 21, 
10. — co-rj/xave, made known (see 25, 27), not intimated merely. — 
At/Aov, in the later Greek, is masculine or feminine ; heiic^e some 
copies have fxiyav, others ixeyak-qv. See W. ^ 8. 2. 1. — fxiXXeiv 
t(Tecr^ai contains a double future, as in 24, 15 ; 27, 10. The read- 
ing varies in 24, 25. As one of its uses, the first infinitive in 
such a case may represent the act as fixed, certain ; the second 
as future. The famine that was to take place was decreed. See 

25 



194 



COMMENTARY 



Chap. XI, 28. 29. 



Mt. § 498. e ; C. ^ 583. — i(f) oXrjv rrjv olKovfJiivrjv, SC. yrjv, over all 
the inhabited land, i. e. Judea and the adjacent countries, or accord- 
ing to some, the Roman empire. The Greek and Roman writers 
employed y ocKovfjLevr] to denote the Greek and the Roman world ; 
and a Jewish writer would naturally employ such a term to denote 
the Jewish world. Josephus appears to restrict the word to Pal- 
estine in Antt. 8. 13. 4. Speaking of the efforts of Ahab to find 
the prophet Elijah, he says that the king sent messengers in pur- 
suit of him Kara Tracrav rrjv oLKovfxemjv, throughout all the earth or land, 
i. e. of the Jews. Ancient writers give no account of any universal 
famine in the reign of Claudius, but they speak of several local 
famines which were severe in particular countries. Josephus 
(Antt. 20. 2. 6; lb. 5. 2) mentions one which prevailed at that 
time in Judea, and swept away many of the inhabitants. Helena, 
queen of Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte who was then at Jerusa- 
lem, imported provisions from Egypt and Cyprus, which she dis- 
tributed among the people to save them from starvation. This 
is the famine, probably, to which Luke refers here. The chronol- 
ogy admits of this supposition. According to Josephus, the fam- 
ine which he describes took place when Cuspius Fadus and 
Tiberius Alexander were procurators ; i. e. as Lardner suggests, it 
may have begun about the close of A. D. 44, and lasted three or 
four years. Fadus was sent into Judea on the death of Agrippa, 
which occurred in August of the year A. D. 44. If we attach 
the wider sense to olKovfxevrjv, the prediction may import that a 
famine should take place throughout the Roman empire during 
the reign of Claudius (the year is not specified below), and not 
that it should prevail in all parts at the same time. So Words- 
worth, Notes, p. 58. — €7rt KXavSiov, in (lit. upon) the reign of Clau- 
dius. On eVi, in such chronological designations, see K. $ 273. 
4. b. The Greek idiom views the events as resting upon the ruler 
as their source or author; the English idiom as taking place un- 
der his guidance or auspices. — Kato-apos after ^KXavUov ( T. R.) is 
not warranted. 

V. 29. T(ov /xa^ryrcoi/ depends by attraction on Tt?. The ordinary 
construction would be ol jxaS^rjraX Ka^cb? -qvivopuTO tls avrthv (Mey. 
De Wet.) : The disciples in proportion as any one was prospered de- 
termined each of them, etc. The apostle Paul prescribes the same 
rule of contribution in 1 Cor. 16, 2. For the augment in -qviropeiTo, 
see on 2, 26. For cKao-ros after a plural verb, see on 2, 6. — eis 
StttKovtW, for relief, lit. ministration, i. e. to their wants. The act 
here suggests the idea of its result or object. — Trifjuj/aL sc. rt. — 
ev rfj 'lotiSata, in Judea; not the capital merely but other parts 



Chap. XII, 1. 



COMMENTARY. 



195 



also, since the famine was general and believers were found in 
different places (see v. 1 and Gal. 1, 22). 

V. 30. Kal connects eTrotTyo-w with wpiaav I they executed their 
determination. — Trpos rous Trpear^vrepo?, unto the elders, either those 
at Jerusalem who could easily forward the supplies to the desti- 
tute elsewhere, or those in Judea at large whom the messengers 
visited in person. The latter idea presents itself very readily 
from 'Io7;Saia just before, and has also tliis to commend it, that 
Paul would have had an opportunity to preach now in that 
province, as mentioned in 26, 20 (see note there). — For the 
office of the presbyters, see on 14, 23. — Bapvd^a is the Doric gen- 
itive; comp. 19, 14; Luke 13, 29 ; John I, 43, etc. W. ^ 8. 1 ; 
K. § 4:4:. R. 2. — Meyer finds a contradiction between this passage 
and Gal. 2, 1, as if Paul could not have gone to Jerusalem at this 
time because he has not mentioned it in the Epistle. It is impos- 
sible to see why the reason commonly assigned for this omission 
does not account for it. Paul's object in writing to the Galatians 
does not require him to enumerate all his journeys to Jerusalem. 
In the first chapter there, he would prove that as an apostle he 
was independent of all human authority, and in the second chap- 
ter that the other apostles had conceded to him that independ- 
ence. He had no occasion, therefore, to recapitulate his entire 
history. Examples of the facts in his life were all that he needed 
to bring forward. He was not bound to show how often he 
had been at Jerusalem, but qnly that he had gone thither once 
and again, under circumstances which showed in what character 
he claimed to act, and how fully the other apostles had ac- 
knowledged this claim. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Verses 1. 2. Renewed persecution at Jerusalem, and Death of 

James. 

Y. 1. KaT eKelvov rov Katpov, about that time, i. e. when Barnabas 
and Saul went to Jerusalem, as has just been related. See on 
V. 25. — 'Hpw§97?. This Herod was Herod Agrippa the First, son 
of Aristobulus and grandson of Herod the Great. On the acces- 
sion of Caligula, he received as king the former possessions of 
Phihp and Lysanias, see Luke 3, 1 ; at a later period, the 
tetrarchy of Antipas ; and in the year A. D. 41, Samaria and 



196 



COMMENTRY. 



Chap. XH, 2.3. 



Judea which were conferred on him by Claudius ; so that, like Ms 
grandfather Herod, he swayed the sceptre, at tliis time, over all 
Palestine.^ — i-n-ifSaXs ras ^^tpa? does not mean attempted (Kuin.), 
hut 2^1(1 forth viole^it hands; comp. 4, 3 ; 5, 18; 21, 27. — KaKojtrat, 
to opyress, maltreat. The E. version derives " vex '* from Tyn- 
dale. — ttTTo riy? cK/cXiycrtas, of the church, (ht from), since the idea 
of origin passes readily into that of property, adherence. W. $ 
47. 4. 

V. 2. dveiXc fxa^aipa, slew him ivith the stvord, beheaded him. 
The article fails, because the idea is general, abstract; comp. 9, 

12. W. M9. 1. On the mode of execution among the Jews, 
see Jahn's Archseol. k 257. Agrippa had the power of life and 
death, since he administered the government in the name of the 
Romans. See the note on 7, 5%.7 The victim of his violence 
was James the Elder, a son of Zebedee and brother of John 
(Matt. 4, 21 ; 10, 2 ; Mark 1, 19, etc.). He is to be distinguished 
from James the Younger, the kinsman of the Lord (Gal. 1, 19), 
who is the individual meant under this name in the remainder 
of the history (17 ; 15, 13; 21, 18). The end of James verified 
the prediction that he should drink of his Master's cup ; see 
Matt. 20, 23. Eusebius (2. 9) records a tradition that the apos- 
tle's accuser was converted by his testimony and beheaded at 
the same time with him. " The accuracy of the sacred writer," 
says Paley, " in the expressions wliich he uses here, is remarka- 
ble. There was no portion of tiijie for thirty years before, or 
ever afterwards, in which there was a king at Jerusalem, a per- 
son exercising that authority in Judea, or to whom that title 
could be appHed, except the last three years of Herod's hfe, 
A\TLthin which period the transaction here recorded took place." 
The kingdom of Agrippa the Second, who is mentioned in 25, 

13, did not embrace Judea. 

Verses 3-5. TJie imprisonment of Peter. 

V. 3. iScbv OTL ctpco-Tov, K. T. A., sccifig that it is pleasing, etc. 
The motive of Agrippa, therefore, was a desire to gain public 
favor. Josephus (Antt. 19. 7. 3) attributes to this ruler the same 
trait of character ; he describes him as eager to ingratiate him- 
self with the Jews. — Tr/oose^cro, K. T. A., he apprehended still 
further Peter also ; an imitation of the Heb. vi&'l"'^. with the infini- 
tive, comp. Luke 20, 11. 12. W. ^ 54. 5; Gesen. Heb. Gr. § 139. 
— a^vfjio)v, the days of unleavened bread, i. e. the festival of the 

1 See Introduction, § 6. 2. 



• 



Chap. XII, 4-6. 



COMMENTARY. 



197 



Passover, which continued seven days ; and was so named be- 
cause during that time no leaven was allowed in the houses of 
the Jews. The common text omits at before -^/xipaL, which the 
best editors insert as well attested. It is not grammatically 
necessary. W. § 19. 2. 

V. 4. /cat, also, canies the mmd back to truAAa/Jetv in v. 3, the 
idea of wliich Trato-as repeats. — ricrcrapa-i rerpaStots, to four quater- 
7iions, four companies of four, who were to relieve each other in 
guarding the prison. The Jews at tliis time followed the Roman 
practice of dividing the night into four watches, consisting of 
tliree hours each. Of the four soldiers employed at the same time, 
two watched in the prison and two before the door ; or perhaps 
in tliis case (see on v. 10) were all stationed on the outside. — 
/SovXoixevo?, meaning, but disappointed in that purpose. — /xera to 
Trdo-xa, after the Passover, i, e. not the paschal supper, but the fes- 
tival which it introduced; comp. Luke 21, 1 ; John 6, 4. The 
reason for deferring the execution was that the stricter Jews 
regarded it as a profanation to put a person to death during a 
rehgious festival. Agrippa himself may have entertained, or af- 
fected to entertain, that scruple. — dmyayetv avTov, to bring him 
up, i. e. for trial and execution ; comp. Luke 22, 66. But Herod 
was nearer his end than Peter. — to) Xaw, for the people (dat. 
comm.), i. e. that they might be gratified with his death. 

V. 5. ow, therefore, committed to such a guard. — Iv rfj cjivXaKrj 
in the prison mentioned in v. 4. — iKrev-qs, intent, earnest, not 
unceasing, constant. See Luke 22, 44; 1 Pet. 4, 8. It is a 
word of the later Greek. Lob. ad Phryn. p. 311. All the English 
translators from Wiclif downward adopt the temporal sense. — 
kKK\r]{jla^. The members of the church were so numerous, that 
they must have met in different companies. One of them is 
mentioned in v. 12. 

Verses 6-11. The Miraculous Liberation of Peter. 

V. 6. wKTi cKuvrj, in that night preceding the day when he was 
to have been executed. — SeSe/^eVos dXuo-ecrt hva-C, bound ivith tiuo 
chains. The Roman mode of chaining prisoners was adopted 
in this case, and was the following : " The soldier who was ap- 
pointed to guard a particular prisoner had the chain fastened to 
the wrist of liis left hand, the right remaining at liberty. The 
prisoner, on the contrary, had the chain fastened to the wrist of 
his right hand. The prisoner, and the soldier who had the care 
of him, were said to be tied [alligati)to one another. Sometimes, 



i 



198 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XH, 7-10. 



for greater security, the prisoner was chained to two soldiers, one 
on each side of him." Diet, of Antiq. art. Catena. Paul was bound 
with two chains on the occasion mentioned in 21, 33. — cf>vXaKe's 
T€, K. T. X., and keepers before the door (perhaps two at one station 
and two at another) luere guarding the prison ; not after v. 5, were 
keeping guard (Raph. Walch). 

V. 7. ev rw olK.-iqp.aTL, in the abode = the prison. Tliis was an 
Attic euphemism which passed at length into the common dialect. 
— Trard^a^, having smitten, in order to rouse him from sleep. — 
avdorra is a second aorist imperative ; comp. Eph. 5, 14. Gramma- 
rians represent the form as poetic in the earlier Greek. K. § 172. 
R. 5 ; W. § 14. 1. h. — e^'eVeo-ov .... x^^P^^^ ^'-^^ chains fell off from 
his hands, or wrists. x^'^P the Greeks could use of the entire fore- 
arm, or any part of it. 

V. 8. TrepiXcoo-at. For convenience he had unbound the girdle 
of his tunic while he slept. The Ifidriov which he threw around 
him was the outer coat, or mantle, worn over the x'-'^^^- There 
was no occasion for a precipitate flight ; and the articles wliich 
he was directed to take would be useful to him. Note the tran- 
sition to the present in the last two imperatives. 

V. 9. dXrj^^h, true, actual, as distinguished from a dream or 
vision. Peter's uncertainty arose from the extraordinary nature 
of the interposition ; it was too strange to be credited. He was 
bewildered by the scene, unable at the moment to comprehend 
that what he saw and did was a reality. 

V. 10. SieA^oVres .... Sevrepav, having 2^(^ssed through the first 
and second ivatch, i. e. as Walch de vinculis Petri suggests, fii'st 
through the two soldiers stationed at Peter's door (v. 6), and then 
through two others near the gate which led into the city. He 
supposes the two soldiers to whom Peter was bound (v. 6) were 
not included in the sixteen (v. 4), since their office would not 
require them to remain awake, and consequently to be changed 
during the night, like the others. A more common opinion is, 
that the first watch was a single soldier, before the door, and the 
second another at the iron gate, and that these two soldiers, with 
the two by the side of Peter, made up the quaternion then on 
duty. But oteA^^ovre?, having passed through, suggests a plural 
sense of cfivXaKYjv, and must be said loosely, if applied to a single 
person. This participle after i^eX^wv in v. 9 indicates a different 
position of the first ivatch from that of the two soldiers who guarded 
Peter in his cell; some have proposed that explanation. The 
numeral renders the article unnecessary. W. § 19. 2. That 
Peter passed the watch unopposed, or perhaps unobserved (see v. 



Chap. XII, 11-13. 



COMMENTARY. 



199 



18), was a part of the miracle. See on 5, 19. — i-n-l rrjv ttvXtjv, 
K. T. X. The precise situation of the prison is unknown. The 
iron gate may have formed the termination of a court, or avenue, 
which connected the prison with the town. De Wette, after 
Lightfoot, Walch, and others, thinks that the prison was in a 
tower between the two walls of the city, and that this was the 
outer gate of the tower. Others have proposed other conjectures. 

— avToixdrr) is equivalent to an adverb, spontaneoicsly. K. § 264. 
3. c ; B. ^ 123. 6. The gate opened without any visible cause. — 
7rporjX%v pvfjirjv fxtav, ivent foYivard one street or lane (9, 11). The 
angel accompanied him until he was beyond the reach of pursuit. 

— eu-^eo)?, immediately, on having come thu s far. 

V. 11. y€vo/;t€i/o9 eV cauTw, having come to himself, recovered from 
the confusion of mind into which he had been thrown. — e|a7r- 
€crT€LX€, sent forth from heaven. — euro 7rd(ry]<5 Trj<s irpocrSoKias, from all 
the expectation of the Jews who were so eager for his execu- 
tion, and looking forward to it with confidence. 

Verses 12-17. Peter repairs to the House of Mary, where some 
of the Believers had assembled for Prayer. 

V. 12. o-wiScjov, sc. to, yei/o/xeva, having become aivare (14, 6), 
conscious to himself of the state of things (Whl. Alf. Mey.). 
Luke reminds us of this fact again (see v. 11), as if it might 
appear strange that Peter acted with so much deliberation. Some 
render considering, i. e. either what he should do, or where he 
should find an assembly of the disciples. Both the meaning and 
the tense of the participle favor this explanation less than the 
other. — 'Icoai/voD .... MdpKov. This John Mark is called simply 
John in 13, 5. 13; and Mark in 15, 39. He is supposed to have 
been the same Mark whom Peter terms his son in 1 Pet. 5, 13, 
i. e. in a spiritual sense, converted by his instrumentality. There 
is no reason for questioning his identity with the Evangelist who 
wrote the Gospel of Mark. See further, on v. 25. — Trpoo-euxo/xevot. 
One of the objects for which they were praying was the safety 
of Peter (v, 5). 

V. 13. . TraiStcTKTy, a maid-servant. Her Greek name, JRJioda, 
(Joes not disprove her Jewish origin; see on 1, 23. The portress 
among the Jews was commonly a female ; see John 18, 16. That 
the person should be known after so long a time shows how 
minute was Luke's information. — vTraKovcrai, to hearken. This 
was the classical term signifying to answer a knock or call at the 
door. 



200 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XII, 14-17. 



V. 14. Koi hriyvovcra tyjv ^oivrjv, and having recognized his voice 
(3, 10; 4, 13). Peter may be supposed to have announced' his 
name, or to have given it in reply to her inquiry. — 6.Tro ttj^ x^P^^. 
Notliing could be more hfe-like than the description of the scene 
which follows. E-hoda in the excess, of her joy forgets to open 
the door, runs into the house, declares the news, while Peter is 
left in the street still knocking, and exposed to arrest. The pas- 
sage has all the vividness of the recital of an eye-witness. Mark 
was undoubtedly in the house at the time, and may have com- 
municated the circumstances to Luke at Antioch ; or Luke may 
have obtained his information from Barnabas, who was a relative 
of the family; see Col. 4, 10. 

V. 15. 8it(Txvp^C^T0, ajfirmed conjidently. — 6 ayyeXos aurov eo-riv. 
It is his angel, i. e. his tutelary angel with his form and features. 
It was a common belief among the Jews, says Lightfoot, that 
every individual has a guardian angel, and that this angel may 
assume a visible appearance resembling that of the person whose 
destiny is .committed to him. This idea appears here not as a 
doctrine of the Scriptures, but as a popular opinion, which is 
neither affirmed nor denied. 

V. 17. Karacreto-as rrj x^'-P^> having motioned with the hand down- 
ward, as a signal that he would speak, and wished them to hear. 
Their joy was so tumultuous, that he could make them under- 
stand a gesture better than a word. — avyav. His object was not 
to prevent their being overheard, and so discovered by their ene- 
mies, but' to secure to himself an opportunity to inform them how 
he had been liberated. — 6 Kvptog, the Lord, as the angel had been 
sent by him; see v. 7, 11. — 'laKco^So). James is distinguished 
from the others on account of his office as pastor of the church 
at Jerusalem ; see on v. 2. — koX e^eA^cov, and (probably on the 
same night) having gone forth, i. e. from the house, as the context 
most readily suggests ; hence cis erepov tottov is indefinite, and 
may denote unto another place, in the city or out of it. It is most 
probable that he left the city for a time, as he must have fore- 
seen (see V. 19) that vigorous efforts would be made to retake 
and destroy him. We find him at Jerusalem again a few years 
after this; see 15, 7. He may have returned even sooner 
than that, as Agrippa lived but a short time after this occurrence. 
Catholic writers and some others hold that Peter proceeded to 
Rome at this time, and labored for the Jews there as the apostle 
of the circumcision (Gal. 2, 7 ; 1 Pet. 1, 1). If this be true, he 
must then have been the founder of the church in that city, or 
at all events have established a relation to it personal and official, 



Chap. XII, 18.19. COMMENTARY. 



201 



stronger than that of any other teacher. It is entirely ad- 
verse to this view, that Paul makes no alhision to Peter in his 
Epistle to the Romans, but writes with a tone of authority which 
his avowed policy, his spirit of independence (2 Cor. 10, 16), 
would not have suffered him to employ, had it belonged more 
properly to some other apostle to instruct and guide the Roman 
church. The best opinion from traditionary sources is that Peter 
arrived at Rome just before the outbreak of Nero's persecution, 
where he soon perished as a martyr. It is related that he was 
placed on the cross, at his own request, with his head downward, 
as if unworthy to suffer in the posture of the Master whom he 
had denied. 

Verses 18.19. Trial and Execution of the Soldiers. 

V. 18. yevofjiivr]? rjfxipa<;, when day had come. If the soldiers to 
whom Peter was bound had been changed at the expiration of 
each watch (see on v. 10), why did they not ascertain the escape 
sooner ? Wieseler ( Chronologic u. s. w. p. 220) replies that the 
flight took place in the last watch not long before break of day. 
This is doubtful, as it would abridge so much the time allowed 
for the interview at the house of Mary, and for the departure 
from the city. The question requires no answer if Watch's 
opinion as stated in v. 10 be well founded. — rapaxos, commotion, 
partaking of the nature both of inquiry and alarm. The former 
part of the idea leads the way to the question which follows. 
There was reason for fear, because the soldiers in such a case 
were answerable for the safety of the prisoner, and, if he escaped, 
were liable to suffer the punishment which would have been in- 
flicted on him. Compare 16, 27 ; Matt. 28, 14. o-Tparworats would 
include naturally the entire sixteen (v. 4), though the four who 
were on guard at the time of the escape had most reason to 
tremble for their lives, — tl apa, k. t. X., what then (syllogistical, 
since he was gone) was become of Peter ? 

V. 19. di/aKptVa?, having examined, tried them for a breach of 
discipline ; see 4, 9 ; Luke 23, 14. — We need not impute to 
Herod such barbarity as that of putting to death the entire de- 
tachment. ^vXaKaq may be understood of those who were more 
immediately responsible for the prisoner's safety. — dTra^'^^vai, to 
he led aivay, i. e. to execution. The word was a vox solennis in 
this sense, as Losner, Kypke, and others have shown. The Ro- 
mans employed ducere in the same absolute way. — koX KarcA^w, 
K. T. A.. Herod resided usually at Jerusalem, and went now to 

26 



202 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XII, 20. 21. 



Cassarea, as Josephiis informs lis, to preside at the public games 
in honor of the Emperor Claudiiis. 

Verses 20-24. Death of Herod Agrippa at CcBsarea. 

V. 20. The reader should compare the narrative of this event 
with that of Josephus, in Antt. 19. 8. 2. The Jewish historian has 
confirmed Luke's account in the most striking manner. He also 
makes Csesarea the scene of the occurrence ; he mentions the 
assembly, the oration, the robe, the impious acclamations of the 
people, the sudden death of Herod, and adds to the rest that his 
terrible end was a judgment inflicted upon him for his impiety. — 
^vfjioixaxC)v may refer to an open war or violent feeling of hostihty. 
As Josephus makes no mention of any actual outbreak between 
Agrippa and the Phcenicians, the latter is probably the sense of 
the word here. The Phcenicians may either have apprehended 
a war as the result of AgTippa's anger, or they may have been 
threatened with an interruption of the commerce carried on be- 
tween them and the Jews. — Traprjaav Trpos avrov, came unto him, 
i. e. in the person of their representatives ; lit. ivere present, the 
antecedent motion being applied. W. ^ 50. 4. — Treto-avres, having 
persuaded, brought to their interest. Blastus, judging from his 
name, may have been a Greek or a Roman. His influence with 
the king was the reason why they were so anxious to obtain his 
mediation. A bribe may have quickened his sympathy with the 
strangers. — lifl rov koitwvos, over his bedchamber, his chamberlain. 
His ofiice placed him near the king's person and enabled him to 
hold the keys to his heart (Bmg.). — ryVowro dpiqv-qv, desired peace, 
i. e. according to the circumstances of the case, sought to avert 
a rupture of it, or, if it was already impaired, to effect its restora- 
tion. Their desire for this result may have been increased by 
the existing famine. — to rpecfiea^aL, k. t. A,., because their country 
was sustained, etc. The Tyrians and Sidonians were a commer- 
cial people, and procured their supplies of grain chiefly from Pal- 
estine in exchange for their own merchandise. This relation of 
the two countries to each other had existed from early times ; see 
1 Kings 5, 9 ; Ezra 3, 7 ; Ezek. 27, 17. 

V. 21. raKTrj r}iJiepa, on an appointed day, which, according to 
Josephus, was the 1st of August, and the second day of the 
public games. — ei/Sixja/xevos eo-^^-^ra, k. t. A. The circmstances 
related by Josephus may be combined (Howson, I. p. 158) with 
Luke's account, as follows : " On the second day of the festival, 
Agrippa came into the theatre. The stone seats, rising in a great 



Chap. Xn, 21-24. 



COMMENTARY. 



-203 



semicircle, tier above tier, were covered with an ex<:ited miilti- 
tiide. The king came in, clothed in magnificent robes, of which 
silver was the costly and brilliant material. It was early in the 
day, and the sun's rays fell upon the king, so that the eyes of 
the beholders were dazzled with the brightness which surrounded 
him. Voices from the crowd, here and there, exclaimed that it 
was the apparition of something divine. And when he spoke and 
made an oration to them, they gave a shout, saying, ' It is the voice 
of a god, and not of a man.' But in the midst of this idolatrous 
ostentation, an angel of God suddenly smote him. He was carried 
out of the theatre a dying man, and on the 6th of August he was 
dead." — ctti tov (irjjxaTo^ upon the seat, or throne, provided for him 
in the theatre; see on 19, 29. — iSrjfxrjyopa, spoke pub lid?/ ; becaus.e 
though he directed his speech to the deputies, he was heard also 
by the people who were present (v. 22). The Phcenicians were 
there as suppliants for peace, and the king's object now was to 
announce to them his decision. The giving audience to ambas- 
sadors and replying to them in public was not uncommon in an- 
cient times. — Trpos avrovs, unto them, i. e. the Tyrians and Sido- 
nians as represented by their agents. The pronoun does not 
refer to S^/xo?. See W. ^ 22. 3. 1. It was the messengers, not 
the Csesareans who awaited the king's answer. 

V. 22. eTre^covet, shouted thereupon, again and again. It enhanced 
the eloquence no doubt, that what they had heard accorded with 
their wishes. In such a city, the bulk of the assembly would be 
heathen (see on 8, 40), and ^eov may be taken in their sense of 
the term. 

Y. 23. avS* wv, K. T. \., because he gave not glory to God., i. e. 
did not repel the impious flattery, was willing to receive it. Some 
editors insert r-qv before So^ai/. — kcli yevofjicvos, k. t. A,., and having 
been eaten ivith ivorms, he expired. In ascribing Agrippa's death 
to such a cause, Luke makes it evident that he did not mean to 
represent it as instantaneous. His statement, therefore, does not 
oppose that of Josephus, who says that Herod lingered for five 
days after the first attack, in the greatest agony, and then died. 
It is evident also for the same reason, that Luke did not consider 
the angel as the author of Herod's death in any such sense as to 
exclude the intervention of secondary causes. 

V. 24. 8e, but, contrasts slightly the fate of Herod, the perse- 
cutor of the church, with the prosperity of the church itself — 
6 Xoyos .... iTrXrj^^vvero, the ivord of God greiv, was diffused more 
and more, and increased, i. e. (comp. 6, 1) was embraced by in- 
creasing numbers. Xoyos suggests the complex idea of doctrine 



204 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. Xin, 1. 



and disciples, and the verbs which follow divide the idea into its 
parts. 

Verse 25. Barnabas and Saul return to Antioch. 

V. 25. This verse appears to be introductory to the subject of 
the next chapter. It was proper to apprise the reader that Barna- 
bas and Saul returned to Antioch (see 11, 30), since the narrative 
of what next occurred in that city implies that they were there, 
and no mention has been made of their return. Paul and Barnabas 
made this journey to Jerusalem probably near the beginning of 
the year A. D. 45 ; for the famine commenced at the close of the 
preceding year (see on 11, 28), and the supplies collected in an- 
ticipation of that event would naturally be forwarded before the 
distress began to be severe. That the journey took place about 
this time results also from its being mentioned in connection with 
Herod's death. The two friends appear to have remained at 
Jerusalem but a short time, as may be inferred from the object 
of their mission, and still more decisively from the absence of 
any allusion to this journey in Gal. 2, 1 sq. — 'Iwavrjyv. John was 
a relative of Barnabas, as we learn from Col. 4, 10 ; and this 
relationsliip may have led to the present connection. He ap- 
pears next in the history as their associate in missionary labors 
(13,5). 



CHAPTEK XIII. 

Verses 1-3. Barnabas and Saul are sent to preach to the Hea- 
then. 

V. 1. The narrative mentions tlnree different journeys of Paul 
among the heathen ; the account of the first of these commences 
here. — rtves (probably not genuine) would indicate that those 
named were not all the teachers at Antioch. — In /cara rrfv IkkX-tj- 
orlav the preposition may be directive as weU as local: in the 
church and for its benefit. The office supplied a correspondent 
(Kara) want. Or the idea may be that of distribution: such 
teachers belonging to the different churches (comp. 14, 23), the 
writer's mind passes along the series to those at Antioch. 
— Trpo(f)7jTaL (see on 2, 17) is the specific term; BiSda-KaXoL the 
generic. The prophets were all teachers, but the reverse was 
not true. Compare the note on 14, 23. — Sv/xewv. Symeon is 



Chap. XII, 1. 2. 



COMMENTARY. 



205 



otherwise unknown. He was evidently a Jew, and hence in his 
intercourse with Gentiles (see on v. 9) was called also Niger. 
The latter was a familiar name among the Romans, and is a pre- 
carious reason for inferring (Alf ) that he was an African prose- 
lyte. — AovKLos may be the Lucius who is mentioned in Rom. 16, 
21. Some have thought that Luke, the writer of the Acts (no 
doubt a native of Antioch), may be intended here ; but Aov/ctog 
and K.ovKiav6<5 or AouKag are different names. See W. ^ 16. 4. R. 1. 
— Kvp-qvalo's. See on 2, 10. — Mava7^V=:dn3^^ (2 Kings 15, 14) 
occurs only here. — 'HpouSov rov rerpdpxov. This Herod was the 
one who put to death John the Baptist; a son of Herod the 
Great, and an uncle of Agrippa, whose death has just been re- 
lated. He was now in exile on the banks of the Rhone, but 
though divested of his office is called tetrarch, because he was 
best known under that title ; see on 4, 6. There are two views 
as to the import of avvrpocfios. One is that it means comrade, lit. 
one brought up, educated with another. It was very common for 
persons of rank to associate other children with their own, for 
the purpose of sharing their amusements and studies, and by 
their example serving to excite them to greater emulation. Jose- 
phus, Plutarch, Polybius, and others, speak of this ancient prac- 
tice. So Calvin, Grotius, Schott, Baumgarten, and others. The 
more approved opinion is that it means collactaneus^ nourished at 
the same breast, foster-brother. Kuinoel, Olshausen, Tholuck, 
De Wette, and others, after Walch de Menachemo, adopt that 
meaning. The mother of Manaen, according to this view, was 
Herod's nurse. In either case the relation is mentioned as an 
honorary one. 

V. 2. XctroupyouvTwv refers here to the rites of Christian wor- 
ship, as prayer, exhortation, fasting, see v. 3. 15; 14, 23. — aurcov, 
i. e. the prophets and teachers. The participation of others in 
the service is not asserted, or denied. It is possible that they 
were observing a season of prayer with reference to this very 
question, What were their duties in relation to the heathen. — 
a(f)opL(TaT€ St^ fxoL, Separate now for me, i. e. for the Holy Spirit 
The Spirit makes the revelation, selects the missionaries, assigns 
to them their work. The personality of the agent may be in- 
ferred from such acts. The command in this form was ad- 
dressed to the associates of Barnabas and Saul, but the latter 
would hear the same voice pointing out to them their duty 
and directing them to perform the sei-vice laid upon them. — SrJ 
strengthens the command; see 15, 36 ; Luke 2, 15. K. § 315. 1. 
The verb contains the idea both of selection and consecration. — 



206 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIII, 3. 4. 



o, unto ivJbich, without tlie preposition because the antecedent has 
it; comp. -J rjpxov in 9, 17. — Trpoa-KiKXyjixaL has a middle sense. W. 
§ 39. 3. The nature of this work, not stated here, we learn from 
the subsequent narrative ; they were to go into foreign countries 
and publish the gospel to Jews and Gentiles. The great object 
of the mission was doubtless to open more effectually " the door 
of faith to the heathen." 

V. 3. Tore, K. T. X., Then havmg fasted, etc. This was a differ- 
ent fast from that spoken of in v. 2, and observed probably by 
the body of the church. — On eTri^eVres ras ;)(€t/3as avroLS, see 6, 6. 
The act was a representative one, and though performed by a 
part involves the idea of a general participation. Paul was al- 
ready a minister and an apostle (see Gal. 1, 1 sq., where he claims 
this character from the outset), and by this service he and Barna- 
bas were now merely set apart for the accomplishment of a 
specific work. They were summoned to a renewed and more sys- 
tematic prosecution of the enterprise of converting the heathen ; 
see on 9,30; 11,20. — aTriXvcrav, sent aioay. That the subject 
of this verb includes the Antiochian Christians in general, may 
be argued from the analogous case in 15, 40. The brethren 
commended Paul to God as he departed on his second mission. 

Verses 4-12. The Journey to Cyprus, audits Results. 

V. 4. eKTre/x^^eVreg. We may place this mission in the year 
A. D. 45. It does not appear that they remained long at Antioch 
before their departure. See the note on 12, 25. — ets rrjv ^eXev- 
Keiav. Seleucia lay west of Antioch, on the sea-coast, five miles 
north of the mouth of the Orontes. It was situated on the rocky 
eminence, forming the southern extremity of the hilly range 
called Pieria. The harbor and mercantile suburb were on level 
ground towards the west. A village called Antakia and interest- 
ing ruins point out the ancient site. " The inner basin, or dock, 
(there were two ports) is now a morass ; but its dimensions can 
be measured, and the walls that surrounded it can be distinctly 
traced. The position of the ancient flood-gates, and the passage 
through which the vessels were moved from the inner* to the 
outer harbor, can be accurately marked. The very piers of the 
outer harbor are still to be seen under the water. The stones 
are of great size, some of them twenty feet long, five feet deep, 
and six feet wide ; and are fastened to each other with iron 
cramps. The masonry of ancient Selucia is still so good, that 
not long since a Turkish Pacha conceived the idea of clearing 



Chap. XIII, 4. 5. 



COMMENTARY. 



207 



out and repairing the harbor." See authorities in Howson. Those 
piers were still unbroken, this great seaport of the Seleucids 
and the Ptolemies was as magnificent as ever, under the sway 
of the Romans, when Paul and Barnabas passed through it on 
their present mission. Whether they came doivn {KaTrjX%v) 
from the interior to the coast by land, or by water, is uncertain. 
The windings of the river make the distance about forty-one 
miles, bat by land it is only sixteen miles and a half At present, 
the Orontes is not navigable, in consequence of a bar at the 
mouth, and other obstructions ; but Strabo says (16. 2), that in 
his time they sailed up the stream in one day. The road, though 
it is now mostly overgrown with shrubs, was then doubtless a 
well worn track like the road from the PirsBus to Athens, or from 
Ostia to Rome. At Seleucia, the two missionaries with their 
companion went on board (d7re7rXex;o-av) one of the numerous ves- 
sels which must have been constantly plying between that port 
and the fertile Cyprus. " As they cleared the port, the whole 
sweep of the bay of Antioch opened on their left, — the low 
ground by the mouth of the Orontes, — the wild and woody 
country beyond it, — and then the peak of Mount Cassius, rising 
symmetrically from the veiy edge of the sea to a height of five 
thousand feet. On the right, in the south-west horizon, if the 
day was clear, they saw the island of Cyprus from the first. 
The current sets northerly and north-east between the island and 
the Syrian coast. But with a fair wind, a few hours would ena- 
ble them to run down from Seleucia to Salamis; and the land 
would rapidly rise in forms well known and familiar to Barnabas 
and Mark." Howson, I. p. 169. The fact that Barnabas was a 
native of Cyprus (4, 36) may have induced them to give this 
direction to their journey. 

V. 5. Koi yevofxevoL iv '^akajxlvL, And having arrived in Salamis. 
This town was on the eastern shore of Cyprus, " on a bight of 
the coast to the north of the river Pediceus. A large city by the 
sea-shore, a wide-spread plain with corn-fields and orchards, and 
the blue distance of mountains beyond, composed the view on 
which the eyes of Barnabas and Saul rested when they came to 
anchor in the bay of Salamis." — rat? ooimyooyat? indicates that 
the Jews here were numerous, since in other places where they 
were few they had only one synagogue ; comp. 17, 1 ; 18, 4. 
This intimation is confirmed by ancient testimony. In the time 
of Trajan, A. D. 116, the Jews in Cyprus were so powerful that 
they rose and massacred two hundred and forty thousand of the 
Greek inhabitants (Dio Cass. 68. 32). In revenge for this 



208 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIH, 6. 



slaughter, Hadrian, who was aftei'wards emperor, landed on the 
island, and either put to death or expelled the entire Jewish pop- 
ulation. At the time of Paul's visit, many of the Cyprian Jews 
must have resided at Salamis, which was the seat of a lucrative 
commerce. — d^ov .... vir-qp^.TrjVy and they had also John (see 12, 
25) as an assistant — in what? Kal, as I think, recalls most natu- 
rally KarTjyyeXov rov A.oyov; and the answer would be that he as- 
sisted them in the declaration of the word. Compare 26, 16 ; 
Luke 1, 2 ; 1 Cor. 4, 1. But the view of most critics is different ; 
they suppose John to have had charge of tlie incidental cares 
of the party, so as to leave Paul and Barnabas more at liberty 
to preach the gospel. We are not informed how long they re- 
mained at Salamis, or what success attended their labors. 

V. 6. ^iek%vTe<5, K. T. A.., And having passed through the whole 
island unto Paphos, which was at the other end of Cyprus. The 
city intended here was neiv Paphos, in distinction from the old 
city of that name, which was several miles farther south. The 
distance from east to west was not more than a hundred miles. 
The Peutingerian Table^ (wliich dates probably from the time 
of Alexander Severus, i. e. about A. D. 230) represents a public 
road as extending from Salamis to Paphos. If that road existed 
at this earlier period, Paul arrived at Paphos in a short time, and 
without difficulty. The present Baffa occupies the site of that 
city. — evpov Tiva jxayov, found a certain Magian, which was liis 
professional title, since it stands for 'EXv/^as in v. 8 ; not sorcerer 
(E. v.), which would be opprobrious. — i}/€vSo7rpo<j)-^r)v is the nar- 
rator's term for describing him ; he was a fortune-teller, but his art 
was an imposition. It may appear singular that a person of his 
character should so mislead and captivate the prudent Sergius. 
But the incident presents in fact a true picture of the times. 
At that period (I abridge Mr. Howson's paragraph here) impos- 
tors from the East, pretending to magical powers, had great 
influence over the Roman mind. The East but recently thrown 
open was the land of mystery to the western nations. Reports 
of the strange arts practised there, of the wonderful events of 
which it was the scene, excited almost fanatically the imagina- 
tion both of the populace and the aristocracy of Rome. Syiian 
fortune-tellers crowded the capital, and appeared in all the 
haunts of business and amusement. The strongest minds were 
not superior to their influence. Marius relied on a Jewish 
prophetess for regulating the progress of his campaigns. Pompey, 



1 See Forbiger's Handbuch der alten Geographie, Vol. I. p. 469 sq. 



Chap. XIII, 7. 



COMMENTARY. 



209 



Crassus, and Cassar sought information from Oriental astrology. 
Juvenal paints to us the Emperor Tiberius " sitting on the 
rock of Capri, with his flock of Chaldseans round him." The 
astrologers and sorcerers, says Tacitus, are a class of men who 
" will always be discarded and always cherished." 

Y. 7. OS y]v, K. r. A., iv/w ivas with the proconsul Sergiiis Paulus. 
It would not have been correct to apply this title to the governor 
of every Roman province, or even to the governor of the same 
province at different periods.' It was so difficult to observe accu- 
racy in the use of the varying titles given to Homan magistrates, 
that several of the classic authors of this period have, beyond all 
question, misapplied them in various instances. Luke vi^as ex- 
posed to error in this passage on the right hand and on the left. 
On the establishment of the empire, Augustus divided the prov- 
inces into two classes. Those which required a military force 
he retained in his own hands, and the others he committed to 
the care of the Senate and the Roman people. The officers or 
Governors sent into the emperor's provinces were styled proprae- 
tors or legates [proprcBtores, legati, or avTiarTpar-qyoi, TrpeajSevTat) ; 
those sent into the people's provinces were called proconsuls 
(proconsules, av^vTrarot). Cyprus, then, must have been a senato- 
rian province at tliis time, or Luke has assigned to Sergius a 
false title. But, further, the same province was often transferred 
from one jurisdiction to another. Thus, in the present instance, 
Augustus at first reserved Cyprus to himself and committed its 
administration to propraetors, or legates. Strabo informs us of 
that circumstance, and there leaves the matter. Hence it was 
supposed for a long time that Luke had committed an oversight 
here, or had styled Sergius proconsul without knowing the exact 
import of the appellation. But a passage was discovered at 
length in Dio Cassius (53. 12), which states that Augustus sub- 
sequently relinquished Cyprus to the Senate in exchange for 
another province, and (54. 4) that it was governed henceforth by 
proconsuls : koL ovtojs av^vTraroL kol es e/cetva ra eSvrj Trc/XTrecr^ac 
7]p$avTo. Coins, too, have been found, struck in the reign of 
Claudius, which confirm Luke's accuracy. Bishop Marsh men- 
tions one on which this very title, av-^waros, is apphed to 
Cominius Proclus, a governor of Cyprus. It was in the reign of 
Claudius that Paul visited this island. For similar confirmations 
of our history, see on 18, 12; 19, 38. — o^vero), intelligent, discern- 
ing. It may have been his possession of this quality that 
prompted him to seek the acquaintance of Elymas; he may 
have hoped to gain from him that deeper knowledge of futurity 

27 



210 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIH, 8. 9. 



and of the mysteries of nature which the human mind craves so 
instinctively. It certainly was proof of his discernment, that he 
was not deceived by the man's pretensions ; that, on hearing of 
the arrival of Paul oiid Barnabas, he sent for them, and on the 
strength of the e^ddence wliich confirmed their doctrine, yielded 
his mind to it. — kire^^-qT-qa-ev, desired earnestly. — rov Xoyov rov ^eoO, 
the word of God, designates the new doctrine from Luke's 
point of view (Mey.), 

v. 8. 'EXv/xas is an Arabic word wliich means the wise. It 
was a title of honor, like 6 fxdyo<5, to wliich it is here put as 
equivalent. He was born, perhaps, in Arabia, or had lived there ; 
and may have assumed tliis name in a boastful spirit, or may 
have received it from others, as a compliment to his skiU. — 
^7]T(i)v .... TTta-reco?, seeking to turn aside the proconsul Jrom the 
faith, i. e. from adopting it ; for he was not yet a behever (see v. 
12). 

V. 9. 6 KOI naOAos, the also Paul = 6 koI KaXovfxevo^; ILavXo?. 6 
is the article here, not a pronoun. W. § 18. 1. The origin of 
this name is still disputed. Among the later critics, Olshausen 
and Meyer adhere to the older view, that Paul assumed it out 
of respect to Sergius Paulus, who was converted by his instru- 
mentality. But had the writer connected the name with that 
event, he would have introduced it more naturally after v. 12. 
He makes use of it, it will be observed, before speaking of the 
proconsul's conversion. Neander objects further, that it was 
customary among the ancients for the pupil to adopt the name 
of the teacher, not the teacher to adopt that of the pupil. There 
is force, too, in his remark, that, according to tliis view, the apos- 
tle would seem to recognize the salvation of a distinguished 
person as more important than that of others ; for that Sergius 
was his fijst convert from heathenism, and received this honor 
on that account, assumes incoiTCctly that he had preached hith- 
erto to none but those of his own nation. It is more probable 
that Paul acquired this name like other Jews in that age ; who, 
when they associated with foreigners, had often two names, the 
one Jewish, the other foreign; sometimes entirely distmct, as 
Onias and Menelaus, Hillel and PoUio, and sometimes similar in 
sound, as Tarphon and Trypho, Silas and Silvanus. In like 
manner the apostle may have been known as Saul among the 
Jews, and Paul among the heathen ; and, being a native of a 
foreign city, as Lightfoot suggests, he may have borne the two 
names from early life. Tliis explanation of .the origin of the 
name accounts for its introduction at this stage of the history. 



Chap. XIII, 10-12. COMMENTARY. 211 

It is here for the fii-st time that Luke speaks directly of Paul's la- 
bors among the heathen ; and it is natural that he should apply to 
him the name by which he was chiefly known in that sphere of 
his ministry. According to some, the name changes here, because 
Luke has followed hitherto written memoranda, in wliich the 
apostle was called Saul (Neand. Alf ). This hypothesis is un- 
necessaiy, and improbable. Luke had no need of such memoirs, 
as he could learn from Paul himself all that he has related of 
him ; and further, the style of what precedes, instead of indicat- 
ing a different hand, is homogeneous with that which follows. 
Zeller, though he denies that Luke wrote the Acts, maintains 
that a single author must have written it. — TrX-rjaS^eLs, k. t. X. He 
was thus impelled to expose the man's wickedness, and to an- 
nounce his punisliment. 

V. 10. SoAov, deceit, refers to his occupation; pahovpyias, ivick- 
edness, to his character. — vie StajSoXov, son of the devil. The 
kindi-edship is that of disposition, moral resemblance ; see John 
8, 44. The second noun is sufficiently definite to omit the article. 
W. h 19. 1. It has the article, however, in other passages, ex- 
cept 1 Pet. 5, 8, where it stands in apposition. — ov Travarj . . . ..^ 
evS-elas; Wilt thou not cease to pervert, i. e. to misrepresent, malign, 
the right icays of the Lord ? viz. those wliich he requires men to 
follow, as repentance, faith, obedience. It was Christian truth, 
the gospel, which he opposed. Most critics prefer the interroga- 
tive form of the sentence as more forcible than the declarative. 
ov denies Travcrrj— persist (W. ^ 57. 3), and implies the ordinary 
afih-mative answer, evd-elas suggests possibly a contrast with the 
mipostor's own ways, so full of deceit and obliquity. 

y. 11. x^'-P xw^^^ eo-Ti, hand of the Lord; here God perhaps 
as the phrase is common in the Old Testament. — liri ai, upon thee, 
viz. i. e. for punishment; in a good sense, in 11, 21. — yu,r/ (iXiirow 
states a consequence, hence /xt;, not ov. — a^pi Kacpov, until a season, 
a certain time ; comp. Luke 4, 13 The infliction would be tem- 
porary ; either because the object (see next verse) did not require 
it to be permanent, or because the mildness might conduce to the 
man's repentance. — a.-)(Xv<i koL o-kotos, a inist and darkness, related 
as cause and effect ; or by degrees, first one and then the other. 
— e^T/ret States his habit (imperf) during the period of his blind- 
ness. 

V. 12. €K7rXr;<T(jo/Aevo? .... Kvpiov, being asto7iished o.t.the doctrine 
of the Lord, i. e. its confu-mation by such a miracle, comp. Mark 
1, 27. 



212. 



COMMENTARY 



Chap. Xin, 13. 14. 



Verses 13-15. They proceed to Perga, and thence to Antioch in 

Pisidia. 

V. 13. avax^ivT€<;, having 'put to sea, lit. having gone up (note 
the etymology), because the sea appears higher than the land. 
Paphos was on the sea-shore, and they would embark at that 
place. — ot Tre/ot Tov liavXov, Paul and his companions. irepL pre- 
sents the name after it as the central object of the group, see 
John 11, 19. W. § 53. i. Hitherto the order has been Barnabas 
and Saul ; but from this time Paul appears in the narrative as 
the principal person, and Barnabas as subordinate. — rjXS^ov eis 
liepyrjv, came unto Perga. They must have " sailed past the 
promontories of Drepanum and Acamas, and then across the 
waters of the Pamphylian Sea, leaving .on the right the cliffs 
(six hundred feet high) which form the western boundary of 
Cilicia, to the innermost bend of the bay of Attaleia." Perga 
was the chief city of Pamphylia, situated on the Cestrus, about 
seven miles from its mouth. A bar obstructs the entrance of this 
river at the present time ; but Stra^o (14. 4) says expressly that 
it was navigable in his day as far up as Perga. The ruins of 
this city are to be seen still, sixteen miles northeast of the mod- 
ern Adalia, or Satalia. They consist of " walls and towers, col- 
umns and cornices, a theatre and a stadium, a broken aqueduct, 
and tombs scattered on both sides of the site of the town. Noth- 
ing else remains of Perga but the beauty of its natural situation, 
between and upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive val- 
ley in front, watered by the river Cestrus, and backed by the 
mountains of the Taurus." ^ — 'lu)dvv7]<5, k. t. A. Why John Mark 
left them so abruptly is unknown. It is certain from 15, ^8 (see 
the note there) that his reason for turning back was not one which 
Paul approved. He returned not to Antioch, but Jerusale^ji, 
where his home was (12, 12). 

V. 14. avTot, they themselves, unaccompanied by their former 
associate. — cnvo Trjs Hepyrj^;. The stay at Perga, therefore, was 
brief; they did not even preach there at this time; comp. 14, 25. 
What occasioned this singular haste ? Very possibly, as Howson 
suggests, they arrived there in the spring of the year, and, m 
order to prosecute their journey into the interior, were obliged to 
advance without delay. " Earlier in the season the passes would 
have been filled with snow. In the heat of summer the weather 



1 Sir C. Fellows's "Asia Minor," pp. 190-193. 



Chap. XIII, 14. 15. 



COMMENTARY. 



213 



would have been less favorable for the expedition. In the au- 
tumn the disadvantages would have been still greater, from the 
• approaching difficulties of winter." On the journey from the 
coast to the interior, Paul may have encountered some of the 
" perils of robbers" (/ctj/Swots XycrTiov) and " perils of rivers" (klSv- 
vots TTora/xwv), to wliich he alludes in 2 Cor. 11, 26. The maraud- 
ing habits of the people on the mountains which he now crossed 
were notorious in all ancient history. The country swarmed with 
banditti of the most desperate character. The physical charac- 
ter of the region exposed him, also, to the other class of dangers. 
The streams here are numerous and violent, beyond those of any 
other tract in Asia Minor. Torrents " burst out at the base of 
huge, cliffs, or dash down wildly through narrow ravines." See 
Howson for fuller information on these points. — ets 'AvTio;^€tav. 
Antiocli, which lay north from Perga, was on the central table- 
land of Asia Minor, on the confines of Pisidia and Phrygia. It 
was built by the founder of the Syrian Antioch. Under Augus- 
tus it rose to the rank of a colony. It was now an important 
city, inhabited by many Greeks, Romans, and Jews, in addition 
to its native population. The site of Antioch was first identified 
by Mr. Arundel in 1833. — twv o-a/S^arcov, of the Sabbath, i. e. the 
rest season. The plural arose probably from the fact, that 
such a season included often more than one day. See W. § 
27. 3. 

V. 15. /Aera Se Tr]v avayvoicnv, k. t. A.. The practice of reading 
the Scriptures in this manner grew up probably during the exile. 
Win. Realw. II. p. 548. v6^o<5 here designates the Pentateuch ; 
TTpocfiYjTaL, the other books of the Old Testament, see Matt. 5, 17 ; 
Luke 16, 16, etc. The Psalms formed sometimes a third division, 
see Luke 24, 44. — airia-ruXav, sc. vTrrjpirrjv (Luke 4, 20), the rulers 
of the synagogue (see on 9, 2) sent unto them a servant. It may 
have been known that they were teachers, or, as Hemsen sug- 
gests, they may have occupied a seat which indicated that such 
was their office. — Iv vfui/, in you, in your minds ; comp. Gal. 1, 
16; Phil. 1, 5. — 7rapaKX7j(T€0}<;, exhortation. The object was to in- 
cite them to a stricter observance of the law. 

Verses 16-41. The Discourse of Paul at Antioch. 

The topics are, first, the goodness of God to Israel, especially 
in having promised to send to them a Saviour, 16-25; secondly, 
Jesus has been proved to be this Saviour, by his death and res- 
uiTcction, in accordance with the prophecies of the Old Testa- 



214 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIH, 16-20 



ment, 26-37 ; and, thirdly, it is the duty of men to receive him in 
this character, since they can be saved in no other way, 38-41. 

V. 16. Karao-elaas rrj x^i-R^ (comp. on 12, 16) was the customary* 
gesture on rising to speak. It betokened respect for the audience 
and a request for attention. — ol (fiojSovfxevoL rov -9^eov, ivho fear 
God, as in 10, 2, i. e. Gentiles who were friendly to Judaism, but 
uncircumcised. They occupied, it is said, a separate place in the 
synagogue. The contents of the address show that the Israelites 
greatly outnumbered that class of the hearers. This discourse de- 
serves the more attention, as furnishing so copious an illustration 
of the apostle's manner of preaching to the Jews. 

V. 17. vij/ojcrev, exalted, made them numerous and powerful. — 
Iv yfj, in the land. For the absence of the article, see on 7, 29. 
/Aero, [ipa)([ovo^ vij/rjXov, ivith a high arm, i. e. one raised on high, and 
so ever ready to protect and defend them ; comp. Ex. 6, 6. 

V. 18. iTpocj)0(f)6prj(rev = CD'S rpocfjos Ijiacrrao-ev, carried them as a 
nurse (in the arms as it were), sustained, cared for them. The 
term is derived probably from Dent. 1, 31. Most of the later 
editors prefer this word to irpoirocfiopyja-ev, endured their manners. 
It suits the connection better than the other word, since what the 
apostle would bring to view here is not so much the forbearance 
of God towards his people, as his interpositions, his direct eiForts 
in their behalf iTpocf)0(fi6p7]o-ev is well attested also, though the 
evidence is not decisive. 

V. 19. €%Y] iiTTd, seven natio7ts. See their names in Deut. 7, ]. 
They were the principal tribes in Palestine at that time. — iv yj; 
anarthrous as above. — KareKkripov6p,rj(yev avrots, assigned to them as 
a iiossession ; Hellenistic for the Hiphil of bn5.^ — ry]v yrjv avrcov, 
tJieir land by promise, gift ; or, better, henceforth theirs and that 
of their descendants. 

V. 20. //-era ravra, after these things, viz. the conquest and oc- 
cupation of the country. — cos hea-i .... KpiTa?, during about four 
hundred ando fifty years he gave judges. For the dative, see on 8, 
11. This number is the sum of the years assigned in the Old 
Testament to the administration of the judges from the time of 
Joshua to the death of Eli, added to the sum of the years during 
which the nation was subject to foreign oppressors. Hence' it 
would be very natural for the Jews to speak of four hundred and 
fifty years as the proximate number of years during which the 
judges ruled. But whether the computation arose in that way, 
or some other, it was certainly in use among the Jews ; for Jose- 

' For the origin of such Hebraisms, see the writer's Hebrew Exercises, p. 96. 



Chap. XIII, 20. 



COMMENTAEY. 



215 



plius (Antt. 8. 2. 1) gives the time from the departure out of 
Egypt till the building of the temple as five hundred and ninty- 
two years. If we deduct from that the forty years in the wil- 
derness, twenty-five for the administration of Joshua (Antt. 5. 1. 
29, not stated in the Old Testament), forty for Saul's reign (see v. 
21), forty for David's, and four under Solomon (1 Kings 6, 1), we 
have for the period of the judges four hundred and forty-three 
years, which the apostle could call, in round numbers, about four 
hundred mid fifty years. It is evident, therefore, that Paul has 
followed here a mode of reckoning which was current at that 
time, and which, being a well-known received clnronology, wheth- 
er coiTect or incorrect in itself considered, was entirely correct 
for his object, which was not to settle a question about dates, 
but to recall to the minds of those whom he addressed a par- 
ticular portion of the Jewish history. The Hebrews had still 
another computation, as appears from 1 Kings 6, 1. The time 
from the exodus to the building of the temple is there given as 
four hundred and eighty years ; which (deducting the other dates 
as stated above) would allow but two hundred and thirty-one 
years for the period of the judges. In regard to such differences, 
see also on 7, 6. Some of the best critics read cVeort rerpaKoa-Lots 
Koi TT€VTr]Kovra koi /^era ravra. The four hundred and fifty years 
belong then to the preceding verse, and may be the years from the 
birth of Isaac when God showed that he had chosen the fathers,to 
the distribution of the land of Canaan. Adding together sixty years 
from the birth of Isaac to that of Jacob, one hundred and thirty 
as the age of Jacob on going into Egypt, two hundred and fifteen 
as the sojourn there, and forty-seven thence to the settlement of 
the tribes, the sum is four hundred and fifty-two. See again on 7, 6. 
This reading is found in the oldest manuscripts (A, B, C), and 
some others, and is approved by Griesbach, Lachman, LuthardtJ 
Green, Wordsworth, and others. The text may have been changed 
to relieve the difficulty ( Mey.) ; but it is singular that the three 
oldest witnesses concur in that variation. A summary decision 
is not to be pronounced here. — eoas %an,ovr]X, unto Samuel, who is 
to be included probably among the judges ; or may be taken 
as exclusive. How long he governed is not mentioned in 1 Sam. 
7, 15, nor in 28, 3. The tradition (Jos. Antt. 6. 13. 5), which is 
not perhaps of much value, makes it twelve years. d)s would 
allow us to add these years to four hundred and fifty, if any one 
prefers that. 

' In Heater's Eepcrtorium, p. 205, Jahrgang 1855. 



216 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XIII, 21-25. 



V. 21. KaK€i^ev, and thereafter, is here an adverb of time. — 
rjTria-avTo, asked for themselves, etc. See 1 Sam. 8, 5 ; 10, 1. — h-q 
reaaapaKovra, forty years, which agrees with Jos. Antt. 6. 14. 9. 
The Old Testament does not mention the length of Saul's 
reign. 

V. 22. /xerao-Tiycras avrov, having removed him, i. e. from life 
(De Wet); or from his office (Kuin.). The two events were 
coincident in point of time. Saul reigned until his death, though 
David was anointed as prospective king during his lifetime. — 
<S . . . . ixaprvp-qaag, to whom (dat. comm.) also he testified, saying. 
The dative depends on the participle. The apostle quotes the 
substance of 1 Sam. ]3, 14, and Ps. 89, 21. This commendation 
is not absolute, but describes the character of David in compari- 
son with that of Saul. The latter was rejected for his disobe- 
dience and impiety ; David, on the contrary, was always faithful 
to the worship of Jehovah, and performed his commands as they 
were made known to him by revelation, or the messengers whom 
God sent to him. 

V. 23. Jesus could not be the Messiah, unless he were de- 
scended from David, tovtov stands first in order to give promi- 
nence to his descent from that source. — Kar hrayyckiav, according 
to promise, as made to the fathers (v. 32) ; not to David merely. 

V. 24. 'IwawoT;. The Jews acknowledged John's authority as 
a prophet, and were bound, therefore, to admit his testimony. — 
Trpo TTpo(To)7rov (^'issb) rr]<5 eicroSov, before his entrance, i. e. upon his 
public ministry; see Matt. 11, 10: Luke 7, 27. — /?a7mcr/>ia /Aera 
voia.% baptism of repentance, i. e. such as required repentance on 
the part of those who received it; see 19, 4. 

V. 25. ws . . . • Spofjiov, Noiv as John was finishing his course^ 
was near its close (De Wet. Mey.) ; not while he was completing 
it (Kuin. Olsh.). The forerunner was about to be imprisoned 
when he bore this testimony to his successor. — rtva fx^, k. t. A.., 
Whom do ye suppose that I am ? I am not, viz. the Messiah. The 
predicate is omitted as well known; comp. Mark 13, 6; Luke 21, 
8; John 13, 19. Some critics (Calv. Raph. Kuin.) exclude the 
question, and render, he whom (Ttva = ovnva) ye. suppose, I am not. 
This punctuation does violence to the pronoun, while the sense 
has no advantage over the other. See W. k 25. 1. — epx^rai fxer 
ifjie, K. r. A., comes after me, etc. In this way he would express 
strongly his official and personal inferiority to Christ. It was an 
office of the lowest servants, not only among the Jews, but the 
Greeks and Romans, to bind and unbind the sandals of their 
masters. See Jahn's Archseol. H 23. 



Chap. XIII, 26-28. 



COMMENT AKY. 



217 



V. 26. ai/8p€9 dSeX^oi, men, at the same time brethren ; not dif- 
ferent classes. — vfxlv includes both Jews and proselytes. — -n}? 
a-ioTTjpta^ TavTr]<;, of this salvation which they preached (comp. 5, 
20) ; or procured by Jesus, named in v. 23. — a-wtaraXr], ivas sent 
forth, i. e. from God, the author of the word. 

V. 27. yap confirms the implication in o-wri^pia? Tavrrjs in v. 26, 
viz. that Jesus, whom Paul preached, was the promised Saviour ; 
fo7- (yap) he had suffered and been put to death, and so had ful- 
filled what was predicted of the Messiah. De Wette, Winer 
57. 6), and others, maintain this view of the connection. 
Meyer (followed by Alf ) opposes vfuv in v. 26 to ol KaroLKovvT€<s 
here, i. e. the foreign Jews, being less guilty, had the message 
of salvation sent to them, which the other Jews had forfeited. 
This explanation arrays the passage against other passages, e. g. 
2, 38 ; 3, 17. 26. It was not true that those who crucified the 
Saviour excluded themselves from the offers of the gospel. — 
rovTov .... kTvhqpoicrav, this one, viz. Jesus not having known, failed 
to recognize, and the voices of the prophets (not having known) 
they fulfilled them, viz, the prophecies by condemning him to 
death. This is the simplest translation and the one most ap- 
proved (Calv. Grot. Kuin. Hmph.). The principal English ver- 
sions agree in this sense. dyvo^cravTes is milder than rjpvy]cracr^e 
in 3, 13 ; see note there. In this case we must supply pronouns 
after KptVavrcs and kTrXrjpwaav, which refer to different antecedents. 
The construction may be harsh, but occasions no obscurity. 
Meyer renders : Since they knew not this one .... they also ful- 
filled the voices, etc. The Jews are usually represented as 
rejecting Christ because they failed to discern the import of the 
predictions concerning him. The thought here would be inverted 
somewhat: the rejection appears as the reason why they mis- 
understand and fulfil the prophets. De Wette constmes ayvorj- 
cravres as a verb : they knew him not, and the voices . , . .fulfilled. 
This analysis secures more uniformity in the structure of the 
sentence ; but such a use of the participle is infrequent. Schole- 
field translates : Being ignorant of this word, and the voices of the 
jjrophets .... fulfilled it by condemning him. He assigns in this 
way a nearer antecedent to tovtov, but must set aside the more 
obvious subject suggested to the mind by the context. It is not 
clear in what sense he would have us regard the rejection of 
Christ as fulfilling the word or gospel. — ras Kara, k. t. \., which 
are read every Sabbath, and hence their ignorance was the more 
inexcusable. 

V. 28, /xiySe^atav .... cvpovre?, although they found no cause of 

28 



218 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIII, 29-33. 



death, none that justified it, see 28, 18. They charged him with 
blasphemy and sedition, but could not establish the accusation. 
See 3, 13 ; Matt. 27, 24 ; Luke 23, 22. 

V. 29. eS^TjKav has the same subject as the other verbs, see v. 
27. The burial, however, was the particular act of Joseph of 
Arimathea and Mcodemus ; see John 19, 38 sq. What the 
apostle would assert is that Christ had fulfilled the prophecy, 
which announced that he should be pat to death, and rise agam. 
It was not important that he should discruninate as to the char- 
acter of the agents in the transaction. Some translate, those ivho 
took him down placed him, etc.. The participle in that relation to 
to the verb would require the article. 

V. 31. rots crvvavajBaa-iv avTio, those ivho came up tvith him, i. e. the 
Galilean disciples who attended him on his last journey to Jeru- 
salem. They knew, therefore, what they testified ; their means 
of knowledge had been ample. Tliis idea occurs in the Acts 
often. — vvv, now. The resurrection rested not on tradition, but 
on the testimony of living men. The English version, after the 
received text, omits this particle. — -n-pbs rbv Xaov, unto the peoyle, 
i. e, the Jews, see v. 24 ; 10, 42, etc. 

V. 32. Kox rjixeis, and so ive, i. e. in view of these various 
proofs that Jesus is the Messiah ; see w. 23. 25. 27. 31. — erayyeXt- 
^d/xe^a has a double accusative only here. W. § 32. 4. — i-n-ayye- 
Xtav stands in the fijst clause with the usual effect of that 
attraction; see on 3, 10. 

V. 33. iKTr^TrXrjpuiKe, has covipletehj fulfilled, stronger than cttXtJ- 
pwaav in V. 27 ; because the resurrection, considered as involving 
the ascension and exaltation, was essentially the finishing act in 
the fulfilment of the promise relating to the Messiah. — avaar-q- 
o-a? 'Irjaovv means, as Luther, Schott, Stier, De Wette, Meyer, 
Hengstenberg, Tholuck and others, decide, having raised up Jesus 
from the grave ; not having brought him into existence (Calv. Eng. 
Kuin. Olsh.). The mind attaches that sense to the word most 
readily after v. 30. It was unnecessary to insert Ik veKpCw, be- 
cause the context suggests the specific meaning : comp. 2, 24. 
32. di/acrr-^o-as, in the sense of having raised up merely, expresses 
too little for the prophecy which that event is said to have 
fulfilled. The original passage refers, not to the incarnation of 
the Messiah, but to his inauguration or public acknowledgment 
on the part of God as the rightful Sovereign of men. To no 
moment in the history of Christ would such a prediction apply 
Vtdth such significance as to that of his triumphant resun-ection 
from the dead. The progi-ession of the argument in the next 



9 



Chap. XIII, 33. 34. COMMENTARY. 219 

verse demands this interpretation. To the assertion here that 
God had raised Jesus to hfe again, the apostle adds there that this 
hfe was one which death would invade no more. — kul, as also, 

1. e. what took place was foretold. — TrpoiTia ij/aXfxQ. The second 
Psalm in our English version is named here the first, because in 
some manuscripts the Hebrews reckoned the first Psalm merely 
as prefatory. Sevrepw has much less support. — vlok . . . . crv (Ps. 

2, 7) affirms the Sonship of the Messiah, which included his 
divine nature ; see Rom. 1, 4. Hence yeyewrjKa o-e cannot refer 
to the origin of this relationship, but must receive a figurative 
interpretation ; either, I have begotten thee, brought thee into a 
state of glory and power such as Christ assumed after his resur- 
rection as Mediator at the right hand of God ; or, according to a 
famihar Hebrew usage, I have declared, exhibited thee as begotten^ 
i. e. as my Son, viz. by the resurrection from the dead. The 
thought here is entirely parallel to that in Rom. 1, 4. As to the 
declarative sense of Hebrew verbs, see the note on 10, 15. — 
ai^fxepov, to-day, designates the precise point of time on which the 
prophet's eye was then fixed, viz. that of Christ's assumption of 
his mediatorial power, or that of his open proclamation as Messiah 
on the part of God when he raised him from the dead. 

v. 34. OTL . . . . et? SLacf>%pdv, Further (as proof) that he raised 
him up from the dead as one who would die no more. Si is progres- 
sive. aviarr](Teu repeats the idea of the foregoing avacrrT^o-as, for 
the purpose of describing this resurrection more fully : it would 
be followed by no return to death. Ik vcKpdv does not distinguish 
the two words as to sense, but draws attention more strongly to 
the contrast between the death which he had suffered, and his 
exemption from death in future. ixrjKin . . . . Sta(f)Sopdv, as 
apphed to Christ, whose body underwent no change while it re- 
mained in the grave, must be equivalent to ovKeVt oltto^v^o-kcl in 
Rom. 6, 9. The dissolution or corruption of the body is the ordi- 
nary consequent of death; and hence in common speech, to 
return to corruption and to die, or the opposite, not to return to cor- 
ruption and not to die, are interchangeable expressions. Bengel 
saw this import of the phrase. See W. ^ 66. 10. The perpetuity 
of Christ's existence is an important truth in the Christian system. 
In Rom. 5, 10, Paul urges it as a ground of certainty, that, if men 
believe on Christ, they will be finally saved, and in Rom. 6, 9, as 
a pledge that, inasmuch as he " dies no more, we shall live with 
him;" see also John 14, 19-; Heb. 7, 25, etc. This incidental 
agreement of the address with Paul's circle of doctrine speaks 
for its genuineness. — on is the sign of quotation. — Swo-w .... 



220 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIII, 35. 36. 



TTto-ra expresses the substantial sense of Is. 55, 3: I will give to 
you, perform unto you, the holy, inviolable promises of David (i. e. 
made to him), the sure. The language is very nearly that of the 
Seventy. One of these promises was that David should have a 
successor whose reign would be perpetual, the throne of whose 
kingdom God would establish for ever and ever ; see 2 Sam. 7, 
13 sq. It was essential to the accomplishment of that promise 
that the Messiah should be exempt from death, and hence, as 
Jesus had been proved to be the Messiah by his resurrection, that 
promise made it certain that he would live and reign henceforth, 
without being subject to any interruption of his existence or 
power. 

V. 35. 8to Kal, Therefore also, i. e. because he was not mortal, 
in further confirmation of that fact. — kv iripoj, sc. i/^aX/xw, viz. 16, 
10. See on 2, 25 sq. The inspired declaration that the Messiah 
should not experience the power of death had not only been 
verified in his resurrection, but guarantied that he would not ex- 
perience that power at any future period. — Aeyci, sc. ^co?, viz. 
through David; see v. 34; 1, 16, etc. 

V. 36. yap vindicates the reference of the passage to Christ, 
since it could not apply to David. — fiiv is antithetic to Si in v. 37. 

— iSia yevea .... /SovXyj admits of a twofold translation, yevea may 
depend on v7rr]p€T'^o-a<;: having served his own generation (been use- 
ful to it), according to the purpose of God (dative of norm or rule). 
Our Enghsh translators, Calvin, Doddridge, Robinson, and others, 
adopt this construction. Olshausen, Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, 
and others, refer povXrj to the participle : having in his own gener- 
ation (dative of time), or for it (dat. comm.), served the purpose, 
plan of God, i. e. as an instrument for the execution of liis 
designs ; comp. v. 22. yei/ea, if connected with the participle, 
secures to it a personal object, and in that way forms a much 
easier expression than ^ovXfj with the participle. The main idea 
of the clause is that David, like other men, had but one genera- 
tion of contemporaries ; that he accomplished for that his allotted 
work, and then yielded to the universal law which consigns the 
race to death. Some join rrj /SovXrj with eKoi/Ai^^iy, which renders 
the remark much less significant. — koI TrpoaeTi^T], k. t. A.., a7td he 
was added unto his fathers. This expression recognizes the ex- 
istence of the soul in a future state (Bng. Olsh. Doddr.). Gese- 
nius says that it is distinguished expressly both from death and 
burial in Gen. 25, 8 ; 35, 29 ; 2 Kings 22, 20 ; see Lex. s. ?]&5<. 

— eT8e SiacfySopdv, saw corruption as to his mortal part ; comp. 
2, 31. 



Chap. XIII, 38. 39. 



COMMENTARY. 



221 



V. 38. ow, illative. Jesus has been shown to be the Messiah, 
and he is, therefore, the author of pardon and salvation to those 
who believe on him. — 8ta rovrov belongs to ac^eo-i?, rather than the 
verb: through this one the forgiveness of sins (having been pro- 
cured) is announced unto you ; comp. 10, 36; Luke 24, 47. The 
next verse reaffirms and amplifies the proposition. 

V. 39. The sentence here depends still on on. A comma is 
the proper point between this verse and the last. The apostle 
declares now, first, that the forgiveness which Christ has pro- 
cured is not partial, but extends to all the sins of the trans- 
gressor ; secondly, that all men need it, since no other way of 
pardon remains for those who are condemned by the law; and, 
thirdly, since faith in Christ is the only condition annexed to it, 
this salvation is free to all. — koX aTro Travrtov, k. r. A., and that from 
all things, i. e. sins, fro7n -which a(f> S)v by attraction) ye were 
not able by the law of Moses to be justified, etc. We cannot sup- 
pose this to mean, according to a possible sense of the words, 
that the gospel merely completes a justification which the law 
has commenced or accomplished in part ; for such an admission 
would be at variance with the doctrine of the New Testament in 
in regard to the utter inefficacy of all legal obedience to cancel 
the guilt of transgression, and the necessity of an exclusive 
reliance on the work of Christ for our justification. We must 
adopt a different view of the meaning. As Olshausen sug- 
gests, we may regard wv (= o.<^ wv) after aTro ttolvtwv, not as a sup- 
plementary clause, but as explanatory of the other, or coextensive 
with it, viz. from all sins from which (i. e.from all which sins) ye 
ivcre unable, etc. In other words, the first clause affirms the suf- 
ficiency of the gospel to justify from all sins, while the second 
clause affirms the insufficiency of the law to the same extent, 
i. e. to justify from any sins ; comp. Rom. 8, 3 sq. To represent 
this meaning to the ear, we should read (xtto irayTixiv with an em- 
phasis, and . . . . SiKaiw^rjvaL as parenthetic. Neander (Pflan- 
zung. I. p. 195) declares himself strongly for this sense of the 
words. Alford's comment (similar to Meyer's) represents a dif- 
ferent view : '* Christ shall do for you all that the law could not do; 
leaving it for inference or for further teaching that this was abso- 
lutely all; that the law could do nothing." According to some, 
the apostle concedes a certain value to the rites of Judaism: they 
were the appointed means of obtaining the pardon of offences, 
which concerned the ritual merely and social or public relations. 
See Lange's Geschichte der Kirche, II. p. 171. This explanation 
rests on a false view of the nature of the Hebrew rites. As iv rovrw 



222 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XIII, 40. 41. 



stands opposed to iv vofjuo, it belongs to SiKaLovrai, not to ttlo-' 

TCVOiV. 

V. 40. /SAeTrere ovv, beivare, therefore, since ye are thus guilty 
and exposed. — fx-r] iTTeXSy, k. t. X., lest that spoken, etc., lest the 
declaration be fulfilled, verified in your case. The mode of cit- 
ing the prophecy shows that the apostle did not regard it as 
spoken in view of that occasion. — Iv rots Trpocfiy^Tais, in the proph- 
ets, i. e. the part of the Old Testament which the Jews so named ; 
comp. V. 15; 7, 42; John 6, 45. See W. § 27. 2. The passage 
intended is Hab. 1, 5. 

V. 41. The citation follows very nearly the Septuagint, and 
agrees essentially with the Hebrew. In the original passage 
the prophet refers to a tlu'eatened invasion of the Jewish na- 
tion by the Chaldeans, and he calls upon his countrymen to 
behold the judgment to which tlieh sins had exposed them, and 
to be astonished, to tremble on account of it. Of this lan- 
guage the apostle avails himself, in order to warn the Jews 
whom he addressed of the punishment which awaited them if 
they rejected the message which they had now heard. Calvin : 
" Paulus fideliter accommodat in usum suum prophetse verba, 
quia sicuti semel minatus fuerat Deus per prophetam suum Ha- 
bacuc, ita etiam semper fuit sui similis." — ot KaTacj^povrjrat, ye des- 
pisers, occurs in the Septuagint, but not in the Hebrew. The 
apostle could retain it, in perfect consonance with the original, 
because it is the incredulity of the wicked, their contempt of 
God's threatenings, which occasions their ruin. What suggested 
the word to the Seventy is uncertain. It is thought that they 
may have read Q'^^^ia, deceitful, proudly impious, instead of t'i'iaa, 
among the heathen. — kox ^au/xao-are, and wonder, be astonished, 
i. e. at the fearful, certain destruction which God prepares for Ms 
enemies. The spectacle to which the prophet directs attention 
here is that of the Chaldeans, mustering their ^ hosts to march 
against the guilty Jews. — /cat acfiavLcrS-rjTe, and perish, unable to 
escape the punishment which their sins have provoked. This 
word elicits an idea which the Hebrew text involves, though it 
is not expressed there. Paul has retained it from the Septuagint. 
— epyov, K. T. X., a ivork of judgment Iivork, execute. The future 
act is represented as present, because it was near. — The sec- 
ond epyoj/ Paul inserts for the sake of emphasis. The copies 
which omit it were corrected probably after the Septuagint. — o 
ov /JLT], K. T. A.., which ye will not believe, though any one should filly 
declare it to you, i. e. although apprised ever so distinctly of their 
danger, they would not heed it ; they are infatuated, they cling 



Chap. XIII, 42-45. COMMENTARY. 



223 



to their delusive hopes of safety. The New Testament, hke 
most of the later Greek, employs often the subjunctive aorist in 
the sense of the indicative future. W. §56,3; Lob. Phryn. p. 723 
sq. 6, at the "head of the clause, is a better reading than w. 
That the dative, however, is not a false construction, see Rom. 
10, 16. 

Verses 42-49. T/iey preach a second time at Antioch. 

V. 42. The best editions insert airtov in place of Ik ttJs cn;vayco- 
yq<s Twv 'lovSatW in the common text, and omit ra IS^mq after irapc- 
KoXovv. — avTOiv must refer to Paul and Barnabas. — ets to fxera^v 
a-d/S^aTov corresponds evidently to ro) Ixo/xei/o) aa/S/Sdrw in v. 44, 
and means upon (lit. unto, as the limit) the next Sabbath (Neand. 
Mey. De Wet.) ; not during the intermediate iveek, as explained 
by some of the older critics, /-tera^ has this sense in the N. T. 
here only, but belongs to the later Greek. That the apostles 
were not inactive during the interval, but labored in private 
circles, may be taken for granted. 

V. 43. Xv^€L(rr]<i T^s crvvayayyrjs seems, at first view, supei-fluous 
after e^tovrcov avTwv. The procedure, says Neander, may have 
been this. As Paul and Barnabas were going out before the 
general dispersion of the assembly, the rulers of the synagogue 
may have requested that they would repeat their discourse on 
the next Sabbath. The people having then withdrawn, many of 
the Jews and proselytes followed the speakers, for the purpose 
of declaring their assent to what they had heard, or of seeking 
further instraction. — ae/SofxiviDv, sc. S-cov, not devout (E. V.) above 
others, but simply ivorshippers of Jehovah (see 16, 14) and not of 
idols as formerly. — rrj ^aptrt tov ■^€ov, the grace of God, i. e. the 
gospel, which is the fruit of liis undeserved favor. 

V. 44. o-;)(eSov, K. T. X., almost the entire city assembled; where, 
is not stated. Paul and Barnabas on that Sabbath may have 
spoken to different audiences. If they both repaired to the same 
synagogue, the crowd must have filled not only the synagogue 
itself, but every avenue to it; comp. Mark 2, 2 sq. ; Luke 8, 19. 
The hearers on this occasion were Gentiles, as well as Jews. 

V. 45. C^A-ov, ivith hidignation, as in v. 17. — avrtA-eyovres is 
neither superfluous nor Hebraistic, but, hke the participle united 
with its finite verb in the classics, emphasizes dvreXcyoi/ (Mey.) : 
not only contradicting, but blaspheming. The second participle 
defines the extent or crhninality of the act stated by the first. 
W. k 45. 8. 



224 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XHI, 46-48. 



V. 46. viuv avayKOLov, unto you it was necessary, because the 
plan of God required it; comp. on 3, 26. — 7rpu)Tov, first in time, 
as in 3, 26. — koX ovk .... ^o)rjs, and ye judge yourselves not ivorthy 
of the eternal life, viz. wliicli we preach ; see on 5, 20. This 
mode of speaking is not common ; it rests on the just view that 
a man's actions may be taken as his own self-pronounced verdict 
as to his character and deserts. — ets to, l^^vq, unto the heathen in 
• that place. In like manner, the Jews whom they left to their 
doom were those at Antioch. They did not turn from the Jewish 
nation as such, to labor in future for the exclusive benefit of the 
Gentiles ; ^ee 18, 5 sq. ; 19, 8 sq. 

V. 47. ovT(j>, so as they had done. — ri^eiKa, k. r. X. See Is. 
49, 6. The prophet announces there that the Messiah whom 
God promised to send would be the Saviour of the Gentiles as 
well as the Jews ; that all nations would be called to share in 
the blessings of his kingdom. The passage is quoted to show 
that in turning now to the heathen they were merely carrying 
out the plan of God as revealed in the Old Testament (see also 
Is. 11, 1. 10; Rom. 9, 25 sq.) ; the announcement of his purpose 
in regard to the unrestricted design of the gospel required them 
as his messengers to publish it to the Gentiles. 

V. 48. iS6iat,ov .... KvpLov, they glorified, extolled, the word of 
the Lord; they expressed their joy and gratitu'de for the mercy 
which had embraced them in the plan of salvation, and had given 
them this opportunity to secure its benefits. We see from the 
next clause that they received the message as well as rejoiced to 
hear it. — kcu iTrLo-revo-av .... aloiVLov, and as many as were appointed 
unto eternal life believed. This is the only translation which the 
philology of the passage allows. So Calvin, Kuinoel, Olshausen, 
Usteri,^ De Wette, Winer, Meyer, and others. In this position 
the demonstrative part of oo-ot {those ivho) must be the subject of 
the first verb, and the relative part the subject of the second. 
Hence it is impossible to render those ivho believed were appointed. 
Some translate rcray/xeVot, disposed, inclined; but this term as 
passive, though it may signify disposed externally, as, e. g. drawn 
up in military order, was not used to denote an act of the mind. 
In 20, 13 the form is middle with an accusative virtually (see 
note there), and in 1 Cor. 16, 15 the form is active with an accu- 
sative ; those cases, therefore, so unlike this are not to be cited 
here. Mr. Humphry, after Whitby, and others, defends still that 
signification, and appeals for proof of it to 2 Mace. 6, 21. The 

1 Entwickelung des Paulinischen Lehrbegriffes, p. 271 (1851). 



Chap. XIII, 49-51, 



C M M E N T A K Y . 



225 



Greek there is ol 8e Trpos t(3 7rapavo/xw cnr\ay)(yicr^C. TetayjxivoL, and 
does not mean "those who were set or bent on mercy" (Hmph.), 
but " those appointed for the distribution of unlawful flesh." See 
Wahl's Clav. Libr. Vet. Apocrpli., and Biel's Lex., in LXX, s. 
o-7rAay;^to-/xos. The use of reray/xeVot in that passage not only fails 
to support the alleged meaning but confirms the other, 
aloiVLov is not to be torn from its connection and joined to iTrtarevaav. 
In what sense men are appointed by God (comp. Rom. 13, 1) 
unto eternal life is not taught very distinctly here, but must be 
gathered from a comparison with other passages. For example, 
see Rom. 8, 28, sq. ; 9, 11 ; Eph. 1,4. 11 ; 2 Thess. 2, 13 ; 2 Tim. 
1,9; 1 Pet. 1, 2. The explanations of this text wliich have 
been opposed to the foregoing, are forced and unsatisfactory. 
Dr. Wordsworth j^to give a favorable specimen) expounds it thus : 
Those who had set or marshalled themselves to go forward in 
the way to eternal life, professed their faith boldly in the face of 
every danger. 

V. 49. Ste^epero .... x^P^t?, And the luord of the Lord ivas con- 
veyed through all the region, i. e. in the vicinity of Antioch. This 
rapid extension of the gospel we must attribute in some measure 
to the zeal of the recent converts. Paul and Barnabas also 
may have visited, personally, some of the nearest places ; for 
Luke may have passed over an interval between this verse and 
the next, during which the missionaries could have made such 
excursions. • 

Veuses 50-52. They are persecuted, and depart to Iconium. 

V. 50. rots o-e^ojLtei/a? yuj/at/cas. They were Gentile women who 
had embraced Judaism (see 17, 4), and could be easily excited 
against a sect represented as hostile to their faith. At Damascus, 
as Josephus states (Bell. Jud. 2.'20. 20), a majority of the married 
women were proselytes, ew^^/xovas refers to their rank (17, 12 ; 
Mark 15, 43), as the wives of the first men of the city. It was 
the object of the crafty Jews to gain the men through the mflu- 
ence of the women, and thus elFect the expulsion of the apostles 
from the city. Paul alludes to tliis persecution in 2 Tim. 3, 1 1. 

V. 51. Itt avTov<s =■ et? jxapTvptov kit avrov^ in Luke 9, 5. Shak- 
mg off the dust of the feet imported disapprobation and rejec- 
tion. The act derived its significancy from the idea that those 
renounced in tliis way were so unworthy that the very dust of 
their land was defiling. In taking this course Paul followed the 
direction of Christ, given in Matt. 10, 14. — Iconium, to which they 

29 



226 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIV, 1. 2. 



came next, was about forty-five miles south-east from Antioch. 
It was the principal city of Lyconia, situated at the foot of the 
Taurus. Its present name is Konieh. Leake, who approached 
Iconium from the mountains which separate Antioch from Philo- 
mehum, says (Travels in Asia Minor, p. 45) : " On the descent 
from a ridge branching eastward from these mountains, we came 
in sight of the vast plain around Konieh, and of the lake which 
occupies the middle of it ; and we saw the city, with its mosques 
and ancient walls, still at the distance of twelve or fourteen miles 
from us." *' Konieh," says another traveller, " extends to the 
east and south over the plain far beyond the walls, which are 
about two miles in circumference. Mountains covered with 
snow rise on every side, excepting towards the east, where a 
plain as flat as the desert of Arabia extendg far beyond the 
reach of the eye." 

V. 52. ot fxa^-qrai, the disciples, i. e. at Antioch, where the per- 
secution still continued ; see 14, 22. — irrX-qpovvro, k. t. A., ivere filled 
ivith joy and the Holy Spirit; the relation is that of effect and 
author (see Gal. 5, 20). The idea suggested is, that though they 
were called to suffer as adherents of the new faith, they had 
sources of consolation opened to them which more than counter- 
balanced their trials. 



CHAPTER XIY. 

Verses 1—7. They preach at Iconium; but are persecuted and fiee 

to Lystra. 

V. 1. Kara to avro, together, like liri to avTo in 3, 1 ; not in the 
same manner, as they were wont. — koX XaXrjarai ovtws, k. t. X., and 
they spake so, viz. with this effect, that (wo-re) a great multitude, 
etc. (Mey. De Wet.) ; not with such power that, ovrws anticipates 
the next clause, and makes it more prominent. B. h 140. 4. — • 
'E/VA.^va)v. As the Greeks here were present in the synagogue, 
they appear to have been proselytes (comp. 13, 43), and hence 
were a different class from those in 13, 20. 

V. 2. ot 8e a.'Kti^'(](jo.vT^% But those who disbelieved, viz. when the 
others believed. The present participle (dTrei^owres as in some 
editions) is less correct than the aorist. — iKaKwaav, rendered evil, 
hostile. This sense is found in Josephus, but not elsewhere 
(Mey.). How the Jews produced this effect on the minds of 



Chap. XIV, 3-6. 



COMMENTAEY. 



227 



the heathen we are not told. They sometimes alleged for that 
purpose that the Christians were disloyal, that they had a king 
of their own, and would prove dangerous to the Roman supre- 
macy; see 18, 5-9. 

V. 3. ow, therefore, i. e. because they had so much success 
(see V. 1), notwithstanding the opposition excited against them. 
Meyer regards the third and fourth verses as an inference from 
the first and second. " In consequence of that approbation (v. 
1) and this hostility (v. 2) they preached boldly indeed for a 
time, but a dissension also arose among the people." — Ikwov 
)(p6vov. The entire journey was evidently a rapid one and a stay 
here of a few months would be comparatively a long time. This 
is our only notice respecting the time spent at the places visited 
on this tour. — Trapprjcnat^o^evoL im rw Kvpiio, speaking boldly upo7i 
the Lord, i. e. in dependence upon him. It was their reliance on 
Christ that inspired them with so much courage. — The best 
authorities omit KaC between tw fxaprvpovvTL and SlSovtl : who testi- 
fies by granting that, etc. ; comp. 4, 30. 

V". 4. TO 7rXrj%<i rrjs 7roAew<j, the multitude of the city, i. e. the 
Gentile population. Some of them may have favored the Chris- 
tian party, without having attached themselves to it; comp. 19, 
31. — y](ja.v (jvv roL<5 'lovSatots, ivere ivitJi the Jeivs, i. e. in sympathy, 
espoused their side ; see 5, 17. 

V. 5. 6p/x,>y, impulse, inclination; as in James 3, 4 (Mey. Alf ) ; 
not onset, (E. V.) because cruvtSoVres would then be superfluous, 
and because the object of the flight was to escape an attack. 
Plot, purpose, is too strong a sense of the word. — avv tol^ ap^ovaLv 
avTiov, ivith their rulers, i. e. those of both nations, viz. the heathen 
magistrates and the officers of the synagogue. Some restrict 
avTOiv to the Gentiles, others to the Jews. Here, at this distance 
from Jerusalem, members of the Sanhedrim could not well be 
meant (Rob.). 

V. 6. (rwiSovTc?, having become aware, viz. of this feeling. 
Meyer lays no stress at present on the preposition, as if they dis- 
covered the danger as well as others. — XL%l3oXrj(raL avTov<;, in order 
to stone them. ''Once was I stoned," says Paul, in 2 Cor. 11, 25, 
which was the instance mentioned in v. 19. Hence, says Paley, 
"had this meditated assault at Iconium been completed, had the 
history related that a stone was thrown, as it relates that prepara- 
tions were made both by Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his 
companions, or even had the account of this transaction stopped, 
without going on to inform us that Paul and his companions 
were 'aware of the danger and fled,' a contradiction between 



228 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XIV, 6. 7. 



the history and the Epistles would have ensued. Truth is neces- 
sarily consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent 
accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance to 
the very brink of contradiction without falling into it." — r^s 
AvKaovta?. The district of lyycaonia extends from the ridges of 
Mount Taurus and the borders of Cilicia, on the south, to the 
Cappadocian hills on the north. " It is a bare and dreary region, 
unwatered by streams, though in parts liable to occasional inunda- 
tions. Across some portion of this plain Paul and Barnabas trav- 
elled, both before and after their residence in Iconium. After 
leaving the city the two most prominent objects still in view are 
the snowy mountains of Mount Argseus, rising high above all the 
intervening hills in the direction of Armenia, and the singular 
mass called the ' Kara-Dagh,' or ' Black Mount,' south-eastwards 
in the direction of Cilicia. This latter mountain is gradually 
approached, and discovered to be an isolated mass, with reaches 
of the plain extending round it like channels of the sea." How- 
son, I. p. 224. — Kvarpav kol AepfSrjv. Lystra and Derbe were not 
far from the base of the Black Mountain. Their exact situation 
is not yet certainly known. Lystra is marked on Kiepert's map 
as nearly south of Iconium, about twenty miles distant ; Derbe, 
as nearly east from Lystra, south-east from Iconium. Kiepert 
appears to have followed Leake's conjecture as to the site of 
Lystra, though no traveller speaks of any ruins at that place. 
Mr. Hamilton agrees with Kiepert in the position of Derbe, 
because it occurs on the line of a Roman road, and Divle, the 
modern name, resembles the ancient one. Leake, on the con- 
trary, would place Derbe (not quite so far to the east), at Bin-bir- 
Kilesseh, a Turkish town, where some remarkable ruins have 
been found, among the rest those of numerous churches. Others, 
again, think that these ruins mark the site of Lystra, since they 
correspond better with the early ecclesiastical reputation of tliis 
city, than that of Derbe. — koX rrjv irepi^oipov designates the coun- 
try in the vicinity of the places just named. A few critics have 
proposed to extend the term so as to include even Galatia, and 
would thus assign an earlier origin to the churches in that 
country than it is usual to a ssign to them. " But Trep^^wpoj/," says 
Neander, " cannot denote an entire province, and still less the 
province of Galatia, on account of its geographical situation. 
Hence, the supposition that Paul preached the gospel to the 
Galatians on this first missionary tour is certainly to be rejected." 
See the note on 16, 6. 
V, 7. KOLKei, and there, viz. in those cities and the adjacent 



Chap. XIV, 8-10. 



COMMENTARY. 



229 



region. — ^a-av cvayyeXt^o/xevot, wei'e 2^uhlishing glad tidings, implies 
that they pursued their labors here for some time. 

Verses 8-13. Paul heals a Lame Man at Lystra. 

V. 8. kv A.v(rTpoL<5, at Lystra; neuter plural^ as in 2 Tim. 3. 11, 
but feminine singular in v. 6. 21 ; 16, 1. — iKdS^rjro, sat (Mey. De 
Wet.), because he was lame and had never walked; others 
divelt (Kuin. Rob.), which is Hebraistic, and rare in the New 
Testament. — TrepLTreTrar-^KeL. Some editors write this pluperfect 
with an augment, others more correctly omit it. W. § 12. 9; K. § 
120. R. 2. 

V. 9. rjKove, rvas hearing, while Paul preached. The Jews at 
this place were probably few, as no synagogue appears to have 
existed here. Hence the missionaries repaired to the market, or 
some other place of public resort (comp. 17, 17), and there en- 
tered into conversation with such as they could induce to listen 
to them. The scene reminds us of the manner in which those 
who carry the same message of salvation to the heathen at the 
present day collect around them groups of listeners in Burmah 
or Hindostan. It was on one of these occasions, as Paul was 
preaching in some thoroughfare of the city, that the lame man 
heard him ; his friends perhaps had placed him there to solicit 
alms (see 3, 10; John 9, 8). — os arevtVas, k. r. A.., ivho looking 
intently upon him and seeing, viz. from the expression of his 
countenance, which Paul scrutinized with such rigor. The man- 
ner in which the participles follow each other directs us to this 
sense. Some think that the apostle may have had, at the mo- 
ment, a supernatural insight into the state of the man's heart. 
The language of the text contains no intimation of that nature. 
— TTtcTTtv Tou cTco^^vat, the faith of being healed. The infinitive 
depends on the noun as a genitive construction; comp. Luke 1, 
57. See W. h 44. 4. The faith so described may be faith that 
the Saviour, whom Paul preached, was able to heal him; or, 
which accords better with the mode of expression, faith such as 
made it proper that he should receive that benefit (see on 9, 33). 
The requisite degree of faith would include, of course, a persua- 
sion of Christ's ability to bestow the favor in question. Paul 
may have been referring in his remarks to the Saviour's mira- 
cles of healing, in illustration of his readiness and power to bless 
those who confide in him. 

V. 10. ixcyaXxj rrj (f>owf], with a loud voice. The article desig- 
nates the voice as that of Paul (see v. 11 ; 26, 24), while the 



230 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XIV, 11. 12. 



adjective refers to the tone with wliich he spoke. With the idea 
that his voice was a powerfal one, fj^eydXr] would have stood be- 
tween the article and noun, or after the noun with rrj repeated. — 
avaxrT7]^i, k. t. X. Luke makes no mention here of any direct ap- 
peal to the name of Christ before the performance of the miracle; 
see on 3, 6. That omission may be owing to the brevity of the 
record ; or the tenor of Paul's discourse may have been so ex- 
plicit in regard to the source of his authority, as to render the 
usual invocation unnecessary. — ^Xaro, leaped, sprung up, a single 
act. For this aorist, see W. § 15; K. ^ 149. R. 2. ^XXcto occurs 
in some copies, but has no adequate support. The next verb 
passes to the imperfect, because it expresses a repeated act. 

V. 11. ot oxXoL, K. r. \. Their conduct shows how imperfectly 
they had understood the address of Paul, and the object of the 
miracle. They saw nothing beyond what was present and palpa- 
ble ; they confounded the instrument of the work with its author, 
o iTTOLTjaev, what he had done; see on 1, 2. — AvKaovia-TL, in Lycaonic, 
i. e. the native dialect of the province. Of the nature of this 
dialect, nothing is known with certainty. No relic of it remains, 
or at least has been identified; no description of it has been 
handed down to us. Those who have examined the question 
differ in their conclusions. According to one opinion, the Lyca- 
onic was allied to the Assyrian ; according to another, it was a 
corrupt species of Greek.i We have no reliable data for forming 
any opinion. Luke mentions that the Lystrians spoke in their 
native tongue, that we may know why the multitude proceeded 
so far in their de^gn before Paul and Barnabas interposed, to 
arrest it. Li'conferring with the people, they had used, doubt- 
less, the Greek, which formed at that period an extensive medium 
of intercourse between those of different nations. 

V. 12. Ata/Ep/x7ji/. They fixed upon these gods because Jupi- 
ter had a temple there, and Mercury, who appeared in the pagan 
mythology as his attendant, excelled in eloquence. So Ovid. 
Met. 8. 626 : 

Jupiter hue speeie mortali cumque parente 
Venit Atlantiades positis cadueifer alis. 

See also Hor. Od. 1. 10. 1-5. Some suggest, as a further reason 
for such a distribution of the parts, that Barnabas may have been 
an older man than Paul, and more imposing in his personal ap- 

1 Jablonsky and Giihling, vfho wrote dissertations on the subject, arrived at the 
results stated above. See Win. Realw. II. p. 37. 



Chap. XIV, 13-15. 



COMMENTARY. 



231 



pearance (comp. 2 Cor. 10, 1. 10). — 6 7jyov{X€vo<; rov Xoyov, lie who 
leads the discourse, is the chief speaker (comp. 14, 12). 

V. 13. 6 Upcus, the priest, i. e. the principal one, or the one 
most active, at this time. The pagan worship at Lystra must 
have required several priests. — rov Atos, k. t. A., of Jupiter who 
was before the city, i. e. who had a statue and temple there conse- 
crated to him. The temple of the tutelary god stood often out- 
side of the walls. — o-re/x/xara, garlands, which were to adorn the 
victims, and perhaps the priest and the altar (De Wet.). See 
Jahn's Archseol. § 401. 5. They had the garlands in readiness, 
but had not yet placed them on the heads of the animals. Some 
construe ravpov<5 kol o-re/x/xara as = ravpovs icrreixixevov;, bullocks 
adorned ivith garlands (De Wet. Rob.). With that idea the writer 
would have used naturally that expression. — kin rov<5 TruA-wi/a?, 
unto the gates of the city (Neand. Rob. Alf Mey. in his last ed.), 
since ttoXcw? precedes and the term is plural (as consisting of 
parts or being double) ; or less probably, of the house where the 
apostles lodged (Olsh. De Wet). — ^^eXe ^vuv, would sacrifice, 
but were disappointed (De Wet.), or was about to sacrifice, since 
€^€A.(o may denote an act on the point of being done. See Mt. 
k 498. e ; C. § 583. 

Verses 14-18. The Speech of Paul to the Lystrians. 

V. 14. d/covcravre?, having heard, i. e. a report of what was tak- 
ing place, brought to them perhaps by some of the converts. — 
Siappyjiavres ra IjjidrLa avruiv, having rent their garments, i. e. accord- 
ing to the Jewish custom, from the neck in front down towards 
the girdle. See Jahn's Archeeol. '^211. The Jews and other na- 
tions performed this act not only as an expression of sorrow, but 
of abhorrence on hearing or seeing any thing which they regarded 
as impious, t/xarta may refer to the plural subject of the verb, 
but more probably to their outer and inner garments ; comp. Matt. 
26, 65. — i^eTn^Srjaav cts rov o^Xov, sprang forth unto the crowd, i. e. 
from the city of which we think most readily after ttoAcws ; or 
from the house, if the people had assembled in the street. 1^ in 
the verb, therefore, does not settle the question in regard to evrt 
rov^ '7rvX(x)va<s. The English translation, "ran in among them," 
rests upon elaeTn^S-qaav, now a rejected reading. 

V. 15. KM connects what is said with what was in the mind: 
Ye are men ; and we are men like constituted with you. Passing 
over the first clause, the speaker hastens at once to the main 
thought. o/xoioTra^ets means that they had the same nature, pas- 



232 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIV, 16-18. 



sions, infirmities. — cvayyeAi^o/^ievoi, k. t. X., declaring to you as glad 
tidings, viz. that you should turn, etc. This requisition that they 
should renounce their idols is called glad tidings, because it was 
founded on the fact that God had provided a way in the gospel 
in which he could accept their repentance, lu/^as answers here 
to the dative, as in 8, 25. — airo tovt(x>v roiv ixaratiov, from these 
vanities, nonentities, such as Jupiter, Mercury, and the like, rov- 
Tcov points back to those names. Paul and Barnabas had heard 
in what light the populace looked upon them. /xaratW does not 
require ^ewv. It is used like oibnii, which the Hebrews 

applied to the gods of the heathen as having no real existence ; 
c6mp. 1 Cor. 8, 4. Kuinoel renders /xaracW, vain practices, idola- 
try ; which destroys the evident opposition between the terjn and 
Tov «^eov Tov ^(ovra. — os iTroiqcre, k. t. X., who made, etc. This rela- 
tive clause unfolds the idea of loivra, living. 

V. 16. etWc, left them, withdrew the restraints of his grace 
and providence ; comp. on 1, 42 and 17, 30. In Rom. 1, 23, the 
apostle brings to view other connections of this fact. The reason 
why God abandoned the heathen was that they first abandoned 
him. — TTopeveorS^aL rats oSots avrcov, to walk (see on 9, 31) in their 
oivn ways ; dative of rule or manner. 68ots includes belief and 
conduct. 

V. 17. Kalrovye .... a(f>T]K€v, although indeed he left himself not 
without witness. The desertion on the part of God was not such 
as to destroy the evidence of their dependence on him, and their 
consequent obligation to know and acknowledge him. The apos- 
tle's object does not lead him to press them with the fuU con- 
sequences of this truth. It lies at the foundation of his argument 
for proving the accountability of the heathen, in Rom. 1, 19 sq. 
See also 17, 27 sq. — dya^oTrotoov, StSovs, lixTcmXwf, are epexegetical 
of afjidpTvpov, but the second participle specifies a mode of the 
first, and the third a consequence of the second. — vfxtv after 
ovpavo^ev is the correct reading (Grsb. Lchm. Mey.), instead of 
the received rjfjuv. — rpocjirjs, with food, including the idea of the 
enjoyment afforded by such fruits of the divine bounty. With 
that accessory idea, rpo^^? is not incongruous with KupSiag, and 
KapStas vijlQ)v is not a circumlocution for v/jlols (Kuin.). See W. § 
22. 7. The common text has rjfxCjv, which appears in the English 
version. 

V. 18. TOV fX7] '^vcLV avTOi<s statcs the result of KariTravcrav, not the 
object : they hardly restrained them that they did not sacrifice to 
them. See the note on 10, 47. — It is interesting to compare this 
speech at Lystra with the train of thought which Paul has de-' 



Chap. XIV, 19. 20. 



COMMENTARY. 



233 



veloped in Rom. 1, 19 sq. It will be seen that the germ of the 
argument there may be traced distinctly here. The similarity is 
precisely such as we should expect on the supposition that he 
who wrote the Epistle delivered the speech. The diversity in 
the diiFerent prominence given to particular ideas is that which 
arises from applying the same system of truth to different occa- 
sions. 

Verses 19-28. They proceed to Derbe; and then retrace their 
Way to Antioch in Syria. 

V. 19. The Jews will be found, with two exceptions, to stir 
up every persecution which Paul suffers; see on 19, 23. — totjs 
o^ovsi the crowds. They were mostly heathen (see on v. 9) ;• but 
that some Jews resided at Lystra is evident from 16, 1. — A,t^a- 
o-avre? tov 'Ylavkov, having stoned Paul. Barnabas escapes, because 
his associate here and in the other cities was the prominent man. 
The nature of the outrage indicates that the Jews not only origi- 
nated this attack, but controlled the mode of it. Stoning was a 
Jewish punishment. In the present instance, it will be observed, 
they had no scruple about shedding the blood of their victim in 
the city. It was otherwise at Jerusalem ; see on 7, 58. An 
incidental variation like this attests the truth of the narrative. — 
vofjiLcravT€<i, k. t. X., supj^osing that he was dead, intimates a mere 
belief as opposed to the reahty. A slight accent on the fii'st 
word brings this out as the necessary meaning. 

V. 20. KUKXcocravTtov 8e avrbv rwv fJiaS^rjroJV, The disciples having 
surrounded him. Here we learn incidentally that their labors had 
not been ineffectual. Kuinoel decides too much when he says 
that the disciples collected around Paul in order to bury him ; it 
may have been to lament over him, or to ascertain whether he was 
really dead. In that sorrowing circle stood probably the youth- 
ful Timothy, the apostle's destined associate in so many future 
labors and perils ; see 16, 1 ; 2 Tim. 3, 11. — dvao-ras, k. t. X. After 
the expression in v. 19, we can hardly regard this as an instance 
of actual restoration to life. If we recognize any thing as mir- 
aculous here, it would be more justly the apostle's sudden recov- 
ery after such an outrage, enabling him to return at once to the 
city and on the next day to resume his journey. Paul alludes to 
this stoning in 2 Cor. 11, 25. The wounds inflicted on him at this 
time may have left some of those scars on his body to which he 
alludes in Gal. 6, 17 as proof that he was Christ's servant. — et? 
Aip^rjv, unto Derhe. .See on v. 6. A few hours would be sufii- 

30 



234 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XIV, 21. 22. 



cient for the journey hither. We have now reached the eastern 
limit of the present expedition. 

V. 21. fjLa3-r]r€vcravT€<; LKavov?, having made many disciples (Matt. 
28, 19) as the result of the preaching mentioned in the other 
clause. One of the converts was probably Gaius, who is called 
a Derbean in 20, 4. Their labors in tliis city appear to have 
been unattended by any open opposition. Hence, in 2 Tim. 3, 
11, Paul omits Derbe from the list of places associated in the 
mind of Timothy with the " persecutions, afflictions," which the 
apostle had been called to endure. Paley refers to that omission 
as a striking instance of conformity between the Epistle and the 
Acts. " In the apostolic history Lystra and Derbe are commonly 
mentioned together; in 2 Tim. 3, 11, Antioch, Inconium, Lystra, 
are mentioned, and not Derbe. And the distinction will appear 
on this occasion to be accurate ; for Paul in that passage is enu- 
merating his persecutions, and although he underwent grievous 
persecutions in each of the three cities through which he passed 
to Derbe, at Derbe itself he met with none. The Epistle, there- 
fore, in the names of the cities, in the order in which they are 
enumerated, and in the place at which the enumeration stops, 
corresponds exactly with the history. Nor is there any just rea- 
son for thinking the agreement to be artificial ; for had the writer 
of the Epistle sought a coincidence with the history upon tliis 
head, and searched the Acts of the Apostles for the purpose, I 
conceive he would have sent us at once to Philippi and Thessa- 
lonica, where Paul suffered persecution, and where, from what is 
stated, it may easily be gathered that Timothy accompanied hun, 
rather than have appealed to persecutions as known to Timothy, 
in the account of which persecutions Timothy's presence is not 
mentioned ; it not being till after one entire chapter, and in the 
history of a journey three or four years subsequent to this (16, 1), 
that Timothy's name occurs in the Acts of the Apostles for the 
first time." — viricrrpex^av, turned back. Advancing still eastward 
from tliis point, they would soon have reached the well-known 
'Cilician Gates,' through which they could have descended easily 
to Cilicia, and then have embarked from Tarsus for Antioch. 
They had the choice, therefore, of a nearer way to Syria ; but 
their solicitude for the welfare of the newly founded churches 
constrains them to turn back, and revisit the places where they 
had preached. 

V. 22. kTri(TTr]plt,ovr€<;, k. t. X., confirming the souls of the disciples^ 
not by any outward rite, but by instruction and encouragement, 
as we see in the next clause ; comp. lo, 32. 41 ; 18, 23. — c/x/xeVeiv 



Chap. XIV, 22. 23. COMMENTARY. 235 

TTj TTLo-TCL, to ttdkere to the faith (see 6, 7 ; 13, 8), i. e. of Clirist or 
the gospel; comp. 3, 16 ; 20, 21, etc. — on depends on TrapaKaXovw 
T€s, which, at this point of the sentence, passes to the idea of 
affirming, teaching. — Set may mean it is necessary, because such 
was the appointment of God (9, 16 ; 1 Cor. 15, 25) ; or because 
in the nature of things it was inevitable (comp. 2 Tim. 3, 12). 
The first is the more pertinent view, since it suggests a more 
persuasive motive to submission and fidehty in the endurance of 
trials. — T7jaa9, ive who are Christians; comp. 1 Thess. 4, 17. — 
Tr\v ySacriXctav rov ^eov, the kingdom of God, i. e. the state of happi- 
ness which awaits the redeemed in heaven. The expression can 
have no other meaning here, for those addressed were already 
members of Clirist's visible kingdom, and the perseverance to 
which the apostles Avould incite them has reference to a kingdom 
which they are yet to enter. 

V. 23. having appointed for them 

elders in every church. x^'^P^^oi/etv signifies properly to elect or 
vote by extending the hand, but also, in a more general sense, to 
choose, appoint, without reference to that formality. That for- 
mality could not have been observed in this instance, as but two 
individuals performed the act in question. When the verb retains 
the idea of stretching forth the hand, the act is predicated always 
of the subject of the verb, not of those for whom the act may be 
performed. Hence the interpretation having appointed for them 
by their outstretched hands, i. e. by taking their opinion or vote in 
that manner, is unwarranted; for it transfers the hands to the 
wrong persons. Whether Paul and Barnabas appointed the pres- 
byters in this case by their own act solely, or ratified a previous 
election of the churches made at their suggestion, is disputed. 
If it be clear from other sources that the primitive churches 
elected their officers by general suffrage, the verb here may be 
understood to denote a concurrent appointment, in accordance 
with that practice ; but the burden of proof lies on those who 
contend for such a modification of the meaning. Neander's con- 
clusion on this subject should be stated here. " As regards the 
election to church, offices, we are in want of sufficient informa- 
tion to enable us to decide how it was managed in the early 
apostohc times. Indeed, it is quite possible that the method of 
procedure differed under different circumstances. As in the in- 
stitution of deacons the apostles left the choice to the commimi- 
ties themselves, and as the same was the case in the choice of 
deputies to attend the apostles in the name of the communities 
(2 Cor. 8, 19), we might argue that a similar course would be 



236 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIY, 23. 

pursued in filling otlier offices of the cliurcli. Yet it may be 
that in many cases the apostles themselves, where tliey could 
not as yet have sufficient confidence in the spirit of the first new 
communities, conferred the important office of presbyters on such 
as in their own judgment, under the light of the Divine Spirit, 
appeared to be the fittest persons. Their choice would, moreover, 
deserve, in the highest degree, the confidence of the communities 
(comp. 14, 23 ; Tit. 1, 5) ; although, when Paul empowers Titus 
to set presiding officers over the communities who possessed the 
requisite qualifications, this circumstance decides nothing as to 
the mode of choice, nor is a choice by the community itself 
thereby necessarily excluded. The regular course appears to 
have been tliis : the church offices were intrusted to the first con- 
verts in preference to others, provided that in other respects they 
possessed the requisite quahfications. It may have been the 
general practice for the presbyters themselves, in case of a va- 
cancy, to propose another to the community in place of the per- 
son deceased, and leave it to the whole body either to approve or 
decline their selection for reasons assigned. (Clem. cap. 44.) 
Wlien askmg for the assent of the community had not yet be- 
come a mere formality, this mode of ffiling church offices had the 
salutary effect of causing the votes of the majority to be guided 
by those capable of judging, and of suppressing divisions ; while, 
at the same time, no one was obtruded on the community who 
would not be welcome to their hearts." Ch. Hist. (Dr. ToiTey's 
Tr.), Vol. I. p. 189. — 7rpecrl3vTepov<5 kut iKK\r]crLav, elders in every 
church. The term is plural, because each church had its col- 
lege of elders (see 20, 17 ; Tit. 1, 5) ; not because there was a 
church in each of the cities. The elders, ox presbyters, in the offi- 
cial sense of the term, were those appointed in the first churches 
to watch over their general discipline and welfare. "With refer- 
ence to that duty, they were called, also, kirlaKoiroi, i. e. superin- 
tendents, or bishops. The first was their Jewish appellation, 
transferred to them perhaps from the similar class of officers in 
the synagogues ; the second was their foreign appellation, since 
the Greeks employed it to designate such relations among them- 
selves. In accordance with this distinction, we find the general 
rule to be this : those who are called elders in speaking of Jewish 
communities are called bishops in speaking of Gentile commu- 
nities. Hence the latter term is the prevailing one in Paul's 
Epistles. That the names with this difference were entirely 
synonymous, appears from their interchange in such passages as 
20, 17. 28, and Tit. 1, 5. 7. It may be argued, also, from the fact 



Chap. XIY, 24-27. COMMENTAKY. 237 

that in Pliil. 1, 1 and 1 Tim. 3, 1. 8 the deacons are named im- 
mediately after the bishops, which exchides the idea of any 
intermediate order. Other appellations given to these officers 
were 7roi/xei/€9, rjyovfxevoL, 7rpoe(TT(hTe<; tC)v aSeX<f)ii)v . The presbyters, 
or bishops, were not by virtue of their office teachers or preachers 
at the same time ; nor, on the other hand, were the two spheres 
of labor incompatible with each other. We see from 1 Tim. 5, 
17, that some of those who exercised the general oversight 
preached also the word ; comp. also 1 Tim. 3, 2. The foregoing 
representation exhibits the view of Mosheim, Neander, Gieseler,, 
Ro the, and others eminent in such inquiries. — 7rpoo-ei;^a/>tei/oi be- 
longs to the following verb, not to the subordinate clause which 
precedes. — avrov^ is deffiied by ets ov TreTrLarevKeio-av, and must re- 
fer to the believers in general, not to the elders merely. 

V. 24. SteA^ovre? rrjv Ilta-iStW, having passed ilirougli Pisidia. 
Antioch was on the northern limit of Pisidia, and hence they 
traversed that district from north to south. Their journey was a 
descent from the mountains to the plain. 

V. 25. kv Tlipyrj. They now preached in Perga, as they ap- 
pear not to have done on their first visit ; see on 13, 13. Luke's 
silence as to the result may intimate that they were favored with 
no marked success. — eis 'ArraXetav. Instead of taking ship at 
Perga, and sailing down the Oestrus, wliich they had ascended 
on their outward journey, they travelled across the plain to 
Attaleia, a seaport on the Pampliylian Gulf, near the mouth of 
the Oatarrhactes. The distance between the two places was 
about sixteen miles; see on 13, 13. The founder of Attaleia 
was Attains Philadelphus, king of Pergamus. It occupied the 
site of the modern Satalia, which Admiral Beaufort describes " as 
beautifully situated round a small harbor, the streets appearing 
to rise behind each other, like the seats of a theatre, .... with a 
double wall and a series of square towers on the level summit of 
the hill." See a view of the present town in Howson. 

V. 26. aTreTrXeucrav eh 'AvTLox^to-v, sailed aivay unto Antioch; 
though they may have disembarked at Seleucia as the town and 
its port are one in such designations; comp. 20, 6. — o^ei/ ^o-av, k. r. 
X., stands in sensu prcegnanti for ivhejice, having been committed to 
the favor of God, they were sent forth; see 13, 3. W. § 54. 7. — 
€ts TO (.pyov,for the work, (tehc) for its performance. 

V. 27. oo-a .... jaer avriav, hoiv great things (on their journey) 
God ivr ought with them, i. e. in their behalf (15, 4; Luke 1, 72) ; 
not hy them, which would be 8t' avrcov as in 15, 12. The phrase 
comes from fi^ nia^ ; comp. Josh. 2, 12; Ps. 119, 65, etc. Accord- 



238 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XV, 1. 



ing to Meyer, /xer avT(ov is = tov fxer avriov, allied with them, wliich 
is less simple. — on •^vot^e, k. t. A., that he opened to the Gentiles a 
door of faith, i. e. had given them access to the gospel, participa- 
tion in its blessings, as well as to the Jews ; not that he had 
opened to the apostles a door of access to the heathen. This 
metaphor is a favorite one with Paul (1 Cor. 16, 9; 2 Cor. 2,12; 
Col. 4, 3) and may have become familiar to Luke in his inter- 
course with him (Alf ). 

V. 28. SieTpL/Sov, K. T. \. It is necessary to inquire here how 
, long the apostle was probably absent on the tour followed by 
this residence at Antioch. We must be content with a some- 
what vague answer to this question. The Apostolic Council at 
Jerusalem was held in A. D. 50 (Introd. §6. 3) ; and as Paul 
departed on his first mission in A. D. 45 (see on 13, 3), we must 
divide the interval from A. D. 45 to 50 between his journey 
among the heathen and his subsequent abode at Antioch. The 
best authorities, as Anger, Wieseler, Meyer, Winer, De Wette, 
and others, agree in this result. How we are to distribute the 
intermediate years is more uncertain. It will be found that the 
apostle travelled more extensively during his second missionary 
tour than during the first ; and as the limitations of time in that 
part of the history allow us to assign but three years, or three 
and a half, to that excursion, we may consider two years per- 
haps as sufiicient for this journey. Tliis conclusion would place 
the return to Antioch near the close of A. D. 47 ; since the apos- 
tle must have set forth somewhat late in the year A. D. 4z5. 
Compare the note on 12, 25 with that on 13, 3. Accordingly, 
the years A. D. 48 and 49 would be the period not brief (xpovov 
ovK oXiyov) which Paul and Barnabas spent at Antioch between 
their return and the Council at Jerusalem. While they resided 
in that city, for the most part, they would be able, both by their 
own personal efibrts and their supervision of the efforts of others, 
to extend the gospel in the regions around them. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Verses 1-6. Paul and Barnabas are sent as Delegates to Jerusa- 

lem. 

V. 1. ttTTo T^? 'lovSatas, from Judea, i. e. from Jerusalem in 
Judea ; comp. nvh rj/xSyv in v. 24. It is barely possible that 



Chap. XV, 1. 2. 



COMMENTARY. 



239 



Luke may include the other churches in that countiy. We are 
not to confound this party of Judaizers with those in Gal. 2, 12, 
who "came from James" (i. e the church, over which he presided), 
and caused Peter to dissemble his convictions from fear of their 
censure. The notice in the epistle refers to a different and later 
event; see on 18,23. — kU^ao-Kov, ivere teaching. They had not 
broached the error merely, but were inculcating it. — on iav, k. t. 
\., that unless ye are circumcised, etc. This transition to the 
direct style gives vividness to the narrative. — e^et, according 
to the custom, law (see 6, 14) ; dative of rule or manner. — ov 
8uVacr^e o-co^?ymt, ye cannot be saved. It was this enforced sub- 
mission to the rite as necessary to salvation, which made the 
eiTor so fatally pernicious. (Compare the note on 16, 3). The 
doctrine in this form was nothing less than an utter subversion 
of the scheme of Christianity. It denied the sufficiency of faith 
in Christ as the only condition of pardon and reconciliation. It 
involved the feeling that circumcision was an act of merit, and 
that those who submitted to it acquired a virtual right to the 
divine favor. In a word, it substituted the law of works for the 
gratuitous justification which the gospel declares to be the only 
way in which sinners can be saved. See Gal. 5, 1, sq. 

V. 2. o-raorcco?, dissensioji in their views ; ^Tyr-^o-ew?, discussion on 
the points which that difference involved. — oAtyr/s belongs to both 
nouns (De Wet.). The adjective is not repeated because the 
words are of the same gender. W. h 59. 5. — avTov<; refers to 
Ttves in V. 1. Paul and Barnabas were the disputants on one 
side, and the individuals from Judea on the other. It does not 
appear that the Cluristians at Antioch took any open part in the 
controversy. The heresy reappeared among them at a later 
period, and became then so prevalent as to endanger the safety 
of the entire church; see Gal. 2, 11, sq. Even Barnabas, at that 
time, compromised the principle for which he was now so earnest. 
— ha^av, K. T. X., they (i. e. the brethren in v. 1) appointed that 
they should go up, etc. It appears from Gal. 2, 2, that Paul went 
also in compliance with a divine command. Whether the reve- 
lation was fnst, and the action of the church subsequent, or the 
reverse, it is impossible to say. It may be that Paul was 
instructed to propose the mission to Jerusalem ; or, if the mea- 
sure originated with the church, that he was instructed to approve 
it, and to go as one of the delegates. Either supposition harmon- 
izes the notice in Gal. 2, 2 with this passage. — nva? aXkovsy cer- 
tain others as delegates. One of them may have been Titus, 
since we read in Gal, 2, 1 that he accompanied the apostle at 



240 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XV, 3-5. 



this time. Yet perhaps crvixTrapaXaji^v koI Tltov, in that place, 
taking along also Titus, may indicate, that they travelled together 
as friends and not as official associates. The fact, too, that, 
being nncircnmcised, he was a party in some sense to this Jew- 
ish question, may have disqualified him for such an appointment. 

V. 3. ol fxlv ovv '7rpo7r€fji(j)^€VT€<5, They having been sent forward, 
i. e. attended part of the way by some of the church, as a mark 
of honor; comp. 20, 38; 21, 5; 3 John v. 6. The word, says 
Meyer, does not include the viatica, or suppHes for the journey, 
unless the context point that out as a part of the service rendered, 
as in Tit. 3, 13. — hi-qpxovro, k. t. \., passed through Phodnicia and 
Samaria. See on 11, 19. As Galilee is not mentioned, they 
travelled probably along the coast as far south as Ptolemais (21, 
7), and then crossed the plain of Esdi'selon into Samaria. — rots 
aSeA.(^ots, wito the brethren in the various towns on their way. 
"We see here the fruits of the seed wliich had been scattered in 
those regions (8, 5; 11, 19). 

V. 4. aTTehix^yicrav, luere cordially received; comp. 18, 27. It 
was not certain that, coming on such an errand, they would be 
gi-eeted with entire favor. It weakens the sense to restiict it to 
their oflicial recognition as messengers. Tliis was the apostle's 
third visit to Jerusalem since his conversion, and was made in 
the year A. D. 50 (Introd. § 6. 3). — eKKXrycrtas, the church in 
general, while Kat adds the prominent parts ; see on 1, 14. The 
existence of presbyters at Jerusalem is first recognized in 11, 
30. Luke does not inform us at what time, or in what manner, 
they were appointed. It was evidently no part of his intention 
to unfold any particular scheme of ecclesiastical polity. The 
information which he gives on that subject is incidental and im- 
perfect. — /xer avToiv, towards them, in their behalf; see on 14, 27. 

V. 5. i$aveo-T7](Tav, k. t. X., But there arose (in the assembly at 
Jerusalem) some of those from the sect of the Pharisees. It is en- 
tirely natural that indi\dduals of thjs class appear as the party 
who insist on circumcision. The attachment to forms, which 
rendered them Pharisees out of the church, rendered them 
legahsts in it. These are the persons evidently, of whom Paul 
speaks so strongly in Gal. 2, 4. — avTov<5, them, viz. the Gentile 
believers in the communication just made (v. 4). — Some regard 
the contents of this verse as a continuation of the report (v. 4), 
as if the objectors were those at Antioch, and not at Jerusalem; 
but in that case we should have expected Kat Trois or on, and how 
or that as the connective between dvrjyyeiAav and iiaviarrja-av. 



\ 



Chap. XV, 6-8. COMMENTARY. 



241 



Verses 6-12 Speech of Peter in the Assembly. 

V. 6. a-vvrix^y]o-a.Vy k. r. \. This assembly is often called the 
fii-st Christian Council ; but we must use some license to apply 
the term in that way, since a council consists properly of dele- 
gates from various churches, whereas two churches only were 
represented on this occasion. The apostles and elders are men- 
tioned on account of their rank, not as composing the entire 
assembly. It is evident from v. 23, that the other Christians at 
Jerusalem were also present, and gave their sanction to the de- 
crees enacted ; see also v. 12, compared with v. 22. — In Gal. 2, 
2, Paul states that, besides the communication which he made to 
the beHevers in a body, he had also a private interview with the 
chief of the apostles. That interview, we may suppose, preceded 
the public discussion. The object of it appears to have been, 
to put the other apostles in full possession of Ms views, and of 
aU the facts in relation to his ministry among the heathen ; so 
that, fortified by their previous knowledge of the case, he might 
have then support in the promiscuous assembly, where prejudice 
or misunderstanding might otherwise have placed him in a false 
Hght. — Aoyov rovTov, this matter ^ subject of discussion (De Wet.) ; 
not this expression in v. 5 (Mey.), because the dispute had an 
earlier origin. 

V. 7. d(/)' r][ji€pu)v apxcL^iiiv, since remote days, a long time ago ; 
comp. ev apxo in 11, 15. The conversion of Cornehus took place 
during the time that Paul was at Tarsus (see on 11, 15); and 
the several years, so eventful in their character, which had 
elapsed since that period, would appear in the retrospect a long 
time. — ev rjiMv .... o-TOfxaros [jlov, made choice among us (the apos- 
tles) that by my mouth, etc., (Mey. De Wet. Win.). The subse- 
quent clause forms the proper object of e^eXe|aro. Some supply 
needlessly ijxe (Olsh.), and others incoiTectly make eV rjfuv a 
Hebraistic accusative, selected me or us. See W. § 32. 3. The 
meaning is not necessarily that no heathen had heard or em- 
braced the gospel till Peter preached it to them ; but that it was 
he whom God appointed to convey the gospel to them under 
circumstances which showed it to be manifestly his will that 
they should be admitted into the church without circumcision. — 
For the generic e^v-q, see on 11, 18. 

V. 8. 6 KaphLoyvo)crTr]<; .... avrot?, the heart-knoiaing God (who 
could judge, therefore, of the sincerity of their repentance and 
faith) testified for them (dat. comm.). The testimony consisted 

31 



242 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XV, 9. 10. 



of the miraculous gifts which he imparted to them, see 10, 45. 
He had thus shown that ceremonial obedience was not essential 
to his favor ; for he had granted the sign of acceptance to those 
who were entirely destitute of that recommendation. 

V. 9. KOL ovSkv .... avToiv, and made no distinction betiveen us, 
who had practised the Jewish rites, and them, though they were 
still heathen in that respect (avofxoL, 1 Cor. 9, 21). The next 
clause states how he had manifested this impartiality — rrj ttlo-tu 
.... avTu)v, in that by faith he purified their hearts, i. e. in connection 
with their reception of the gospel, had made them partakers of 
the holiness which renders those who possess it acceptable in his 
sight. He had bestowed this blessing as fully and freely on the 
uncircumcised believing Gentiles, as he had upon the circumcised 
believing Jews. Peter represents the purification as effected by 
faith, in order to deny^the error which would ascribe that efficacy 
to circumcision or any other legal observance. The Jewish feel- 
ing was that the heathen were unclean so long as they were un- 
circumcised. The Spirit is the efiicient author of sanctification ; 
but faith as used here is a belief of the truth (2 Thess. 2, 13), 
especially of that which relates to the atonement of Christ (1 
John 1, 7), and the Spirit employs the truth as the means of 
sanctification. 

V. 10. vvv ovv, Now therefore, !, e. after such evidence that 
God does not require the heathen to submit to Jewish rites. — rt 
Tretpa^ere tov S^eov, why do ye tempt God, make presumptuous trial 
of liis power and patience by demanding new proofs of his will ; 
see 5, 9; Matt. 4, 7 ; 1 Cor. 10, 9. This sense is partly Hebra- 
istic, and we must compare the verb with in order to obtain 
the full idea. — k-m^clvaL (=. iTn^ivre^) ^vyov, that you should place 
(z=z by placing) a yoke, etc. This is a lax use of the epexegeti- 
cal infinitive. W. ^ 44. 1. — ov ovt^, k. t. A., which neither our 
farthers, etc. " By this yoke," says Neander, " which Peter 
represents as having been always so irksome to the Jews, he 
certainly did not mean t]ie external observance of ceremonies 
simply as such, since he would by no means persuade the Jew- 
ish Christians to renounce them. But he meant the external 
observance of the law, in so far as this proceeded from an inter- 
nal subjection of the conscience to its power, such as exists 
when justification and salvation are made to depend on the 
performance of legal requirements. Those in this state of mind 
must fear lest they peril their salvation by the slightest deviation 
from the law ; they suffer the painful scrupulosity which leads to 
the invention of manifold checks, in order to guard themselves, 



CiiAP. XV, 11-15. 



COMMENTAEY. 



243 



by a self-imposed constraint, against every possible transgression 
of its commands." 

V. 11. aXXd marks this connection : With snch an experience 
as to the law, we no longer expect salvation from that source ; 
but through the grace of the Lord Jesus believe that we shall he 
saved. — kclkCivoi, also they, viz. the heathen converts. The remark 
suggests its own application. If the Jews had renounced their 
own law as unable to benefit them, and had taken the position 
of the Gentiles, it was inconsistent, as well as useless, to require 
the Gentiles to depend on the system of the Jews. The train 
of thought in Gal. 2, 15 sq. is singularly coincident with this. — 
The reference of kqlkCivoi to ol Trarepes introduces an idea irrele- 
vant to the subject. 

V. ] 2. €(Tiyy](T^, became silent, recalls us to the 7ro\Xrj<5 a-v^-qr-ri- 
o-eco9 in V. 7. Peter's address had calmed the excitement, so that 
they refrained from speaking, and gave Paul and Barnabas an 
opportunity to be heard; comp. a-iyrjaaL in the next verse. — ■^kovov 
(imperf.) implies a copious narration on the part of the speakers. 
— €$7]yov(ji€V(ovy K. T. X. Tlicy gavc tliis prominence to the mira- 
cles because these expressed so decisively God's approval of 
their course in receiving the heathen without circumcision. That 
was now the main point in question. We see from Gal. 2, 1 sq., 
that the narrative embraced also other topics. 

Verses 13-21. Speech of the Apostle James. 

V. 13. The speaker is the James mentioned in 12, 17. Paul 
names him before Peter and John in Gal. 2, 9 because he was 
pastor of the church at Jerusalem and perhaps president of the 
council. — aTreKpiSy], proceeded to speak (see 3, 12) ; or, very prop- 
erly, answered, since the position of the Judaistic party challenged 
a reply. 

V. 14. 2v/;tecov, Symeon (see 13, 1), as in 2 Pet. 1, 1 , else- 
where 'ZtfJLoiv, Simon, after the Heb. variation "I'l^s^i!: (1 Chr. 4, 20) 
and (Gen. 29, 33). Tliis apostle is not mentioned again in 
the Acts. His speech in the council is the last act of Peter 
which Luke has recorded. — irpojTov, at first, answers to a.<^ rjfxepQtv 
d/D^oitW in V. 7. — lirea-KkipaTo, graciously visited, like ij^Q in its good 
sense. — lirl rco ovofxarL avrov, after his name (Luke 1, 9), i. e. who 
should be called by it, known as his people (De Wet.) ; comp v. 
17; Deut. 28, 10; Is. 63, 19; 2 Chr. 7, 14, etc. But the critical 
editions omit k-nl, and the dative depends then on the infinitive , 
i. e. for thy name, its acknowledgment, honor. 

V. 15. Ktti To^jTO) K. r. X., and with this (not masculine, viz. 



244 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XV, 16. 17. 



Peter, but neuter, viz. the fo,ct just stated) agree the ivords of the 
prophets. As an example of their testimony, he adduces Am. 
9, 11 sq. 

V. 16. The citation conforms very nearly to the Septuagint. — 
avao-rpiij/o), k. t. A., T will return and ivill rebuild. The expression 
implies a restoration of favor after a temporary alienation ; comp. 
• Jer. 12, 15. Some recognize here the Hebraism which converts 
the first of two verbs into an adverb qualifying the second : Itvill 
again rebuild. Meyer, De "VVette, Winer 54. 5), reject that 
explanation. It is the less apposite here, as dm repeats the ad- 
verbial idea in the three following verbs. — avoiKo'^oiJirjcrisi, k. t. a., 
I will rebuild the tabernacle of David vjhich has fallen, i. e. will 
restore the decayed splendor of his family, to wit, in the person 
of his Son after the flesh (Eom. 1, 3), in the Messiah. a-K-qv-qv 
represents the family as having fallen into such obscurity as to 
occupy the humble abode of a booth or tabernacle. The next 
words of the text describe the same condition still more strongly. 

V. 17. oTTws av iKt^rjTya-waLv, k. t. X., that (telic, because the Sav- 
iour must be first sent) the rest (lit. those left remaining) of men 
and all the heathen may seek out the Lord, av implies that it de- 
pends on them whether the purp^ose vdll be attained or defeated. 
See W. M2. 6 ; K. $ 330. 4. The rest of men are the others of 
them besides the Jews, and these others are all the heathen. The 
last clause is exphcative, not appositional. The Hebrew has 
they, i. e. the people of God, shall possess the residue of Edom, i. e. 
those of Edom reserved for mercy, and all the (other) heathen. 
The Seventy may have confounded some of the original words 
with other similar words ; but the apostle followed their transla- 
tion of the passage, as it contained the essential idea for which 
he appealed to it. The many foreign Jews who Avere present 
were familiar with the Greek Scriptures, but not the Hebrew. — 
e^' ov? . . . . fxov, upon %vhom my name has been called, i. e. given, 
applied to them as a sign of their relationsliip to God ; comp. 
James 2, 7. See the references on v. 14. Observe that the verb 
is perfect. The application of the name was future when the 
prophecy was uttered, and was still future to a great extent 
when cited at this time ; but the prediction was as good as al- 
ready verified, because the purpose of God made it certain. 
— Itt' avTov<i is a Hebraism, founded on the use of ^ttj^ as the 
sign of relation (Olsh. De Wet. Mey.). Gesen. Heb. Gr. H21. 
1. The foregoing citation from Amos was pertinent in a twofold 
way : first, it announced that the heathen were to be admitted 
with the Jews into the kingdom of Cluist ; and, secondl}^ it con- 



Chap. XV, 18-20. COMMENTARY. 



245 



tallied no recognition of circumcision, or other Jewish ceremonies, 
as prerequisite to their reception. — Travra after ravra (T. R.) is 
not approved. 

Y. 18. The words here are a comment of James on the proph- 
ecy. — yvcoo-ra .... avTov, Knoivn from the beginning unto God are all 
his icorlis. The present call of the Gentiles, after having been 
so long foretold, was an evidence and illustration of the truth 
here asserted. Hence, the apostle would argue, if God, in ex- 
tending the gospel to the heathen without requiring them to be 
circumcised, was canying into effect an eternal purpose, it be- 
came them to acquiesce in it ; their opposition to his plan would 
be as unavailing as it was criminal. — The variations of the text 
in this verse are numerous, but nearly all )deld the same mean- 
ing. They may be seen in Griesbach, Hahn, Tischendorf, Green, 
and others. Lachman adheres to the common reading, with the 
exception of Kupto) for ^ecu, and ep-yov for Ipya. 

V. 19. eyio KpCvoj, J (for my part, without dictating to others) 
judge, decide as my opmion. On eyw, as thus restrictive, see W. 
§ 22. 6. The verb affords no proof that the speaker's authority'' 
^was greater than that of the other apostles; comp. 16,4. — /jlij 
Trap€voy\.dvy that ive ought not to disquiet, molest, i. e. impose on 
them the yoke of Jewish ceremonies ; see v. 10. The infinitive 
includes often the idea of obligation or necessity. W. ^ 44, 3. b. 
Meyer urges the separate force of irapd, further, i. e. in addition 
to their faith, not justified apparently by^ usage; better in his last 
edition, thereby, along with then conversion. 

V. 20. eTTto-retAat, k. t. \., that ive should ivrite to them, direct by 
letter, that they abstain. — aAtcryT^^aarwv == etSw/Xo^urcov in v. 29. The 
parts of the victim not used in sacrifice, the heathen sold m the 
market a^ ordinary food, or ate them at feasts. The Jews, m 
their abhorrence of idolatry, regarded the use of such flesh as 
allied to the guilt of participating in idol-worship itself See 
Rom. 14, 15 sq. ; 1 Cor. 8, JO sq. — koX ■nj's iropvua'?, and from for- 
nication = licentiousness (Calv. Kuin. Olsh. Mey. De Wet.), 
Repeat airo before this noun. The other practices, it will be ob- 
served, relate to things which are not sinful per se, but derive 
their character from positive law, or from circumstances. The 
reason, probably, for associating tliis immorality with such prac- 
tices is, that the heathen mind had become so corrupt as almost 
to have lost the idea of chastity as a virtue.-^ Other senses of 

^ See Tholuck on the Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism, in the Biblical 
Repository, Vol. 11. p. 441 sq. 



246 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XV, 21, 22. 



TTopveia, as idolatry, incest, marriage ■with unbelievers, concubin- 
age, have been proposed. It is against any such unusual signifi- 
cation of the word, that it occurs again in the enactment (v. 29). 
The object of the decree would require it to be framed with as 
much perspicuity as possible, and would exclude the use of terms 
out of their ordinary acceptation. — koI tov ttvlktov, and from wlmt 
has been strangled, i. e. from the flesh of animals put to death in 
that way. The Jews were not allowed to eat such flesh, because 
it contained the blood ; see Lev. 17, 13. 14; Deut. 12, 16, 23. — 
Koi TOV al'/xaro?, and from hlood, which the heathen drank often at 
their idolatrous feasts, and at other times and in various Avays 
mingled wdth then food. 

V. 21. This verse assigns a reason for the proposed restric- 
tions, and that is, that the Jewish believers, being so accustomed 
to hear the things in question forbidden, were naturally sensitive 
in regard to them, and hence it was necessary, for the sake of 
peace and harmony, that the heathen converts should refrain 
from such practices. This view of the connection is the most 
natural one. Calvin, Hemsen, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, and 
others, agree in it. Neander follows Clnysostom, who supposes 
the words to explain why it Avas proposed to instruct the Gentiles 
only : the Jews had no occasion to be informed what the law re- 
quired of them ; for Moses in every city, etc. Tliis interpretation 
not only turns the mind abruptly from one train of thought to 
another, but appears to concede more to the advocates of circum- 
cision than the question at issue would allow. To have justified 
the prohibitions on such ground would be recognizing the perpe- 
tuity of the Mosaic rites, so far as the Jews were concerned ; 
and we cannot suppose that the apostles at this time either enter- 
tained that view, or would give any direct countenance to it in 
the minds of others. 

Verses 22-29. They appoint Messengers to the Churches, and 
send a Letter by them. 

V. 22. Tore eSo^e, k. t. X., Then the apostles .... resolved, having 
selected men from themselves, to send them, etc. iK\eiafjL€vov<s passes 
into the accusative, because the object of the governing verb, 
a-TToaToXois, serves at the same time as the subject of the infini- 
tive. K. § 307. K. 2. — Judas is known only from this notice. 
His surname opposes the conjecture that he was Judas Thad- 
deus, the apostle. There is no proof that he was a brother of 
Joseph BarsabaSjthe candidate for the apostlesliip (1,23). — Silas 



Chap. XY, 23-25. 



COMMENTARY. 



247 



bacame Paul's associate in his second missionaiy tour (v. 40). 
For '^iXas in the Acts, we have always 2tAoi;avos in the Epistles. 
The former was his JeA\ash name probably, the latter his Gentile 
or foreign name; see on 13, 9. — rjyovixeuov?, leading, eminent for 
reputation and authority (Luke 22, 26). 

V. 23. yf)d\l/avTe<5. The nominative of a participle refers often 
to a preceding substantive in a different case, when that substan- 
tive forms in fact the logical subject of the clause. K. § 313. 1 ; 
"W. § 64. II. 2. The impersonal expression at the head of the 
sentence is equivalent to a transitive verb with the dative as 
nominative. K. § 307. R. 5. — Kara -njv 'Avnoxetav, k. t. X., througli- 
out Antiocli and Szjria, etc., since the brethren were in different 
places. We see here how extensively the Judaizers had at- 
tempted to spread their views. The scene at Antioch (v. 1) was 
only an example of what had occurred in many other places. As 
to the origin of the churches in Syria and Cilicia, see on v. 41. — 
Xa-LpGLv, sc. XiyovfTi. It is remarkable, says Neander, that tliis word, 
as a form of epistolary salutation, occurs only here and in James 
1,1, with the exception of 23, 26, where it is a Roman who em- 
ploys it. It would account for the coincidence if we suppose 
that the Apostle James drew up tliis document. His office as 
pastor of the church would very naturally devolve that seriace 
on him. The occurrence of ^atpetv here and in the Epistle, Ben- 
gel, Bleek, and others, point out as an indication that the two 
compositions are from the same hand. 

V. 24. r\iJMv, from us, which accords \vit\i v. 1. — irdpa^av, 
disquieted, perplexed; see Gal. 1, 7. — Xoyoi? may have, as Stier 
thinks, a disparaging force : icith icords merely, as opposed to the 
truth or sound doctrine. — ayao-Keua^oT/re? ras ^vyas vficov, subverting 
your soids, i. e. unsettling, removing them from the pure faith of 
the gospel. This clause describes the effect or tendency of the 
views which those who received the decrees were urged by the 
false teachers to adopt. — -rrepirefjiveaSaL, K. T. X., that ye must he 
circumcised, and keep the law. For this power of the infinitive, 
see on v. 19. Setv is not to be supplied. — ols ov Steo-raXa/xe^a, 
loliom ice did not command, i. e. instruct, authorize. This declar- 
ation may be aimed at a pretence on their part that they had 
been sent forth by the church at Jerusalem, or at least that they 
represented the sentiments of that church. 

y. 25. y€vofjievoL<i oixoS-vfxahov, having met together ( Vulg. Neand. ) ; 
but better, having become of one mind, unanimous (Eng. Str. Mey.). 
Kuinoel and De Wette are, undecided. According to the latter 
view, the expression represents this perfect harmony as having 



248 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XV, 26-28, 



been attained after some diversity of opinion ; see v. 5. — IkAc^- 
o-ixivov^ exemplifies again the construction in v. 22. — Bapvd^a koI 
JlavXio. This deviation from the usual order of these names since 

13, 13, as De Wette remarks after Bleek, testifies to the waiter's 
diplomatic accuracy. Paul had spent but little time at Jerusalem, 
and Barnabas was still a more familiar name there (comp. 9, 27), 
than that of the apostle to the Gentiles. 

y. 26.' dv^pcoTTots .... o.vTUiv, men who have given up, jeoparded, 
their lives ; comp. 9, 24 ; 13, 50 ; 14, 5. 19. There was a special 
reason, no doubt, for this commendation of Paul and Barnabas. 
It would sei-ve to counteract any attempts which the Jewish party 
might make, or had made, to discredit their religious views and 
impair their reputation as teachers. 

V. 27. ovv, therefore, i. e. in conformity with the conclusion in 
V. 25. — /cat avTov<;, k. t. X., also themselves hy word announcing 
(when they shall be present) the same things, i. e. that we now 
write to you (Neand. Mey. De Wet.) ; not the same things that 
Paul and Barnabas have taught. Sta Aoyov indicates clearly that 
the oral communication was to confirm the contents of the letter 
or the written communication, " Judas and Silas," says Stier 
(Reden der Apostel, I. p. 90), "should certify that the letter had 
actually proceeded from a unanimous resolve of the church at 
Jerusalem, and that Barnabas and Saul were thus honored and 
beloved there ; they should give fuller information respecting the 
decrees, and answer every inquiiy that might be proposed, as 
living epistles, confirmed by the letter and confirming it in re- 
turn ; and thus by their word they should restore again the 
harmony wliich those unsent members of their church had dis- 
turbed." 

V. 28. ydp, For it seemed good, i. e. and especially how it 

seemed good, yap specifies the part of the letter which the writ- 
ers had more particularly in view in to, avro.. — Trvcv/xart KaL'^fjuv = 
TTvevixaTL €v rjixLv (Olsh.). See 5, 3 and note there. The expression 
represents the two agencies as distinct from each other, as well 
as consentaneous (De Wet). — rjfuv includes all (see v. 23) who 
took part in the action of the council. They were conscious of 
having adopted their conclusions under the guidance of the 
Spirit, and claimed for them the authority of infallible decisions. 
— To)v renders eTravayKe? an adjective. B. § 125. 6. The things 
in question are said to be necessary, not (excepting the last of 
them) because they were wrong in themselves, but because the 
Gentile Christians were bound by the law of charity (see Rom. 

14, 15) to avoid a course wliich, wliile it involved no question of 



Chap. XV, 29-34. 



COMMENTAEY. 



249 



conscience on their part, would offend and grieve their Jewish 
brethren, and lead inevitably to strife and alienation. 

V. 29. aTrexeor^ai, to wit, that ye abstain. For this definitive 
use of the infinitive, see W. h 44. 1 : C. § 623. — It is not perhaps 
accidental that vropvetas has here a different position from that ui v. 
20 ; see also 21, 25. — <Sv . . . . kavTov^ Neander compares with 
acnnXov iavrov rrjpeiv oltto rov Koarjxov in James 1, 27. The similarity 
is striking, and may indicate the same hand in the two passages 
(see on V. 23). — Trpa^ere, ye ivill do well, what is right and com- 
mendable ; see 10, 33 ; 3 John v. 6. — eppojo-S^e, like the Latin 
valete. 

Vehses 30-35. Paul and Barnabas return to Antwdi. 

V. 30. ovvy therefore, since the foregoing decision was preluni- 
nary to their departure. — 6jKo\v^kvr&<i, having been dismissed, i. e. 
in all probability with religious services (v. 33 ; 13, 3), and perhaps 
with an escort for some miles on the way (v. 3). — to ttXt^^os, the 
midtitude; see v. 12 and 6, 2. They call at once an assembly of 
the believers to hear their report. 

V. 31. eTTt irapaKkrjaeL, at the consolation (lit. upon as the 
cause) furnished by the letter. They approve of what had been 
done ; they rejoice at the prospect of so happy a termination of 
the dispute. Some understand TrapaKkrjaei of exhortation, which 
certainly is not required by that sense of the verb m the next 
verse (Mey.), and does not accord well with the contents of so 
authoritative a letter. 

V. 32. KoX avTol TrpocfirjTaL ovre?, also themselves being prophets, 
i. e. as well as Paul and Barnabas, and so competent to give the 
instruction needed. — TrapeKciXea-av, exhorted, viz. in view of the 
present danger, that they should rely on Clnrist for salvation, and 
not cleave to the law of works. — eTreo-r^Jpi^av, confirmed, shows 
the happy effect of their labors. 

V. 33. p.^r elpr]V7]<^, luith 2')eace ; the parting salutation (16, 36; 
Mark 5, 34 ; Luke 7, 50). The brethren took leave of them with 
the best wishes for their safety and welfare. Judas and Silas 
both returned to Jerusalem, as their commission would require, 
but Silas must have soon rejoined Paul at Antioch, since we find 
him there in v. 40. Luke has passed over that second journey. 

V. 34. Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and others, strike 
out this verse. Most of the manuscripts omit it, or read it vari- 
ously. It is a gloss probably, supposed to be required by v. 40, 
If the text be genuine and Silas remained at Antioch, we must 

32 



250 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XV, 35-39. 



understand the plural in v. 33 as including one or more persons 
along with Judas, who had also come down from Jerusalem, 
though the narrative is othei^wise silent concerning them. 

V. 35. St€Tpt/?ov. This was the interval between the return to 
Antioch (v. 30), and the departure on the next missionary tour 
(v. 40). Some propose to insert here the scene described in Gal. 
2, 11 sq.; but that such a reaction in favor of Judaism as appeared 
on that occasion should have taken place so soon after the decis- 
ion at Jerusalem, is altogether improbable. See note on 18, 23. 
— Kat adds evayyeXL^ofxevoL to the Other participle as epexegetical : 
what they taught was the glad tidings or the gospel; not in- 
structed believers and preached to those who had not believed 
(Alf.). See 4, 18 ; 5, 42 ; 11, 26 ; 28, 31. 

Verses 36-41. Paul and Barnabas resume their Work in different 
Fields of Labor. 

V. 36. /xero, Se rtvas T^/xepa?, Noio after certain days, denotes ap- 
parently a short period; comp. 9, 19; 16, 12. — 8>j strengthens the 
exhortation ; see 13, 2. — eTrio-Kei/^w/xeJa .... ttojs exovcrt may in- 
volve an attraction, viz. that of the subject of the last clause 
drawn into the first : let us go to see .... how the brethren are ( W. 
k 66. 5) ; or an ellipsis : let us visit the brethren, and see (as in the 
E. V.) how they are. — Iv als is plural because Traaav ttoXlv is col- 
lective. W. ^ 21. 3; K. § 332. 5. — ttws exovcn, hoiv they are, m 
the mind of Paul, would have respect mainly to their spiritual 
welfare. 

V. 37. i/SovXevaaro, determined (see v. 5, 33 ; 27, 39). The 
feelings of Barnabas may have influenced him in this decision, 
more than his judgment, since he and Mark were cousins (dvei/^tot) ; 
see Col. 4, 10. i^ovX^ro, ivished, is an ancient reading, but on the 
whole less approved, in part because it softens down the alterca- 
tion, and may have been added for that reason. 

V. 38. ri^iov, deemed it just, fitting. Paul viewed the question 
on its ethical side and not as a personal matter. — rov aTToaTavra 
aTT avTwv, who departed from them (13, 13), in dereliction of his 
duty; comp. Luke 8, 13. — tovtov, this one (emphatic here), who 
proved so fickle. — It is pleasing to know that Mark did not forfeit 
the apostle's esteem so as to be unable to regain it. He became 
subsequently Paul's companion in travel (Col. 4, 10), and in 2 
Tim. 4, 11 elicits from him the commendation that he was " pro- 
fitable to him for the ministry." 

V. 39. iyiveTo Trapo^cr/x-o's, a severe contention arose. Barnabas 



Chap. XV, 39. 40 



COMMENTAET. 



251 



insisted on his purpose, Paul on his view of the merits of the 
case ; and as neither would yield, they parted. Some writers 
lay all the blame on Barnabas (Bmg.), in spite of the impar- 
tiality of the text. There was heat evidently on both sides. — wo-re 
.... a\X-^\u)v, so that they departed from one another. This sepa- 
ration refers, not to the rupture of their friendship, but to their 
proceeding in ditFerent directions, instead of laboring together as 
heretofore. The infinitive after wo-re is said to represent the act 
as a necessary or logical sequence of what precedes ; the indica- 
tive as an absolute or unconditioned fact. See Klotz ad Devar. 
II. p. 772. It deserves to be remarked, that this variance did not 
estrange these brethren from their work, or occasion any perma- 
nent diminution of their regard for each other. In 1 Cor, 9, 6, 
which was written after this occurrence, Paul alludes to Barna- 
bas as a Christian teacher, who possessed and deserved the 
fullest confidence of the churches. The passage contains fairly 
that implication. Even the error of Barnabas in yielding to the 
Jewish party (Gal. 2, 13) leads Paul to speak of him as one of 
the very last men (/cat Bapvd^a^, i. e. even he) whom any one 
would suppose capable of swerving from the line of duty. And 
who can doubt that Barnabas reciprocated these sentiments 
towards the early, long-tried friend with whom he had acted in 
so m^any eventful scenes, and whom he saw still animated by the 
same affection towards himself, and the same devotion to the 
cause of their common Master ? Luke does not mention the 
name of Barnabas again in the Acts. It is impossible to trace 
him further with any certainty. One tradition is that he went to' 
Milan, and died as first bishop of the church there ; another is, 
that, after living some years at Borne and Athens, he suiFered. 
martyrdom in his native Cyprus. The letter still extant, which 
was known as that of Barnabas even in the second century, can- 
not be defended as genuine. See Neander's Church History, 
Vol. I. p. 657. That such a letter, however, was ascribed to him 
at that early period, shows how eminent a place he occupied 
among the Christians of his own and the succeeding age. 

V. 40. eTTiXe^a/xevos, having chosen for himself (comp. v. 22), not 
thereupon, viz. this disagreement. — TrapaSo^eU .... vtto tQ)v dSeX^coi/, 
having been committed unto the grace of God by the brethren. Per- 
haps we may infer from this remark, that the believers at Anti- 
och took Paul's view of the point at issue between him and 
Barnabas. — i^rjXS^e, went forth, is used of going forth as a mis- 
sionary in Luke 9, 6, and in 3 John v. 7. — The departure on this 
second tour we may place in A. D. 51 ; for if Paul went to Jeru- 



252 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XYI, 1. 



salem in the year 50 (see on 15, 4), the remamder of that year, 
added (if any one chooses) to the early part of the ensuing year, 
would suffice probably for the sojourn at Antioch indicated by 
Tivas rjfjLepas in V. 36. It is impossible to be more definite than 
tliis. 

V. 41. Syjia and Cilicia lay between Antioch and the eastern 
limit of the apostle's first journey. We have had no account of 
the planting of any churches there, but they date undoubtedly 
from the period of Paul's residence in that region, mentioned in 
Gal. 1, 21. See 9, 30 and note there. — e7n(TT7]p[t,(iiv rag kKKXrja-iaqy 
confirming the churches, not candidates for admission to them; 
see 14, 22. One of these churches may have been at Tarsus, 
which Paul would naturally revisit at tliis time. 



CHAPTEE XYI. 

Verses 1-5. Paul and Silas revisit the Churches and deliver the 

Decrees. 

V. 1. Aippyjv KoL Avarpav. Derhe and Lystra are mentioned in 
tliis order (the reverse of that in 14, 6), because the missionaries 
travel now from east to west. — Luke's exclamation koI i8ou, and 
behold, shows how much this meeting with Timothy interested 
his feelings. — eKet, there, viz. at Lystra. Some refer the adverb 
to Derbe ; but that view, so far from being required by AepySatos 
in 20, 4, is forbidden by the text there. Lystra stands nearest 
to cKet, and is named again in the next verse, where Luke 
surely would not pass over the testimony of those who had been 
acquainted Avith Tunothy from early life. Wieseler combines 
the two opinions by supposing that Timothy may have been a 
native of Lystra, but was now living at Derbe. — For the family 
and the early education of Timothy, see 2 Thn. 1, 5; 3, 15. Paul 
terms him tUvov fxov, my son, in 1 Cor. 4, 17, probably because he 
had been the mstrument of his conversion; comp. 1 Cor. 4, 15; 
Gal. 4, 19. See the note on 14, 20. — nvos is to be erased after 
ywatKos. — 7n(TT7]<s, believing ; see on 10, 45. The mother's name 
was Eunice. It was an instance of the mixed marriages of wliich 
Paul writes in 1 Cor. 1, 17 sq. — "EAAt^vo?, a Greek, and still a hea- 
then, or at all events not a proselyte in full, as otheiwise the son 
would have been circumcised. 



Chap. XYI, 2-4. 



COMMEXTAKY. 



253 



V. 2. Ifj.aprvpe'iTo, teas attested, well reported of. See 6, 3 ; 10, 
22. Supposing Timothy to have been converted during Paul's 
fii'st visit to Lystra (see on 14, 20), he had now been a disciple 
tlii'ee or four years. During this time he had exerted himself, 
no doubt, for the cause of Christ both in Lystra and Iconium, and 
had thus given proof of the piety and talents wliich rendered 
liim so useful as a herald of the cross. 

V. 3. crvv avTio i^eXSeiv, to go forth ivith him as a preacher of 
the word ; see 2 Tim. 4, 5. — Xa^ojv .... avrov, having taken, he 
circumcised him, either by his own hand (Mey. De Wet.), or 
procuring it to be done (Neand.). The Jews had no particular 
class of persons who performed this act. The Jewish custom, it 
is said, required merely that the administrator should not be a 
heathen. See Win. K-ealw. I. p. 157. — 8ta tous 'Ioi;Saiot>?, k. t. A., 
on account of the Jews, etc. It would have repelled the Jews 
from his ministry to have seen liim associated with a man whom 
they knew to be uncircumcised. Paul took tliis course, there- 
fore, in order to remove that obstacle to his usefulness. The 
histoiy presents Paul here as acting on the principle stated in 1 
Cor. 9, 20 : eyevo/XT^v Tots 'lovSatots cos 'lovSatos Iva. 'louSatoi;? KepS-qcroi, 
K. T. X. It was under circumstances totally different that he re- 
fused to cu'cumcise Titus, as related in Gal. 2, 3 sq. He was 
then in the midst of those who would have regarded the act as 
ratifying then* doctrine that circumcision was necessary to salva- 
tion; see on 15, 1. In the present instance he knew (that ad- 
mission is due to his character for intelligence as well as consis- 
tency) that his oonduct would not be misunderstood or perverted; 
that the behevers would view it as an accommodation merely to 
the prejudices of the Jews, and that the Jews themselves were 
in no danger of supposing liim to countenance the idea that their 
keeping the law would entitle them to the favor of God. — Other 
passages extend our knowledge of this transaction. Timothy 
was not only circumcised, but set apart to the ministry " ^vith the 
laying on of the hands of the presbytery " and of the apostle, 
was endued wath special gifts for the office (1 Tim. 4, 14; 2 Tim. 
1, 6), and received at the time prophetic assurances of the success 
wliicli awaited him in liis new career (1 Tim. 1, 18). — ■^'Seto-av 
yap, K. T. X.,for all knew his father that, etc. The structm*e of the 
sentence is like that in 3, 10. 

V. 4. (Ls StcTTo/oeuovTo ras ttoXci?, As they journeyed through the 
cities on the route pursued by them. They would visit naturally 
all the churches in Syria and Cilicia (15, 41), and most of those 
on the main land, gathered during the apostle's former tour. As 



254 



COMMENT AKY. 



Chap. XVI, 5. 6. 



Antiocli and Perga were so remote from their general com-se, it 
is possible that they transmitted copies of the decrees to those 
places. It is not certain that the word had taken root in Perga ; 
see on 14, 25. — TrapeStSovv .... Soy/xara, delivered (orally or in 
writing) to tliem the decrees to keep. The infinitive may be tehc : 
that they should keep them ; or may involve a relative clause : 
which they should keep. Compare a Trapeka(iov Kparelv in Mark 7, 4. 
See W. § 44. 1. awots refers to the believers in these cities ; not 
to the heathen converts merely (Mey.), since the decrees affected 
also the Jews. 

V. 5. ovv, therefore, i. e. as the result of this visit, and of the 
adjustment of the controversy which had divided and enfeebled 
the churches. — to) apcS^fXi^, in the number of their members. 

Verses 6-10. They prosecute their Journey to Troas. 

V. 6. ^pvylav. See on 2, 10. To reach Phrygia from Iconium 
or Antioch, they would direct their way to the northeast. — Vak- 
aTLKTjv x^po-y- Galatia was bounded on the north by Paphlagonia 
and Bithynia, on the east by Pontus and Cappadocia (separated 
from them by the river Halys), on the south by Cappadocia and 
Phrygia, and on the west by Phrygia and Bithynia. Among the 
principal cities were Ancyra, made the metropolis by Augustus, 
and Pessinus. Kiepert draws the line of Paul's course, on his 
map, so as to include these places, on the natural supposition that 
he would aim to secure first the prominent towns. See on 18, 1. 
It is evident from the Epistle to the Galatians (see, e. g., 4, 19), 
that it was the apostle Paul who first preached the gospel in this 
country ; and since he found disciples here on his third mission- 
ary tour (see 18, 23), it must have been at this time that he laid 
the foundation of the Galatian churches (Gal. 1, 2). Such is the 
opinion of the leading critics. See note on 14, 6. — KojXvSivre?, 
K. T. X., being restrained by the Holy Spirit, etc. The act of this 
participle, it will be observed, was subsequent to that of SteA^oVre? 
and prior to that of eA^ovres (v. 7). The course of the move- 
ment may be sketched thus. The travellers, having passed 
through the eastern section of Phrygia into Galatia, proposed 
next to preach the word in proconsular Asia (see on 2, 9). With 
that view they turned their steps to the southwest, and, crossing 
the north part of Phrygia, came down to the frontier of Mysia, 
the first province in Asia which they would reach in that direc- 
tion. Being informed here that they were not to execute this 
design, they turned again towards the north and attempted to go 



Chap. XVI, 7. 8. 



COMMENTARY. 



255 



into Bithynia, which was adjacent to Mysia. Restrained from 
that purpose, they passed by Mysia, i. e. did not remain there to 
preach, and proceeded to Troas. — This portion of the apostle's 
travels, though they embrace so wide a circuit, admits of very 
little geographical illustration. Phrygia and Galatia are parts of 
Asia Minor, of which the ancient writers have left but few 
notices and which remain comparatively unknown to the pres- 
ent day. "We must infer from 18, 23, that Paul gained disci- 
ples in Phrygia at this time, but in what places is uncertain. 
Colosse was a Phrygian city, and may have received the gospel 
on this journey, unless it be forbidden by Col. 2, 1. The opinion 
of the best critics is, that the apostle includes the Colossians in 
that passage among those who had not " seen his face in the 
flesh." — TO Trvcvjxa 'Irjaov, the S}mit of Jesus, i. e. which he sends. 
There is no parallel passage, unless it be Rom. 8, 9. 'iTyo-oi) has 
been lost from some copies, but belongs to the text. The Spirit, 
says Reuss, appears here in a sphere of activity, made more prom- 
inent in the Acts than in all the other writings of the New 
Testament. " Thus, it is the Spirit who conducts Philip in the 
road to Gaza (8, 29), who instructs Peter to receive the messen- 
gers of Cornelius (10, 19; 11, 12), who causes Barnabas and Paul 
to be sent to the heathen (13, 2. 4), who directs the missionaries 
in the choice of their route (16, 6. 7), who urges Paul to Jerusalem 
(20, 22), who chooses the pastors of the churches (20, 28) etc." ^ 
V. 8. TrapeX^oVrcs Tr]v Mvcriav, having passed by Mi/sia, having 
left it aside without remaining to preach there ; comp. TrapairXev- 
o-atin 20, 16, and TrapeXS^elv in Mark 6, 48. Wieseler (Chronolo- 
gic, p. 36), Alford, Howson apparently, and others prefer tliis 
meaning here. Some render having passed along Mysia, i. e. the 
border of Mysia Minor, which belonged to Bithynia, whereas 
Mysia Major belonged to proconsular Asia (De Wet.) The 
boundary was a political one, and no distinct frontier existed, 
which the travellers could have had any motive for tracing so 
exactly. — KaT^fS-rjo-av, came doivn from the inner highlands to the 
coast. — eh TpoidSa, unto Troas, the name of a district or a city ; 
here the latter, called fully Alexandria Troas, on the Hellespont, 
about four miles from the site of the ancient Troy. It was the 
transit harbor between the north-west of Asia Minor and Mace- 
donia. Paul passed and repassed here on two other occasions 
(20, 6; 2 Cor. 2, 12). It is correct that Luke represents Troas 
here as distinct from Mysia. Under Nero, Troas and the vicinity 

1 Historie de la Theologie Chretienne, Tome second, p. 603 (Strasbourg 1852). 



256 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XYI, 9-11. 



formed a separate territory, having the rights of EomarL freedom 
(De Wet. Bottg.). 

V. 9. Koi opa/xa, k. t. A. Whether Paul saw this vision in a 
dream, or in a state of ecstasy (see 10, 10: 22, 17), the language 
does not decide. 8ta tt}? wkto'^ suggests one of the conditions of 
the first mode, but would not be inconsistent with the other. — 
avr}p MaKeScov, a man revealed to him as a Macedonian ; comp. 9, 
12. — Sta/Sds, having crossed, i. e. the northern part of the ^Egean. 
— fioYiS^-qaov y/juv, help US, because the one here represented 
many, 

V. 10. llrjT-qa-aixcv, ive sought, i. e. by immediate inquiiy for a 
ship (Alf ). Paul had made knoAvn the vision to his associates. 
Here for the first time the historian speaks of himself as one of 
the party, and in all probablity because he jomed it at Troas. 
The introduction would be abrupt for the style of a modern 
work, it is true ; but, on the other hand, to have had from Luke 
any formal account of the manner in wliich he became connected 
with the apostle would have been equally at variance Avith the 
simplicity and reserve which distinguish the sacred \\T.iters. Nor 
does it account at all more naturally for this sudden use of the 
plural, to imagine (it is a figment purely) that Luke adopts 
here the narrative of another writer ; for, we may just as well 
suppose him to speak thus abruptly in liis own name, as to allow 
him to introduce another person as doing it, without apprising us 
of the change. See marginal note on p. 16. 

Verses 11-15. Paul and his Associates arrive in Europe, and 
preach at Philippi. 

V. 11. €v^vSpo{xy(Taixeu, we ran by a straight course. In the 
nautical language of the ancients, as in that of the moderns, to run 
meant to sail before the wind, see 27, 16. Luke observes ahnost 
a technical precision in the use of such tei*ms. His account 
of the voyage to Rome shows a surprising familiarity with sea- 
Hfe. — cts ^aixo3pdK7]v, unto Samothrace, which they reached the 
first day. This island, the present Samotlnaki, is about half way 
between Troas and Neapolis, and is the highest land in tliis part 
of the ^gean, except Mount Athos. The ordinary currents here 
are adverse to saiHng northward; but southerly winds, though 
they are brief, blow strongly at times and overcome entirely that 
disadvantage. With suck a wind, "the vessel in which Paul 
sailed would soon cleave her way tlnough the strait between 
Tenedos and the main, past the Dardanelles, and near the eastern 



Chap. XVI, 11. 12. 



COMMENTARY. 



257 



shore of Imbros. On rounding the northern end of this island, 
they would open Samothrace, wliich had hitherto appeared as a 
higher and more distant summit over the lower mountains of 
Imbros. Leaving this island, and bearing now a little to the 
west, and having the wind still (as our sailors say) two or three 
points abaft the beam, they steered for Samothrace, and under 
the shelter of its high shore, anchored for the night." See the 
nautical proofs in Howson. — ets NeaTroXtv, unto Naples, a Thracian 
city on the Strymonic gulf, the modern Cavallo. It was north- 
west from Samothrace, but even with a southerly wmd could be 
reached in seven or eight hours. As the same verb describes 
the remainder of the journey, it might seem as if they merely 
touched here, but did not land, proceeding along the coast to 
some harbor nearer to Philippi than this. Some writers would 
place the port of that city further west than the present Cavallo. 
It is generally agreed, however, that Neapolis was the nearest 
town on the sea, and hence, though the distance was not less 
than ten miles, was identical with Philippi as to purposes of 
travel and trade. Cavallo is the nearest port at present, and the 
shore appears to have undergone no change either from recession 
or advance.-^ 

V. 1 2. Philippi was on a steep acclivity of the Tln-acian Her- 
mus, where tliis range slopes towards the sea, on a smaU stream 
called Gangas, or Gangitas. It was at some distance east of the 
Strymon, and not on that river, as some have said. The adjacent 
plain is memorable in Roman liistory, as the place where the 
battle was fought between the Republicans under Brutus, and 
the followers of Antony and Augustus. — rp-Ls .... KoXwvta, ivhich 
is the chief city of the province of Macedonia, being a colony. Trpwrrj 
designates it as one of the first places there, and KoXwia explains 
the ground of the epithet. Augustus had sent a colony thither 
(see Diet, of Antt. s. colonia), which had conferred upon it new 
importance. Some understand irpoir-q geograpliically : first as they 
entered Macedonia, which Winer calls the simplest explanation. 
That Neapolis lay farther east, does not clash with this view ; for 
those who adopt it take Macedonia here in the Greek sense, 
which assigns Neapolis to Thrace. It is a stronger objection, 
that Luke would then mean Greek Macedonia here, but else- 
where the Roman province so named, i. e. Northern Greece in 
distinction from Achaia, or Southern Greece; see on 18, 5. Fur- 



' My thanks are due to the Rev. Dr. Hill of Athens for inquuies in relation to 
this point. 

33 



258 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVI, 12. 13. 



tlier, eoTt indicates a permanent distinction ; whereas rjv would 
have been more natural to mark an incident of the journey (was 
Jirst on their way). The proper capital of Macedonia (hence 
not TTpoiTT] in that sense) was Thessalonica. If the earlier divis- 
ion into four parts still continued, Amphipolis was politically first in 
pars prima. " It may be added," says Akerman, " in confirmation 
of the words of Luke, that there are colonial coins of Philippi 
from the reign of Augustus to that of Caracalla." It is frequenly 
said, that this was the first place on the continent of Europe 
where the gospel was preached ; but we have no certain knowl- 
edge of the origin of the church of Home, and, very possibly, it 
may have been founded by some of the converts on the day of 
Pentecost. The church at Philippi was the fijst church in Europe 
which the apostle Paul established. — r}ixipa<s nvds, certain days, 
denotes apparently the few days which they spent there before 
the arrival of the Sabbath. 

V. 13. Instead of the received e^w tt}? ttoXcw?, the later criticism 
would read l^co -n}? irvXr)'?, out of the gate. This part of the narrative 
shows often the presence of the historian. — irapa Trordfjiov, beside a 
river, viz. the Gangas. The name was unimportant, but could 
hardly fail to be known to Luke, who was so famihar with Philippi; 
see on v. 40. The river may possibly have been the more distant 
Strymon (Neand. Mey.) ; though if ttuXt^? be the coiTcct word, the 
stream intended must be a nearer one. In summer the Gangas is 
almost dry, but in winter or after rains may be full and swollen. — 
ou . . . . etmt, ivhere (according to an ancient usage in that city) was 
wont to be a place of lorayer (Kuin. Neand. Mey. De Wet.). The 
Jews preferred to assemble near the water on account of the lus- 
trations which accompanied their worship. Neander illustrates 
this usage from what Tertullian says of them (De Jejun., c. 16) : 

"per omne litus quocunque in aperto preces ad caelum mittunt." 

See also Jos. Antt. 14. 10. 23. The iTpo<T^vxf] here appears to have 
been, not an edifice, but a space or inclosure in the open air con- 
secrated to this use. The word was so well known as the desig- 
nation of a Jewish chapel or oratory that it passed into the Latin 
language in that sense. The rendering ivhere prayer ivas wont to 
be made (E. V.) does not agree easily with cTvat. Instead of the 
substantive verb, the predicate would be ytVeo-^at (12, 5), or Troteio-- 
-^at (1 Tim. 2, 1). — In iXaXovfxev Luke appears as one of the 
speakers. — rats crweX^ovo-ats yvvat^L, the women who came together 
for prayer. The absence of a synagogue shows that the Jews 
here were not numerous. Those who met for prayer were chiefly 
women, and even some of these were converts to Judaism. 



Chap. XVI, 14. 15. 



COMMENTARY. 



259 



y. 14. Kai Tts yvvy], k. t. X. Lydia was a very common name 
among the Greeks and the Romans. It is not surprismg, there- 
fore, that it coincided with the name of her country. Possibly 
she may have borne a different name at home, but was known 
among strangers as Lydia or the Lydian (Wetst.). She is said 
to have been a seller of picrpk, sc. cloths, from Tkyatira. That 
city was on the confines of Lydia and Mysia ; and the Lydians, 
as ancient writers testify, were famous for precisely such fabrics. 
They possessed that reputation even in Homer's time ; see II. 4. 
141. An inscription, "the dyers," has been found among the 
ruins of Thyatira. — y]Kov^v (relative imperf ) was hearing, while 
he discoursed (14, 9; 15, 12); not when the act (Str/i/ot^e) took 
place (Alf). — 075 .... K.apStW, ivJwse heart the Lord opened, i, e. 
in conformity with other passages (Matt. 11, 25 sq. ; Luke 24, 45; 
1 Cor. 3, 6. 7), enhghtened, impressed by his Spirit, and so pre- 
pared to receive the truth. — Tr/ooo-exetv, so as to attend (ecbatic) ; 
or less obvious, to attend (telic). 

V. 15. o)? Se iBaTTTLGT^e. It is left indefinite whether she was 
baptized at once, or after an interval of some days. — 6 oTko? avTrj<;, 
her house, family. " Here," says De Wette, " as well as in v. 33 ; 
18, 8; 1 Cor. 1, 16, some would find a proof for the apostolic 
baptism of children ; but there is nothing here which shows that 
any except adults were baptized." According to his view (in 
Stud, und Krit, p. 669, 1830) of the meaning of 1 Cor. 7, 14, it 
is impossible that baptism should have been applied to children 
in the primitive churches. In arguing from the case of children 
to that of married persons, one of whom is an unbeliever, in 
order to justify the continuance of the relation, "the apostle must 
appeal to something which lay out of the disputed case, but 
which had a certain similarity and admitted of an application to 
it. This something is nothing else than the relation which the 
children of Christian parents in general sustain to the Christian 
church, and the expression ' your children ' refers to all the Cor- 
inthian Cliristians. The children of Christians were not yet re- 
ceived properly into a Christian community, ivere not yet baptized, 
and did not take part in the devotional exercises and love-feasts 
of the church ; accordingly, they might have been regarded as 
unclean (dKa-^apra), with as much reason as the unbelieving 
converts could be so regarded. Li this passage, therefore, we 
have a proof that children had not begun to be baptized in the 
time of the apostles." The oIkos air^?, as Meyer remarks, con- 
sisted probably of women who assisted Lydia in her business. 
"When Jewish or heathe]^ famihes," he says further, "became 



260 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XVI, 13. 



Cliristians, the children in them could have been baptized only 
in cases in wliich they were so far developed that they could 
profess their faith in Clirist, and did actually profess it; for this 
was the universal requisition for the reception of baptism ; see, 
also, V. 31. 33 ; 18, 8. On the contraiy, if the cliildren were still 
unable to believe, they did not partake of the rite, smce they 
were wantmg in what the act presupposed. The baptism of 
childi-en is not to be considered as an apostolic institution, but 
arose gradually in the post-apostolic age, after early and long 
continued resistance, in connection with certain views of doctrine, 
and did not become general in the church till after the time of 
Augustine. The defence of infant baptism transcends the domain 
of exegesis, and must be given up to that of dogmatics." Since 
a confession of faith preceded baptism, says Olshausen, " it is im- 
probable in the liighest degree that by 'her household' (oTkos 
avTrj<;) children of an immature age are to be understood ; those 
baptized \vith her were relatives, ser\^ants, grown up cliildren. 
We have not, in fact, a single sure proof-text for the baptism of 
children in the apostohc age, and the necessity of it cannot be 
derived from the idea of baptism." He says on 1 Cor. 1, 17, that 
" notliing can be inferred in favor of infant baptism from the word 
'household' (oTkos), because the adult members of the household 
(comp. 1 Cor. 16, lo), or the servants in it, may alone be meant." 
Neander maintains the same view of tliis class of passages. 
" Since baptism marked the entrance into communion wdth Cluist, 
it resulted from the nature of the rite, that a confession of faith 
in Jesus as the Redeemer would be made by the person to be 
baptized. As baptism was closely united with a conscious en- 
trance on Christian communion, faith and baptism were always 
connected with one another ; and thus it is in the highest degree 
probable that baptism was perfonned only in instances where 
both could meet together, and that the practice of infant baptism 
was unknoAvn at this period. We cannot infer the existence of 
infant baptism from the instance of the baptism of whole ftim- 
ilies ; for the passage m 1 Cor. 16, 15 shows the fallacy of such a 
conclusion, as from 'that it appears that the whole family of Ste- 
phanus, who were baptized by Paul, consisted of adults. . . . From 
whom (if it belonged to the first Cliristian age) could the institu- 
tion of infant baptism have proceeded ? Certainly it did not 
come dhectly from Christ himself Was it from the primitive 
church in Palestine, from an injunction given by the earher apos- 
tles ? But among the Jewish Clnistians ch-cumcision was held 
as a seal of the covenant, and hen6e they had so much less 



Chap. XVI, 15. 16. 



COMMENTAEY. 



261 



occasion to make use of another dedication for their children. 
Could it then have been Paul that first introduced among hea- 
then Christians tliis change in the use of baptism ? But this 
would agree least of all with the peculiar Christian characteris- 
tics of this apostle. He who says of himself that Christ sent 
him, not to baptize, but to preach the gospel; he who always 
kept liis eye fixed on one thing, justification by faith, and 
so carefally avoided everything which could give a handle or 
a support to the notion of justification by outward tilings 
(a-apKLKa), — how could he have set up infant baptism against 
the chciuiicision that continued to be practised by the Jewish 
Christians ? In this case, the dispute carried on with the Juda- 
izing party, on the necessity of circumcision, would easily have 
given an opportunity^ of introducing this substitute into the contro- 
versy, if it had really existed. The evidence arising from silence 
on this topic has, therefore, the greater weight." ^ It may be 
proper to regard the decisions of such men as representing the 
testimony of the present biblical scholarship on this controverted 
subject. It is the more proper to accord to them this character, 
because they proceed from men whose ecclesiastical position 
would naturally dispose them to adopt a different view; who 
contend that infant baptism, having been introduced, is allow- 
able, iiotAvi-thstanding their acknowledgment that it has no scrip- 
tural warrant. — et KeKpUare, if ye have judged, i. e. by admitting 
her to baptism, and thus declarmg their confidence in her. ei is 
preferred to eTret out of modesty. — Tnarrjv t(3 Kvptio, trusting to the 
Lord, i. e. having faith in him, a believer; comp. 10, 45; 16, 1. — 
Trape/^tacrero y]\jMs, constrained lis ; not that the?/ needed so much 
entreaty, but that she could not employ less in justice to her 
grateful feelings. Some think that they were reluctant to accept 
the proffered hospitality, lest they should seem to be actuated by 
mercenary motives. The apostle was by no means indifferent 
to that imputation (20, 34 ; 2 Cor. 12, 17. 19) ; but it is incorrect 
to say that he never showed himself unmindful of it. He was 
the guest of Gains at Corinth (Rom. 16, 23), and was aided re- 
peatedly by Christian friends, when his ciranmstances made it 
necessary (24, 23; 28, 10; Phil. 4, 15 sq.). 

Verses 16-18. Healing of a Demo7iiac Woman. 

V. 16. lykvtTo Se, Now it came to pass on a subsequent day 
(Neand. De Wet.). — cts irpocrcvxriv, unto the place of prayer, which 

^ Abridged from Eyland's translation. Pflanzung, u. s. w., Band I. p. 278. 



262 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XVI, 16-18. 



may omit the article as definite, because it was the only such 
place there. But some editors (Grsb. Lchm.) insert r-qv. — TratSt- 
(TKiqv .... TTu^covo?, a female slave (Gal. 4, 22) having the spirit of 
a pythoness, i. e. of a diviner who was supposed to have received 
her gift of prophecy from Apollo. Luke describes the woman 
according to her reputed character ; he does not express here his 
own opinion of the case. His view agreed no doubt with that 
of Paul, and what that was we learn from the sequel. To sup- 
pose him to acknowledge Apollo as a real existence would con- 
tradict 1 Cor. 8, 4. — Trapeix'^, procured. Winer 38. 5) says, that 
the active is more appropriate here than the middle (cornp. 19, 
24 ; Col. 4, 1 ; Tit. 2, 7), because the gain was involuntary on her 
part. — Totg Kvpiot^ avrrj's, iinto her masters. A slave among the 
ancients who possessed a lucrative talent was often the joint 
property of two or more owners. — fxavrevoixivr], hy divining, was 
the heathen term to denote the act. Luke would have said more 
naturally 7rpo(fi'r]T€vovaa, had he been afiirming his own belief in 
the reality of the pretension. — The woman was in fact a demoniac 
(see V. 18) ; and as those subject to the power of evil spirits were 
often bereft of then reason, her divinations were probably the 
ravings of insanity. The superstitious have always been prone 
to attach a mysterious meaning to the utterances of the insane. 
We may take it for granted that the craft of the managers in 
this case was exerted to assist the delusion. 

V. 17. ovTOL, K. T. A., These men are servants, etc. Some have 
supposed that she merely repeated what she had heard them de- 
clare of themselves, or what she had heard reported of them by 
others. But the similarity of the entire account to that of the 
demoniacs mentioned in the Gospels requires us to refer this 
case to the same class of phenomena ; see Matt. 8, 29 ; Mark 3, 
11; Luke 4, 41; 8, 28, etc. According to those passages, we 
must recognize the acknowledgment here as a supernatural 
testimony to the mission of Paul and his associates, and to the 
truth of the gospel which they preached. 

V. 18. hairov-q^eU Hesychius defines by Xvirq^^U, being grieved. 
With that sense it would refer to Paul's commiseration of the 
woman's unhappy condition. Taken as in 4, 2, being indignant, 
it would show how he felt to witness such an exhibition of the 
malice of a wicked spirit; comp. Luke 13, 16. The latter mean- 
ing directs the act of the participle to the same object as that of 
cTTwrrpei/^a? and etTre. It is better to preserve a unity in that re- 
spect. — T(3 Trvevfiari, to the spirit, who is addressed here as distinct 
from the woman herself The apostle deals with the case as it 



Chap. XYI, 19-21. 



COMMENTARY. 



263 



actually was, and his knowledge, as an inspired teacher would 
enable him to judge correctly of its character. 

Verses 19-24. Imprisonment of Paul and Silas. 

V 19. on e^X^ev, k. r. A., that the hope of their gain ivent forth, , 
1. e. with the exorcism (De Wet.). — e-tXa/So/xevot, k. t. A., having 
laid hoM upon Paid and Silas. Luke and Tuxiothy may have 
been out of reach just at that moment (comp. 17, 5), or may have 
been spared because they were Greeks. — eis r^v dyopav. In an- 
cient cities the seats of the magistrates were erected commonly in 
the markets, or near to them. — IttI rov<; ap-s^ovra^, before the rulers, 
called in the next verse a-Tparyyols. The chief magistrates in a 
Roman colony were the duumviri, or qiiatuorvii'i, as the number 
was not always the same. They frequently took, however, the 
name prcetors, as one of greater honor, and that in Greek was 
o-rparrjyoL. It appears, therefore, that the magistrates at Philippi 
affected tliis latter title. It is worthy of notice that this is the 
only occasion in the Acts on which Luke applies the term to the 
rulers of a city. Here in a Roman colony the government would 
be modelled naturally after the Roman form ; and the manner 
in which the narrative reveals that chcumstance marks its au- 
thenticity. 

V. 20. 'lovBaXoL v7rdpxovT€s, being Jeivs. They say this at the 
outset, in order to give more elfect to the subsequent accusation. 
No people were regarded by the Romans with such contempt 
and hatred as the Jews. It is not probable that the Philippians 
at this time recognized any distinction between Judaism and 
Christianity; they arraigned Paul and Silas as Jews, or as the 
leaders of some particular Je^vish sect. 

V. 21. eS-T], customs, religious practices. — ovk e^ecmv, k. t. A. 
The Roman laws suffered foreigners to worship in their own way, 
but did not allow Roman citizens to forsake their religion for 
that of other nations. This was the general pohcy. But beyond 
that, Judaism had been specially mterdicted. " It was a religio 
licita for the Jews," says Neander ; " but they were by no means 
allowed to propagate their religion among the Roman pagans ; 
the laws expressly forbade the latter, under severe penalties, to 
receive circumcision. It was the case, indeed at this time, that 
the number of proselytes from the pagans was greatly multiphed. 
Tliis the public authorities sometimes allowed to pass unnoticed ; 
but occasionally severe laws were passed anew to repress the 
evil." Ch. Hist. Vol. I. p. 89. Still the charge in this instance. 



264 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVI, 22-24. 



thougli formally false, since they were not making proselytes to 
Judaism, was true substantially. It was impossible that the gos'- 
pel should be preached without coming into colhsion with the 
Roman laws. The gospel was designed to subvert one system 
of false religion. as well as another. It proposed to save the 
souls of men without respect to the particular government or 
political institutions under which they lived. The apostles, in 
the promulgation of their message, acted under a higher authority 
than that of the Caesars ; and the opposition between Christianity 
and heathenism soon became apparent, and led to the persecu- 
tions which the Koman power inflicted on the church in the first 
centuries. 

V. 22. Koi crvv€7ri(rT7}, k. t. X., and the multitude rose up together 
against them. The prisoners were now in the hands of the offi- 
cers ; hence we are not to tliink here of any actual onset upon 
them, but of a tumultuous outburst of rage, a cry on all sides for 
the punishment of the offenders. The magistrates hasten to 
obey the voice of the mob. — TreptppT^^avres avroiv ra i/xarta, having 
torn o f their garments, not their own, but those of Paul and Silas. 
The rulers are said to do what they ordered to be done ; comp. 
Treptere/Aci/ in V. 3. It was customary to inflict the blows on the 
naked body. Livy (2, 5) : " Missique lictores ad sumendum sup- 
plicium, nudatos virgis csedunt." — cKeXevov pajSSt^civ, ordered to heat 
with rods. The verb declares the mode as well as the act. Ob- 
serve the official brevity of the expression. The imperfect, de- 
scribes the beating in its relation to a-weTria-Tr], or as taking place 
under the eye of the nan-ator. For the latter usage, see W §. 
40. 3. d.; Mt. § 505. II. 1. In 2 Cor. 11, 25, Paul says that he 
was " thrice beaten with rods." This was one of the instances ; 
the other two the liistory has not recorded. Such omissions prove 
that Luke's narrative and the Epistles of Paul have not been 
drawn from each other ; that they are independent produc- 
tions. 

V. 23. TToXXas TrXrjyds shows that no ordinary rigor would sat- 
isfy their exasperated feelings ; see also v. 33. The Jewish law 
restricted the blows to "forty save one." The severity of the 
punishment among the Romans depended on the equity or caprice 
of the judge. In regard to the silence of Paul and Silas under 
this outrage, see on v. 37. 

V. 24. ' OS ... . €LXr](f)U)<;, who having received such a command. 
We need not impute to the jailer any gratuitous inhumanity ; he 
obeyed his instructions. — ets rr]v lauiTipav <j)vXaKrjv, into the inner 
prison, the remotest part, whence escape would be most difficult. 



Chap. XVI, 25-27. 



COMMENTARY. 



265 



Some confound this prison with the dungeon, which was under 
ground, and would be differently described. Walch's Dissertatio 
de vinculis Apostoli PauUi treats of this passage. — koI Tov<i -n-o'Sa?, 
K. T. X., and secured their feet into the block (=?iervus). This was 
an instrument for torture as well as confinement. It was 
a heavy piece of wood with holes into which the feet were put, 
so far apart as to distend the hmbs in the most painful manner. 
Yet in tliis situation, with their bodies still bleeding from the 
effect of their recent chastisement, and looldng forward to the 
morrow only m the expectation that it would renew their pains, 
they could still rejoice ; their prison at midnight resounds with the 
voice of prayer and praise. Neander cites here TertuUian's fine 
remark : " Nihil cms sentit in nervo, quum animus in coelo est." 

Verses 25-29. An Earthquake shakes the Prison. 

V. 25. TTpoa-evxofj^evoL . . . ^eov, praying, they praised God. Their 
prayers and praises were not distinct acts (hence the form of the 
expression), but their worship cousisted chiefly of thanksgiving, 
the language of wliich they would derive more or less from the 
Psalms. The Hebrews were so familiar with the old Testament, 
especially its devotional parts, that they clothed then rehgious 
thoughts spontaneously in terms borrowed from that source. See, 
e. g., the songs of Mary and Ehzabeth (Luke 1, 39 sq.), and of 
Zacharias (Luke 1, 67 sq.), and Simeon (Luke 2, 28 sq.). — hrq- 
KpoCjvTo, listened to them while they sung. The imperfect describes 
the act ; the aorist would have related it merely. 

V. 26. ^upat Trao-at. Some ascribe tliis opening of the doors to 
the shock of the earthquake ; others, more reasonably, to the 
power which caused the earthquake. — Kat Travrwv, k. t. A., and the 
clmins of all, i. e. the prisoners (see v. 28), were loosened, dvid-t) is 
first aorist passive from avLrjfxL. B. § 108; S, § 81. 1. That the 
other prisoners were released in this manner was, no doubt, mir- 
aculous ; it was adapted to augment the impression of the occur- 
rence, and to attest more signally the truth of the gospel. That 
they made no effort to escape may have been owing to the terror 
of the scene, or to a restraining influence wliich the author of the 
interposition exerted upon them. 

V. 27. efxiXXev, K. T. X., was about to kill himself The jailer 
adopted this resolution because he knew that his life was for- 
feited if the prisoners had escaped; comp. 12, 19; 27, 42. — vofx- 
i^cov .... 8e(j/x,toi;s, supposing the prisoners to have fed, and to be 
gone ; infin. perfect, because the act though past was connected 
with the present. W. § 4:4:. 7. 

34 



266 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 28-30. 



V. 28. c})0jvy 'ixeydXr], with a voice loud; see note on 14, 10. — 
li-qhlv .... KUKov, do thyself no injury. For the mode and tense, 
see on 7, 60. How, it has been asked, could Paul have known 
the jailer's intention ? The narrative leaves us in doubt on that 
point, but suggests various possibilities. It is not certain that 
the prison was entirely dark (see on v. 29), and the jailer may- 
have stood at that moment where Paul could distinguish his 
form ; or, as Doddridge suggests, he may have heard some ex- 
clamation from him, which disclosed liis purpose. The fact was 
revealed to the apostle, if he could not ascertain it by natural 
means. — airavTcs .... ev-^aSe, we are all here. We do not know 
the structure of the prison. The part of it where the apostle 
was, and the position in which he sat, may have enabled him to 
see that no one of the prisoners had passed through the open 
doors ; or he may have been divinely instructed to give tliis as- 
surance. 

V. 29. aiTT^o-as ^wra, having called for lights, which could be 
carried in the hand. The noun is neuter and in the plural, not 
singular (E. V.). The ordinary night-lamps, if such had been 
kept burning, were fastened perhaps, or furnished only a faint 
ghmmer. <^cura may be a generic plural, but refers more probably 
to the jailer's summoning those in his service to procure hghts, 
to enable him to ascertain the condition of the prison. The se- 
quel shows that the whole family were aroused. — Trpoa-i-n-eae, fell 
down, cast himself at their feet in token of reverence ; see Mark 
3, 11 ; Luke 8, 28. He knew that the mhacle was on their 
account. 

Verses 30-34. Conversion of the Jailer and his Family. 

V. 30. Tipoayayobv avrov's e^co, having led them forth out, i. e. of 
the inner prison into another room, not into his own house ; see 
V. 34. — Tt /xe . . . . Iva (TOiS^io ; What must I do in order that I may 
be saved. Their answer in the next verse shoAvs with what 
meaning the jailer proposed this question. It cannot refer to any 
fear of punishment from the magistrates ; for he had now ascer- 
tained that the prisoners were all safe, and that he was in no 
danger, fi-om that source. Besides, had he felt exposed to any 
such danger, he must have known that Paul and Silas had no 
power to protect him ; it would have been useless to come to 
them for assistance. The question in the other sense appears 
abrupt, it is true ; but we are to remember that Luke has re- 
corded only parts of the transaction. The unwritten histoiy 



Chap. XVI, 30-33. 



COMMENTAKY. 



267 



would perhaps justify some such view of the circumstances as tliis. 
The jailer is suddenly aroused from sleep by the noise of the earth- 
quake ; he sees the doors of the prison open ; the thought instantly 
seizes him, — the prisoners have fled. He knows the rigor of the 
Roman law, and is on the point of anticipating his doom by self- 
murder. But the friendly voice of Paul recalls his presence of 
mind. His thoughts take at once a new direction. He is aware 
that these men claim to be the servants of God ; that they pro- 
fess -to teach the way of salvation. It would be nothing strange 
if, during the several days or weeks that Paul and Silas had been 
at Philippi, he had heard the gospel from their own lips, had 
been one among those at the river- side, or in the market, whom 
they had warned of their danger, and urged to repent and lay 
hold of the mercy olFered to them in the name of Christ. And 
now suddenly an event had taken place, which convinces him in 
a moment that the things which he has heard are realities ; it 
w^as the last argument, perhaps, which he needed to give cer- 
tainty to a mind already inquiring, hesitating. He comes trem- 
bling, therefore, before Paul and Silas, and asks them to tell him 
— again, more fidly — what he must do to be saved. 

V. 31. Koi ao)S^-^(Tr], k. t. A.., and thou shall be saved and thy family. 
They represent the salvation as ample; it was free not only to liim 
but to all the members of his houseliold who accept the proffered 
mercy. The apostle includes them, because, as we see from the 
next verse, they were present and listened with the jailer to the 
preaching of the gospel. As Meyer remarks, 6 olKo<i aov belongs 
in effect to Tria-revcrov and (TOiS^y^a-r], as well as (TV. 

V. 32. Koi iXakyjaav, k. t. X., and they spake to him the word of the 
Lord, and to all who ivere in his house. This refers to the more 
particular instruction respecting the way of salvation, which they 
proceeded to give after the general direction in the preceding 
verse. — rots ev ttJ oiKta avrov, those in his family, cannot embrace 
infants, because they are incapable of receiving the instruction 
which was addressed to those whom the expression designates 
here. 

V. 33. TvapaXa^ibv avTov<;, taking them along, says Howson cor- 
rectly, implies a change of place. The jailer repaired with Paul 
and Silas from the outer room (see e^w in v. 30) to the water, 
•which he needed for bathing their bodies. — 'ikovcrev a-n-o twv 
7r\r]yoiv stands concisely for washed and cleansed them from their 
stripes. W. § 47, 5. b. This verb, says Dr. Robinson (Lex. N. T. 
s. v.), signifies to w^ash the entire body, not merely a part of it, 
like VLTTTO). Trench says : " vItttglv and vti/^acr^at almost always 



268 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVI, 34-35. 



express the washing of a part of the body (the hands in Mark 
7, 3, the feet in John 13, 5, the face in Matt. 6, 17, the eyes in 
John 9, 7 ) ; while XoiJetv, which is not so much ' to wash ' as 'to 
bathe,' and \ov<j^a.i, or in common Greek Aouecr-^ai, ' to bathe one's 
self,' imply always, not the batliing of a part of the body, but 
of the whole ; comp. Heb. 10, 23 ; Acts 9, 37 ; 2 Pet. 2, 22 ; Rev. 
1, 5; Plato, Phsed. 115 To the same effect, see Tittm. Synm. 
N. T. p. 175.-^ — l^a-nTLa-^r], was baptized. The rite may have been 
performed, says De Wette, in the same fountain or tank in wliich 
the jailer had washed them. " Perhaps the water," says Meyer, 
" was in the court of the house ; and the baptism was that of 
immersion, which formed an essential part of the symbolism of 
the act (see Rom. 6, 3 sq.)." Ancient houses, as usually built, 
enclosed a rectangular reservoir or basin (the impluvium so called) 
for receiving the rain which flowed from the slightly inchned 
roof Some suggest that they may have used a KoXvfx/^ij^pa, or 
swimming-bath, found within the walls of the prison (Grsb. 
Rosnm. Kuin.). Such a bath was a common appurtenance of 
houses and pubhc edifices among the Greeks and Romans. 
Whether the Gangas flowed near the prison so as to be easily 
accessible, cannot be decided. — koX ol avrov Travre?, and all his, are 
evidently the Trao-t rots eV rfj olKia avTov to whom they had just 
preached the word, as stated in v. 32. 

V. 34. aveyayojv, k. t. X., having brought them up into his house, 
which appears to have been over the prison. — rjyaXXida-aTo ttovolkl, 
he rejoiced ivith all his family, i. e. he and all his family rejoiced. 
— TreTno-revKws tw -^ew, having believed in God, states the object or 
occasion of their joy (comp. 1 Cor. 14, 18). This act, like that 
of the verb, is predicated of the jailer's family as well as of 
liimself. 

Verses 35-40. They are set at Liberty, and depart from 

Philippi. 

V. 35. rov<5 pafSSovxovs, the rod-bearers (lictores), who waited 
upon Roman magistrates and executed their orders. In the colo- 
nies they carried staves, not fasces as at Rome. It deserves 
notice that Luke introduces this term just here. Though applied 
occasionally to Greek magistrates as bearing the staff' of authority, 
it was properly in this age a Roman designation, and is found 
here in the right place as denoting the attendants of Roman 

1 Synonpns of the New Testament (p. 216), by Richard Cheveiiix Trench, 
King's College, London (New York, 1857), 



Chap. XVI, 38. 37. 



COMMENTARY. 



269 



officers. — aTToXvaov, release them. The rulers did not coimnand 
them to leave the city, but expected them, doubtless, to use their 
liberty for that purpose. It is uncertain how we are to account 
for this sudden change of disposition towards Paul and Silas. 
The magistrates may have reflected in the interval on the injus- 
tice of their conduct, and have relented; or, possibly, as they 
were heathen, and superstitious, they had been alarmed by the 
earthquake, and feared the anger of the gods on accout of their 
inhumanity to the strangers. 

V. 36, oLTryy-yeiXe, k. t. X., The jailer reported these ivords unto 
'Paid, i. e. from the hctors who, therefore, did not accompany 
him into the prison. The same verb occurs in v. 38, of the an- 
swer wliich the lictors conveyed to the magistrates. — oVt aTreo-- 
ra^Kao-tv, that they have sent, sc. a message, or messengers. — Iv 
elp-^vT], in peace, unmolested ; see on 15, 33. The jailer antici- 
pates their ready acceptance of the offer. 

Y. 37. tfjiT) Ttpo's avTovs, said unto them, the lictors, i. e. by the 
mouth of the jailer. — Setpavre?, k. t. A.., having scourged us pid)- 
licly uncondemned, men ivho are Romans. Almost every word in 
this reply contains a distinct allegation. It would be difficult to find 
or frame a sentence superior to it in point of energetic brevity. 
Both the lex Valeria and the lex Porcia made it a crime to inffict 
blows or any species of torture on a Roman citizen. " Facinus 
est vinciri civem Komanum, scelus verberari, prope parricidium 
necari." (Cic. in Verr. 5. 66). — SrjjjLoa-ia. It would have been a 
crime to have struck them a single blow, even in secret; they 
had been cruelly scourged in open day, and before hundreds of 
witnesses. — aKaraKpLrovs. The Roman laws held it to be one of 
the most sacred rights of the citizen that he should be tried in 
due form before he was condemned. " Causa cognita multi pos- 
sunt absolvi ; incognita quidem condemnari nemo potest." (Cic. 
in Yerr. 1. 9). Even slaves had an admitted legal, as well as 
natural, right to be heard in their defence before they were pun- 
ished. — 'Pco/xatovs. In 22, 28, Paul says that he was "free bom." 
In regard to the probable origin of his Roman citizenship, see 
the note on 22, 25. It appears that Silas possessed the same 
rights, but it is not known how he obtained them. At first view 
it may appear surprising that Paul did not avow himself a Roman 
at the outset, and thus prevent the indignity to which he had 
been subjected. " But the infliction of it," says Biscoe, " was so 
hasty, that he had not time to say anything that might make for 
his defence ; and the noise and confusion were so great, that, 
had he cried out with ever so loud a voice that he was a Roman, 



270 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XYI, 37-39. 



he might reasonably beheve that he should not be regarded. 
Seeing also the fury of the multitude (v. 22), it is not improbable 
he might think it most advisable to submit to the sentence pro- 
nounced, however unjust, in order to quiet the people, and pre- 
vent a greater evil ; for he was in danger of being forced out of 
the hands of the magistrates, and torn in pieces. But whatever 
were the true reasons which induced the apostle to be silent, the 
overruling hand of Providence was herein plainly visible ; for 
the conversion of the jailer and his household was occasioned by 
the execution of this hasty and unjust sentence." — koI vvv XdSpa, 
K. T. X., and do they now send us forth secretly ? Some render 
€K(3dX.\ov(TLv, thrust forth; which is too strong (comp. 9, 40), and 
draws away the emphasis from XdS-pa, to which it belongs. — ov 
yap, No, certainly ; they do not dismiss us in that manner. In 
this use, ye (resolving yap into its parts) strengthens the denial, 
while apa shows the dependence of the answer on what pre- 
cedes : not according to that, i. e. after such treatment. Edotz (ad 
Devar. II p. 242), Winer (^ 53. 8. b), and others, adopt this anal- 
ysis. — avroi, they themselves, instead of sending their servants to 
us. — In asserting so strongly their personal rights, they may have 
been influenced in part by a natural sense of justice, and in part 
by a regard to the necessity of such a vindication of their inno- 
cence to the cause of Christ at Philippi. It was important that 
no stain should rest upon their reputation. It was notorious that 
they had been scourged and imprisoned as criminals ; and if after 
their departure any one had suspected, or could have insinuated, 
that possibly they had suffered not without cause, it would have 
created a prejudice against the truth. It was in their power to 
save the gospel from that reproach, and they used the opportu- 
nity. It may be proper at times to allow the wicked or misguided 
to trample upon our individual rights and interests if they choose ; 
but those who are " set for the defence of the gospel" owe their 
good name and their influence to Christ and the church, and have 
a right to invoke the protection of the laws against any invasion 
of their means of public usefulness. 

V. 38. dvriyy ^iXav, reported back; see on v. 36. — icfio^rj^^-rjo-av, 
were afraid. They had cause for apprehension ; comp. 22, 29. 
A magistrate who punished a Roman citizen wrongfully might 
be indicted for treason ; he was liable to suffer death, and the 
confiscation of all his property (Grot.). 

V. 39. rjpiLrMv, entreated, begged (3, 3). This was not an un- 
exampled humiliation for a Roman officer. Lucian mentions a 
case of false imprisonment in which the governor of a province 



Chap. XVII, 1. 



COMMENTARY. 



271 



not only acknowledged his error, but paid a large sum of money 
to those whom he had injured, in order to bribe them to be 
silent. 

V. 40. 7rpo5 T7]v AvUav, unto Lydia, whose guests they were 
(v. 15), and where the disciples may have been accustomed to 
meet. — tov? aheX^ovs, the brethren, who had been converted at 
Philippi, and who formed the beginning of the church, afterwards 
addressed in the Epistle to the Philippians. This church was 
founded, therefore, about A. D. 52. We have evidence in that 
letter that no one of all the churches planted by Paul possessed 
so entirely his confidence, or exhibited the power of the gospel 
in greater purity. — irapeKoXca-av, exhorted, viz. to be firm, to cleave 
to the gospel (comp. 11, 23) ; not comforted, which would be too 
specific for the occasion. — i^X%v, they ivent forth. The narrator, 
it will be seen, proceeds now in the third person, and maintains 
that style as far as 20, 5. Some have inferred from this, that 
Luke remained at Philippi until Paul's last visit to Macedonia. 
We find Timothy with the apostle at Beroea (17, 14), but whether 
he accompanied him at this time, or rejoined him afterwards, 
cannot be decided. See further, on 17, 10. 



CHAPTER XYII. 

Verses 1-4. They jnoceed to Thessahnica and preach there. 

V. 1. The place which invited their labors next was Thessahn- 
ica, about a hundred miles southwest of Philippi. They travelled 
thither on the great military road which led from Byzantium to 
Dyrrachiam or Aulona, opposite to Brundusium in Italy. It was 
the Macedonian extension of the Appian way. They could ac- 
complish the journey in three or four days (WiesL). — On leaving 
Philippi, they came first to Amphipolis, which was southwest, 
distant about thirty miles. This place was about three miles 
from the sea, on the eastern bank of the Stiymon, which flowed 
almost round it, and gave to it its name. — Apollonia, their next 
station was about the same distance southwest from Amphipolis. 
They remained a night, perhaps, at each of these towns. — Thes- 
salonica was a rich, commercial city, near the mouth of the Eche- 
dorus, on the Thermaic Gulf, about twenty-eight miles nearly 
west of Apollonia. It is now called Saloniki, having a population 



272 C M M E N T A E Y . Chap. XVII, 2-4. 

of seventy thousand, of whom thirty thousand are Jews. Luke's 
record ahnost reminds us of a leaf from a traveller's note book. 
He mentions the places in their exact order. We turn to the 
Itinerarium Antonini Augusti (ed. Parth. et Pind, p. 157) and 
read : From Philippi to Ampliipolis, thuty-two miles ; from Am- 
phipolis to Apollonia, tliirty-tvvo miles ; from ApoUonia to Thes- 
salonica, thirty-six miles. — rj crwaywyr^, the synagogue ; definite 
because the Jews in that region may have had but one such place 
of worship. W. § 17. 1. 

V. 2. Here again, according to his custom, Paul betakes liim- 
self first to the Jews; comp.*13, 5. 14; 14. 1. etw^o's has the 
construction of a noun, but governs the dative as a verb ; comp. 
Luke 4, 16. The genitive would have been the ordinaiy case. 
W. ^ 31. 7. N. 2. — airo tCjv ypacf)u)v,from the Scriptures. He di-ew 
the contents of his discourse from that source. W. ^ 47. p. 333. 

V. 3. Stavotycov, SC. ras ypacfids, openi?tg, unfolding their sense ; 
comp. Luke 24, 32. — Trapart-^e/xevos, pi'ojyounding, maintaining. — 
OTL Tov XpL(TTov, K. T. A., that thc Messiah must suffer, in order to ful- 
fil the Scriptures; comp. 3, 18; Matt. 26, 54. 56 ; Mark 14, 49.— 
Kol OTL ovTo<s, K. T. X., and that this one (viz. he Avho was to die and 
rise again) is the Messiah Jesus (i. e. the Jesus called Messiah) 
luhom I announce unto you. The scope of the argument is tliis : 
The true Messiah must die and rise agam ; Jesus has fulfilled 
that condition of prophecy, and is, therefore, the promised Mes- 
siah; comp. 2, 24 sq. ; 13, 27 sq. 

V. 4. Ttves avTojy, certain of them, i. e. of the Jews ; see v. 1. 
and 2. — Trpoo-eKXrjpw^-qa-av (as middle), attached themselves to Paul 
and Silas (Olsh. Wlil. Rob.). Tliis is the easier sense, and receives 
support from v. 34 and 14, 4, where we meet with the same thought 
in like circumstances. Others render were allotted, granted to 
them, as it were by divine favor. This may be the surer plii- 
lological sense, and is adopted by Winer (^39. 2), De Wette, 
Meyer, and Alford. — ywatKcov .... oAtyat, and of the first women 
(comp. 13, 50) not a few. The women were evidently "devout" 
(ae/Sofxivoiv) or proselytes (comp. 13, 50), as well as the men; so 
that all those mentioned as converts in this verse were won to 
Christianity from the Jewish faith, not from a state of heathenism. 
But in 1 Thess. 1, 9, Paul speaks as if many of the Thessalo- 
nian Christians had been idolaters (eTreo-rpei/^arc Trpos rbv S^gov d-n-o 
ru)v etScoAcov). Hence it is possible, as Paley conjectures, that this 
verse describes the result of Paul's labors during the three weeks 
that he preached in the synagogue (v. 2) ; and that an interval 
which Luke passes over preceded the events related in v. 5-10. 



Chap. XVII, 5. 6. 



COMMENTARY. 



273 



During tliis iiitei'val the apostle, having been excluded from the 
synagogue by the bigotiy of the Jews, may have preached directly 
to the heathen. Another opinion is, that he preached to the 
Gentiles during the week-time, wliile on the Sabbath he labored 
for the Jews in their pubhc assembhes (Neand.). 

Verses 5-9. The Jews accuse Paul and Silas before the Mag- 
istrates. ^ 

V. 5. dTTct^owre? before 'loT^Satot (T. R.) lacks support. — roiv 
ayopaioiv, market-hungers (subrostrani, siibbasilicani). Had it been 
in the East, where such people loiter about the gates, the term 
would have been inappropriate. It is instructive to observe how 
true the narrative is to the habits of different nations, though the 
scene changes so rapidly from one land to another. But why 
should the Jews seek such coadjutors ? The reason is found in 
their situation : the Jews out of Judea had but little power, and 
must secure the aid of the native inhabitants. — 'lao-ovo?. Jason 
was their host (v. 7), and also a relative of Paul, if he was the 
one mentioned in Rom. 16, 21. In the latter case, he must have 
been at Coiinth \\dien Paul wrote the Epistle to the Romans. 
So common a name amounts to little as proof of the relation- 
ship. — kt^rfrovv .... ^Tj^ov, sought to bring them unto the people, 
and at the same time Itu tovs TroXtTapxas (v. 6), i. e. into tlie 
forum, where the magistrates were accustomed to try causes in 
the presence of the people; comp. 16, 19. Tliey raised a mob 
(6xXo7roL7](TavT€<s) in order to arrest the offenders ; but ets tov Srjiiiov 
shows that they expected the trial to take place before an orderly 
assembly. 

V. 6. fir] evp6vT€<5, K. T. X., but not having found them, they drag- 
ged Jason and certain brethren before the citij riders. Instead of 
changing their plan on faihng to apprehend the leaders, they 
seized upon such others as fell in their way, and treated them 
as they had designed to treat Paul and Silas. Lange's remark 
is incorrect that they would have sacrificed the strangers at once 
to the popular fury, but must be more cautious in dealing with 
citizens. The d8eA.(/)0T;s appear to have been with Jason at the 
time of the assault ; probably they were some of the Thessaloni- 
ans who had beheved. — ovroi, these, are Paul and Silas, since they 
are those whom Jason entertained. — koL ev^dSe TrdpeLmv, are pres- 
ent also here, as they have been in other places, and for the same 
purpose. — Here and in v. 8, Luke terms the magistrates of Thes- 
salonica 2)olitarchs ; and his accuracy in this respect is confii'med 

35 



274 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVU, 7-10. 



by an inscription of that place. See Boeckh's Corpus, Vol. II. 
p. 53, No. 1967. The inscription, which is<.£)f the Roman times, 
gives a list of seven magistrates bearing this title. This is the 
more worthy of remark because the title is a very rare one, and 
might easily be confounded with that of poliarcks, which is an- 
other appellation of magistrates in Greek cities.^ 

V. 7. ovTOL Travres, all these, viz. Paul, Silas, and their followers. 
The pronoun includes more than its grammatical antecedent. ~ 
Tcov SoyfioLTCDv Katcrapo?, i. e. the Roman laws against rebellion or 
treason. They are said to be the decrees of the emperor, i. e. of 
each successive emperor, because they emanated from him, 
guarded his rights, and had the support of his authority. The 
reigning emperor at this time was Claudius. — /SacnXia hepovy 
another king, sovereign; comp. John 19, 15; 1 Pet. 2, 13. The 
Greeks applied this term to the emperor, though the Romans 
never styled him rex. 

V. 8. irdpa^av, k. t. X. The statement alarmed them, because 
the existence of such a party in their midst would compromise 
their character for loyalty, and expose them to the vengeance of 
their Roman masters. See on 19, 40. 

V. 9. Xa^6vT€<; TO Uavov, having taken hail, or security; said to 
be a law phi-ase adopted in Greek for satis accipere. What they 
engaged would naturally be, that, as far as it depended on them, 
the public peace should not be violated, and that the alleged au- 
thors of the disturbance should leave the city (Neand.). Instead 
of combining the two objects, some restrict the stipulation to the 
first point (Mey.), while others restrict it to the last (Kuin.). — 
Toov XoiTTOiVy the others who had been brought before the tribunal 
with Jason (see v. 6). — aTriXva-av avrov?, dismissed them from cus- 
tody, viz. the Thessalonians, not the missionaries who had es- 
caped arrest. 

Verses 10-13. Paul and Silas proceed to BercKa. 

V. 10. evS^ioi'i, immediately, on the evening of the day of the 
tumult. Paul and Silas had spent three or four weeks at least 
in Thessalonica (see v. 2), and very possibly some time longer 
(see on V. 4). Wieseler proposes six or eight weeks as the term 
of their residence in that city. Being obliged to leave so hastily, 
Paul was anxious for the welfare and stability of the recent con- 

^ This note is due to President Woolsey, in the New Englander, Vol. X, 
p 144. 



Chap. XVII, 11-14. 



COMMENTARY. 



275 



verts, and departed with the intention of returning as soon as the 
present exasperation against him should be allayed so as to justify 
it (1 Thess. 2, 18). Subsequent events frustrated this purpose, 
and under that disappointment he sent Timothy to them to sup- 
ply liis place (1 Thess. 3, 2). It may be added, that while Paul 
was here he received supplies twice from the church at Philippi ; 
see Phil. 4, 15. 16. From this source, and from his own personal 
labor, he derived his support, without being dependent at all on 
the Thessalonians ; see 1 Thess. 2, 9; 2 Thess. 3, 8. — Sea ttjs 
vvKTos, during the night. This secrecy indicates that they were 
still in danger from the enmity of the Jews ; comp. 20, 3. — ets 
Bepoiai/. Berosa, now Verria, was about forty-five miles south- 
west of Thessalonica, on the Astrseus, a small tributary of the 
Hahacmon. See Forbg. Handb. III. p. 1061. The modern town 
has six thousand inhabitants, of whom two hundred are Jews, 
ten or fifteen hundred Turks, and the rest Greeks. 

V. 11. evyevecrrepoi, more nohle in their disposition. — For 7rdorr]<s 
without the article, see on 4, 29. — to KaS* y^ixipav, viz. from day 
to day. TO particularizes the repetition or constancy of the act. 
'W. ^ 20. 3. — et e;(ot ravra ovrois, if these things taught by Paul were 
so, as he afiirmed, i. e. when examined by the Scriptures. 

y. 12. 'EXXrjvlScov agrees with both ywaiKiov and dvSpwv. The 
men were Greeks as well as the women. See the note on 2, 42. 
— For ev(TXf]fJ^dvo)v, see 13, 50. — oXlyoL may be masculine because 
avSpiDv is the nearer word, or out of regard to the leading gender. 

V. 13. Kat, also, associates Bercea with Thessalonica. — KaKet 
belongs to the participle, not to the verb. They excited the pop- 
ulace there also, as they had done in Thessalonica. — Luke's nar- 
rative implies that the Jews were somewhat numerous and in- 
fluential at Bercea. Coins of this city are still extant, and, unhke 
most other examples of ancient money, have on them no pagan 
figure or symbol. Akerman suggests (Num. Ulustr.) in explana- 
tion of this singular fact, that the magistrates may have rejected 
such devices, as a concession to the feelings of the Jewish popu- 
lation. 

Verses 14. 15. Paul advances to Athens. 

V. 14. TTopevearS^aL ctti rrjv SaXacrcrav, to jdlimey as upon the 
sea, i. e. as if with such a purpose, with cTrt, eU, or Trpos 
denotes design, but leaves it uncertain whether the design be 
executed, or professed merely. See W. ^ 65. 9 ; K. ^ 290. R. 2 ; 
B. § 149. Lachmann would substitute ecus for d)s, as far as 



276 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XYII, 15. 16. 



unto the sea, but against the evidence. Some suppose the 
movement here to have been a feint ; that Paul's conductors, 
having set out ostensibly for the sea, afterward in order to elude 
pursuit, changed their course, and proceeded to Athens by land 
(Grot. Eng. Olsh.). But in that event, they would have passed 
through various important places on the way, and Luke might 
be expected to name some of them, as he has done in v. 1. The 
journey by land would have been two hundred and fifty-one Ro- 
man miles (Itiner. Anton.). With a fair wind Paul and his party 
could have sailed from Beroea or the mouth of the Heliacmon 
to Athens in about three days ( Wiesl.) ; and the probability is, that 
they took this more expeditious course (Win. De Wet. Wiesl. 
Mey.). — For an interesting sketch of the places and objects 
which would be seen on such a voyage, the reader is referred to 
Howson, I. p. 403 sq. — Timothy was last mentioned in 16, 1. 

V. 15. 01 Ka^to-rwvres, Those ivho conducted, lit. set liim along 
on the journey whether by sea or land. — Xa^ovrc^ having received 
before their departure, rather than receiving (E. V.), which might 
imply that they returned in consequence of the command. — ws 
raxio-ra, as soon as possible (K. § 239. R.. 2. d), i. e. after perform- 
ing the service for which they had remained. Whether they re- 
joined the apostle at Athens, or not, is uncertain ; see on the next 
verse. 

Verses 16-18. Hoiv he ivas affected by the Idolatry at Atheyis. 

V. 16. It^^ypikkvov avTovs, ivhile he 2aas icaiting for them, viz. 
Silas and Timothy. The most natural inference from 1 Thess. 
3, 1, is that Timothy, at least, soon arrived, in accordance with 
Paul's expectation, but was immediately sent away by the apos- 
tle to Tliessalonica. As Silas is not mentioned in that passage, 
it has been supposed that he may have failed for some reason to 
come at tliis time, or, if he came, that, like Timoth}^ he may 
have left again at once, but for a different destination; which 
last circumstance would account for the omission of his name in 
that passage of the Epistle. Our next notice of them occurs in 
18, 5, where they are represented as coming do^^ai from Mace- 
donia to Corinth ; and we may suppose either that they went to 
that city directly from Beroea, without having followed Paul to 
Athens, or that they returned from Athens to Macedonia, and 
proceeded from there to Corinth, The latter view assumes 
that Luke has passed over the intermediate journey in silence. 
Such omissions are entirely consistent with the character of a 



Chap. XVII, 16. 17. 



COMMENTAEY. 



277 



fragmentary history like that of the Acts. Still other combina- 
tions are possible. — Trapco^wero .... €1/ avT<2, kis sjnrit ivas aroused 
in him, comp. 15, 39; 1 Cor. 13, 5. This verb represents the 
apostle as deeply moved with a feeling allied to that of indig- 
nation, at beholding such a profanation of the worship due to 
God as forced itself upon his view on every side. — Kar€tS(oA.ov 
means, not given to idolatry, but full of idols. The word is other- 
wise unknown to the extant Greek, but is formed after a common 
analogy, e. g. Kara/X7reXos, KaraSevSpos, Kardcfio^os, etc. The epithet 
applies to the city, not directly to the inhabitants. A person 
could hardly take his position at any point in ancient Athens, 
where the eye did not range over temples, altars, and statues of 
the gods almost without number. Petronius says satirically, that 
it was easier to find a god at Athens than a man. Another 
ancient writer says that some of the streets were so crowded 
■with those who sold idols, that it was almost impossible for one 
to make his way through them. Pausanias declares that Athens 
had more images than all the rest of Greece put together. Wet- 
stein quotes Xenophon, Isocrates, Cicero, Livy, Strabo, Lucian, 
and others, as bearmg the same testimony. Luke, therefore, has 
not applied this epithet at random. The Greek language offered 
to him a hundred other terms which would have stated what 
was true in relation to a heathen city ; but we see that he has 
chosen among them all the very one which describes the precise 
external aspect of Athens that would be the first to strike the 
eye of a stranger like Paul. This mark of accuracy in the 
Aviiter, those obliterate, or very nearly obliterate, who make the 
expression refer to the devotion of the Athenians to idolatry.-^ 

V. 17. The apostle's ordinary course was to address himself ex- 
clusively at first to his own countrymen and the Jewish proselytes. 
At Athens he departed from this rule. — ovv, therefore, i. e. being 
aroused by the sight of so much idolatry. The spectacle around 
him urges him to commence preaching simultaneously to Jews and 
Greeks. Some adopt a looser connection : therefore, i. e. being at 
Athens (De Wette). Some restrict ovv to the second clause :^ his 
zeal impelled him to preach in the market. It is arbitrary to divide 
the sentence in that manner. — iv rfj ayopa, in the market, i. e. of 
the city; not the one in which he happened to be (Mey.). It is 
generally admitted that the Athenians had properly but one market, 

1 Hermann (ad Yig. p. 638, ed. 1824) turns aside to correct this error : "Karei- 
8wA.os TrjAis, Actor. Apost. 17, 16, non est, uti quidam opinantur, siinulacris dedita 
urbs, sed simidacris referta." 



278 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVII, 18. 



althongli Leake 1ms shown it to be probable, that, " during the 
many centuries of Athenian prosperity, the boundaries of the Ago- 
ra, or at least of its frequented part, underwent considerable vari- 
ation." ^ The notices of ancient writers are somewhat vague as 
to its course and extent; but it is agreed that the site was never 
so changed as to exclude the famous a-roa iroLKik-q, which, accord- 
ing to Forchammer's Plan, stood oiF against the Acropolis on the 
west. In this porch, as is well known, the philosophers, rhetori- 
cians, and others were accustomed to meet for conversation and dis- 
cussion ; and hence it lay entirely in the course of things that some 
of these men should fall, as Luke states, in the way of the apostle. 

V. 18. Tcoj/ "Yj-mKovpeioiv. The Epicureans were the "minute 
philosophers," the Greek Sadducees of the age ; they admitted 
the existence of gods, but regarded them as indolent beings, who 
paid no attention to the actions or affairs of men ; they had no 
faith in a providence, or in accountability, or in any retribution 
to come. Their great practical dogma was, that a wise man 
will make the most of all the means of enjoyment within his 
reach. Epicurus, the founder of the sect, had taught a higher 
idea of happiness ; but his followers in the Roman age, and 
earlier still, had reduced it to the grossest sensualism. The 
frivolous spirit of this sect, appears perhaps in the first of the 
questions addressed to Paul. — tSv ^twikcov. The Stoics were 
distinguished in some respects for a more reflecting turn of mind ; 
they extolled virtue, insisted on subjecting the passions to reason, 
and urged the importance of becoming independent of the ordi- 
nary sources of enjoyment and suffering. Some of the most 
admired characters of antiquity belonged to this school. But the 
Stoics were essentially fatalists in their religious views; they 
were self-complacent, boasted of their indifference to the world, 
and affected a style of morals so impracticable as to render them 
almost necessarily insincere or hypocritical. In Epicureanism it 
was man's sensual nature which arrayed itself against the claims 
of the gospel ; in Stoicism it was his self-righteousness and 
pricl^ of intellect ; and it is difficult to say which of the two sys- 
tems rendered its votaries the more indisposed to embrace the 
truth. It might have seemed to the credit of Christianity, had 
it been represented as gaining at least a few proselytes, in this 
centre of Grecian refinement, from the ranks of its scholars and 
philosophers ; but Luke has no such triumphs to record. He re- 
lates the case as it was ; the apostle was ridiculed, his message 



1 Athens and Demi, p. 217. 



Chap. XVII, 18. 19. 



COMMENTARY. 



279 



was treated with, contempt. — o-we^aXA.ov avr(2, conversed or dis- 
puted with hwi (E v., De Wet.), comp. 4, 15; not 7netwith him as 
in 20, 14 (Eng. Mey.) ; since the form as imperf. apphes better to 
a discussion, than to a single contact of the parties such as Luke 
mentions here. koX eAeyov agrees Avith either sense. — rt av ^iXoc, 
K. r. X., ivhat would this babbler say, does he mean to say ? av 
sharpens the taunt: if he has any meaning (Mey.). See W. ^ 
42. 1 ; C, ^ 604. o-n-epixoXoyos denotes strictly a se^d-gatherer, and 
then, as used here, one who picks up and retails scraps of 
knowledge without sense or aim, an idle prater. — ^^eVwv Sat/xovtW, 
foreign gods, hitherto unknown to us. As the expression is cited 
from the mouth of the Greeks, we are to attach to it their sense 
of BatiJLovLov, which was different from that of the Jews. The 
noun may be plural, because it refers to Jesus as an example of 
the class or category (see W, ^ 27. 2 ; S. § 95. 2) ; or it may 
be founded on what Paul had said to them concerning God, 
especially his agency in raising up Christ from the dead (comp. 
V. 31). The latter is the best view (De Wet). Both Jesus and 
the God of whom they now heard were new to them. Many of 
the older critics, and some of the more recent, explain the plural 
as embracing dvao-racrtv, supposing the Athenians to have under- 
stood Paul to speak of some goddess when he preached to them 
the resurrection. But one can hardly conceive that the apostle 
would express himself so obscurely on this subject as to give 
them any occasion for falling into so gross a mistake ; and we are 
not authorized by any intimation in the narrative to impute to 
them a wilful perversion of his language. 



Verses 19-21. Paul repairs to Mars' Hill to explain his Doc- 
trine. 

V. 1 9. iTTLXajSofxevoL re avrov, and taking hold upon him, not with 
violence, which would be at variance with the general spirit of 
the transaction, but rather by the hand, for the purpose of leading 
him onward ; comp. 9, 27 ; Mark 8, 23 ; Luke 9, 47. — l-m, rov 
"Apetov irdyov. Upon Mars' Hill, i. e. the top of it; comp. 10, 9; 
Matt. 4, 5; 24, 16, etc. The Ai-eiopagus, whither Paul was now 
brought, was a rocky eminence a little to the west of the Acrop- 
olis. See Leake's Athens, p. 165. The object of the movement 
was to place the apostle in a situation where he could be heard 
by the multitude to greater advantage. The following is Dr. 
Eobinson's description of this important locality : " This is a nar- 
row, naked ridge of limestone rock, rising gradually from the 



280 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVII. 19. 



northern end, and terminating abruptly on the south, over against 
the west end of the Acropohs, from which it bears about north ; 
being separated from it by an elevated valley. This southern 
end is fifty or sixty feet above the said valley ; though yet much 
lower than the Acropolis. On its top are still to be seen the seats 
of the judges and parties, hewn in the rock ; and towards the 
southwest is a descent by a flight of steps, also cut in the rock 
into the valley below. Standing on this elevated platform, sur- 
rounded by the learned and the wise of Athens, the multitude 
perhaps being on the steps and the vale below, Paul had directly 
before him the far-famed Acropolis, with its wonders of Grecian 
art ; and beneath him, on his left, the majestic Theseium, the 
earliest and still most perfect of Athenian structures ; while all 
around,' other temples and altars filled the whole city. On the 
Acropolis, too, were the three celebrated statues of Minerva ; one 
of olive-wood ; another of gold and ivory in the Parthenon, the 
masterpiece of Phidias ; and the colossal statue in the open air, 
the point of whose spear was seen over the Parthenon by those 
sailing along the gulf." Bibl. K.es. I. p. 10 sq. The reader would 
do well to consult the admirable article on Athens in Smith's Dic- 
tionary of Greek and Roman Geography. He will find a Plan 
of that city and a view of the Acropolis restored as seen from 
the Areiopagus, in Mr. Howson's work. To understand the pe- 
culiar boldness and power of the speech, we must have distinctly 
before us the objects and scenes which met the apostle's view 
at the moment. — Some translate IttI tov "kpaov -rrdyov, before the 
Areiopagus (comp. 16, 19; 18, 12; 24, 8), and maintain that Paul 
was arraigned at this time before the celebrated court of that 
name, and underwent a formal trial on the charge of having at- 
tempted to change the religion of the state. But this opinion 
rests entirely upon two or three expressions, which, like the one 
just noticed, are ambiguous in themselves ; wliile in other re- 
spects the entire narrative, as well as the improbability of such 
a procedure, testify against the idea. First, we find here no trace 
whatever of any thing like the formality of a legal process. Sec- 
ondly, the professed object of bringing the apostle hrX rbv^Apeiov 
Trdyov was to ascertain from him what his opinions were, not to put 
him on his defence for them before they were known. Thirdly, 
the manner in which the aflair terminated would have been a 
singular issue for a judicial investigation in the highest court of 
Athens. And, finally, the speech which Paul delivered on the 
occasion was precisely such as we should expect before a pro- 
miscuous assembly ; whereas, if he had stood now as an accused 



Chap. XVII, 19-21. 



COMMENTARY. 



281 



person before a legal tribunal, his plea has most strangely failed 
to connect itself, at any single point, with that peculiarity of his 
situation. It proves nothing in regard to the question, to show 
that the court of the Areiopagus had powers (that is admitted) 
which would have given to it jurisdiction in the case of Paul, 
supposing that he had been charged at this time with subverting 
the established worship ; since the narrative on which we must 
rely for our information as to what was done, not only contains 
no evidence that the Athenians took this serious view of his doc- 
trine, but ascribes their eagerness to hear him to a mere love of 
novelty; see v. 21. Calvin, Kuinoel, Neander, Winer, Olshausen, 
De Wette, Meyer, Baur, Doddridge, and the best critics generally, 
at present, reject the opinion that Paul was carried before the 
Areiopagus for a judicial examination. The authority of Chrys- 
ostom, among the ancient critics, stands in favor of it. A few 
among the Germans, as Hess, Hemsen, Scholz, follow on that 
side; except that some of them would say (this is true of Hem- 
sen), that the Areiopagus was called together, not exactly to try 
the apostle, but to hear from him some account of his doctrine. 
" The process," says Wordsworth, " may have been only a prepar- 
atory inquiry, an dva/cpto-ts. They who laid hands on him, may 
have intended to frighten the apostle by the judicial associations 
of the place, and to drive him out of the city." Most of our 
English commentaries assume that Paul was arraigned at this 
time as a religious innovator. The other ambiguous expressions, 
which have been supposed to favor this view, will be noticed in 
their place. — SvvdfxeS^a yvojvai, Can we know ? Would it not have 
been an excess even of the Attic politeness, to have interrogated 
a prisoner at the bar in this manner? The object, too, of the 
inquiry, as defined by the accompanying terms, shows clearly 
that they did not regard him as occupying that position. 

V. 20. ievL^ovTa, surprising, since the things were foreign, un- 
heard of before. — elcrcfiipeig .... r/jxCyv, thou hringest to our ears. 
This phrase, drawn from common life, has an appearance of real- 
ity in this connection. — ri av ^eXoi. See on v. 18. rt in apposi- 
tion with ravra should be noticed. It is not precisely like the 
plural. "The singular rt," says Kriiger (Gr. ^ 61. 8. 2), "may 
stand in such connections as ri ravrd ian, when the question is, 
what sort of a whole, what combined result, do the particulars 
form?" 

V. 21. The object of this verse is to explain why they ad- 
dressed to him such inquiries. Their motive for proposing them 
was that their curiosity might be gratified. — 'A^T^mtoi- Se irdvTes, 

36 



282 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XVII, 21. 



now all Athenians. The omission of the article unites the charac- 
teristic more closely with the name, as its invariable attend- 
ant. K. § 246. 5. a. — ol imdrjixovvTe?, i. e. the foreigners perma- 
nently resident there (comp. 2, 10) ; uncle iidem mores; as Bengel 
remarks. — ets ovSev .... evKalpovv, sijent their leisure for nothing 
else. This sense of the verb is a later usage. Lob. ad Phryn. 
p. 125. The imperfect does not exclude the continued existence 
of the peculiarity, but blends the reference to it with the history. 
See similar examples in 27, 8; John 11, 18 ; 18, 1 ; 19, 14. K. ^ 
256. 4. a ; C. 567. y. — Kaivorepov, newer, sc. than before. W. § 35. 
4 ; S. UIB. 4; K. § 323. R. 7. The comparative or the positive 
form of the adjective could be used in this phrase ; but the 
former characterizes their state of mind more forcibly than the 
latter. Bengel has hit the point of the idiom : Nova statim 
sordebant ; noviora queer ebantur.'' — It is worth remarking, that 
this singular scene of setting up the apostle to speak for the en- 
tertainment of the people occurs, not at Ephesus, or Philippi, or 
Corinth, but at Athens ; not only the only place, in all his journey- 
ing, where Paul met with such a reception, but just the place where 
the incident arises in perfect harmony with the disposition and 
the tastes of the people. "We know, from the testimony of ancient 
wiiters, that this fondness for hearing and telling some new thing, 
which Luke mentions, was a notorious characteristic of the Athe- 
nians. Their great orator reproaches them with the same pro- 
pensity : jSovXeoS^e, elwi jxoL, Trepctovres avrOiv TrvvS^dvecrS^aL Kara rrjv 
ayopdv Xeyerac tl Kaivov ; (Philipp. I. 43). The entirely incidental 
manner in which the exemplification of this trait comes forth in 
the narrative here, bears witness to its authenticity 

Outline of the Course of Thought. 

The speech which Paul dehvered at this time is remarkable 
for its adaptation, not only to the outward circumstances under 
which he spoke, but to the pecidiar mental state of his auditors. 
De Wette pronounces it " a model of the apologetic style of 
discourse." " The address of Paul before this assembly," says 
Neander, "is a living proof of his apostolic wisdom and elo- 
quence ; we perceive here how the apostle, according to his own 
expression, could become also a heathen to the heathen, that he 
might win the heathen to a reception of the gospel." " The skill," 
says Hemsen, " with which he was able to bring the truth near 
to the Athenians, deserves admiration. We find in this discourse 
of Paul nothing of an ill-timed zeal, nothing like declamatory 



Chap. XVII, 21. 



COMMENTAEY. 



283 



pomp ; it is distinguished for clearness, brevity, coherence, and sim- 
plicity of representation." Dr. Robinson, speaking under the im- 
pression produced on his mind by a personal survey of the scene, 
says that, " masterly " as the address is, as we read it under ordi- 
nary circumstances, " the full force and energy and boldness of 
the apostle's language can be duly felt only when one has stood 
upon the spot." ^ The writer can never forget the emotions of 
thrilling interest, which were excited in his own mind, as he read 
and rehearsed the discourse, on that memorable rock. — We 
have first the introduction, which, in the technical language of 
rhetoric, is eminently conciliatory. The apostle begins by ac- 
knowledging and commending the respect of the Athenians for 
religion (v. 22. 23). He states next, at the close of v. 23, his 
design, wliich is to guide their religious instincts and aspirations 
to their proper object, i. e. to teach them what God is, his nature 
and attributes, in opposition to their false views and practices as 
idolaters. He goes on, then, in pursuance of this purpose, to ^i- 
nounce to them, first, that God is the Creator of the outward, 
material universe (v. 24) ; secondly, that he is entirely independ- 
ent of his creatures, having all- sufficiency in liimself (v. 25) ; 
thirdly, that he is the Creator of all mankind, notA^dthstanding 
their separation into so many nations and their wide dispersion 
on the earth (v. 26) ; and, fourthly, that he has placed men, as 
individuals and nations, in such relations of dependence on him- 
self as render it easy for them to see that he is their Creator and 
sovereign Disposer, and that they are the creatures of liis power 
and goodness ; and that it is their duty to seek and serve him 
(v. 27. 28). The ground has thus been won for the apph cation 
wliich follows. At this point of the discourse, stretching forth 
his hand, as we may well suppose, towards the gorgeous images 
within sight, he exclaims : " We ought not, therefore, to suppose 
that the Deity is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, sculptured by 
the art and device of men" (v. 29). And that which men ought 
not to do, they may not safely do any longer. It was owing to 
the forbearance of God that they had been left hitherto to pursue 
their idolatry without any signal manifestation of his displeasure; 

' Some object that the speech has been over-praised, because Paul did not suc- 
ceed in bringing it to a formal close. The astonishment which one feels as he 
reads the address is not that the speaker was interrupted at length, when he came 
to announce to the Athenians the peculiar doctrines of Christianity, but that he 
could command their attention so long, while he bore down with such effect on 
their favorite opinions and prejudices, exposed their errors, and arraigned them as 
guilty of the grossest inconsistency and absurdity of conduct. 



284 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVII, 22. 



they were noio required to repent of it and forsake it (v. 30), 
because a day of righteous judgment awaited them, wliich had 
been rendered certain by the resurrection of Clurist (v. 31). Here 
their clamors mterrupted liim. It is not difficult, perhaps, to con- 
jecture what he would have added. It only remained, in order 
to complete his well-known circle^of thought on such occasions, 
that he should have set fortli the claims of Christ as the object 
of religious hope and confidence, that he should have exhorted 
them to caU on his name and be saved. — It uill be seen, there- 
fore, by casting the eye back, that we have here all the parts of 
a perfect discourse, viz. the exordium, the proposition or theme, 
the proof or exposition, the inferences and application. It is a 
beautiful specimen of the manner in which a powerful and well- 
trained mind, practised in public spealdng, conforms spontane- 
ously to the rules of the severest logic. One can readily believe, 
looking at this feature of the discourse, that it was pronounced 
by the man who wrote the Epistles to the Homans and Galatians, 
where we see the same mental characteristics so strongly re- 
flected. As we must suppose, at aU events, that the general 
scheme of thought, the nexus of the argaunent, has been pre- 
sei-ved, it does not affect our critical judgment of the discourse 
whether we maintain that it has been reported in fuU, or that a 
synopsis only has been given. On this point opinions differ. 

Verses 22-31. The Speech of Paul on Mars' HiU. 

V. 22. o-ra^cig. Paul spoke of course in the open air. A skil- 
ful hand has pictured to us the scene. " He stood on that hill in 
the centre of the Athenian city, and with a fuU view of it. The 
temple of the Eumenides was immediately below hun, and if he 
looked to the east, he beheld the Propylsea of the Acropolis front- 
ing him, and the Parthenon rising above him ; and on his left the 
bronze colossus of Minerva, the champion of Athens, and the 
temple of Victory to the right ; behind hun was the temple of 
Theseus ; and a countless multitude of smaller temples and altars 
in the Agora and Ceramicus below him." Wordsworth, p. 85. 
See also his " Athens and Attica," Ch. XI. — kv ixiau) tqv 'Apelov 
ird-fov could be said of a place or an assembly. It is one of the 
ambiguous expressions adverted to above (p. 281), which leave 
it uncertain whether 'Apelov irayov is to be understood of the liill 
or the court assembled there. — avSpe? 'A^-qvaioL. The remark just 
made is to be repeated here. It is the style of address which 
Paul would necessarily use in speaking to a concom'se of Athe- 



Chap. XVll, 22. 23. 



COMMENTARY. 



285 



nians ; and at tlie same time, he might use it in speaking before 
judges. In the latter case, however, the Greeks oftener said 
w avSpes StKaorat. See Stalb. Plat. Apol. 17. A. — Kara. Trdvra, 171 
every respect, as it were, in every possible mode of exhibition. — 
0)5 SetcrtSat/xovearrepoi^s u/xa? «9ea)pco, as (i. e. those who correspond to 
this character) more religious, sc. than others, I see you (De Wet. 
"Will.). See W. ^ 35. 4. For the suppressed term of the com- 
parison, see on v. 21. Josephus (Contr. Ap. 2. 11) calls the 
A-thenians roi)? evo-e/Seo-TOLTovg rcov 'EXX-^vo)v. See other testimonies 
in Wetstein. Sao-cSaiixoveo-Tepovs (a vox media) may signify also 
more superstitious. It is improbable, as a matter of just rhetoric, 
that the apostle employed it in that reproachful sense at the out- 
set of his remarks. That he used it in a good sense is evident 
for another reason. " He proceeds;" says Neander, " to deduce 
their seeking after God (which he doubtless considered as some- 
thing good) from tliis Seto-t8at/x,ovta (comp. 25, 19), or reHgious 
propensity, so prevalent among the Athenians. He announced 
himself as one who would guide their Seto-tSat/xovia, not rightly con- 
scious of its object and aim, to a state of clear self-consciousness 
by a revelation of the object to wliich it thus ignorantly tended." 

V. 23. Koi ava^€topQ)v .... f^iofxov, and closely observing the ob- 
jects of your religious veneration, I found also an altar. o-ejSdcrixaTa 
denotes, not acts of worsliip, devotions (E. V.), but temples, 
images, altars, and the like. It is a generic term, under wliich 
Kat arranges /?co/xoV as one of the class. — kir^yiypaiTTo (pluperf.), 
had been inscribed, includes the present, and is to be explained 
like the imperfect m v. 21. — ayvtooro) ^e<2, to an unknoivn God. 
" That there was, at least, one altar at Athens with this inscrip- 
tion," says Meyer, " would appear as historically certain from this 
passage itself, even though other testimonies were wanting, since 
Paul appeals to a fact of his own observation, and that, too, in 
the presence of the Athenians themselves." But the existence 
of such altars at Athens is well attested by competent ^vitnesses. 
Pliilostratus, in his Life of ApoUonius (6. 2), says : (nuc^povio-repov 
Trepl TrdvTiov S^eCjv ev Xiyuv koI ravra "KB-rjvrja-iv, ov koL dyvcoortov Seiov 
ySoo/xot ISpwrai, i. e. It is more discreet to speak tvell of all the gods, 
and. especially at Athens, luhere are erected altars also of unJcnoivn 
gods. Pausanias, in liis Description of Attica (1. 1), says that 
such altars ((SojijloL ^^ewv dyi/coa-rcoT/) existed at Phaleron, one of the 
harbors of Athens. It has been made a question, how we are to 
understand the use of the plural in these passages ; whether as 
referring to the number of the altars on which the inscription 
occurred, or to the number of the gods to whom the altars were 



286 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVII, 23. 



dedicated. Some have assumed the latter as the correct view ; 
and have said that Paul has arbitrarily changed the plural into the 
singular, in order to accommodate the fact to his purpose ; or 
even that the writer, by this inaccuracy, has betrayed liimself as 
a person who had no direct knowledge of the circumstances 
which he professes to relate. But even if the inscription on these 
altars was in the plural, it does not follow that Paul may not 
have found one having the language which he recites. Here 
would be Luke's positive testimony to the fact, and that out- 
weighs the mere silence of other writers. Such appears to be 
Bengel's view. Again, it would not follow that he has necessa- 
rily misrepresented the sense, admitting that he may have sub- 
stituted the singular for the plural. The heathen witers often 
employed S^^ol to convey the general idea of divine power, provi- 
dence, deity, and the like.i With that meaning, the plural could 
be rehnquished for the singular, or the singular for the plural, just 
as an individual pleased. Here the apostle might have preferred 
^£(3, merely for the sake of its stricter formal accordance with the 
doctrine which he was about to advance. Kuinoel appears at a 
loss to decide whether the plural in the case under remark has 
reference to the number of the altars, or to that of the gods. 
Some, as Calvin and Olshausen, apparently concede that Paul 
deviated from the strict form of the inscription, but deny that he 
violated its proper import, or availed himself of any unworthy 
artifice. — But even the appearance of a difficulty here vanishes 
entirely, when we give to the language of Philostratus and Pau- 
sanias the interpretation, which is beyond any reasonable doubt 
the correct one. Winer states his view of the case thus : " It by 
no means follows from the passages (of the writers above named), 
that each single one of the altars mentioned by them had the in- 
scription dyi/ojo-Tois --^£019 in the plural, but more naturally that each 
one separately was dedicated d-yi/coo-ro) -?e(3 ; but this singular the 
narrators were obliged to change into the plural, because they 
spoke of all those altars in a collective way. It appears, there- 
fore, that there were several altars in different places at Athens 
with the inscription dyvwo-rw «^€u)." See his Realw. I. p. 111. 
Such is the decision, also, of Eichhorn, Hess, Hemsen, Meyer, 
De Wette, and others. It should be added that several of the 
older commentators render dyj/coo-ro) ^ew, to the unknoivn God, sup- 
posing the God of the Jews, i. e. Jehovah, to be meant. Such 

1 For examples of this interchange, see the passages collected by Pfanner in his 
Sjstema Theologise Gentilis Purioris, p. 102, and elsewhere. 



Chap. XVII, 23. 



COMMENTARY. 



287 



a view mistranslates the Greek, and violates all historical proba- 
bility. — The precise historical origin of the altars at Athens 
bearing this inscription has been disputed. The conjectures are 
various. One is, that they were very ancient, and that it was at 
length forgotten to whom they had been originally built; and 
that the words in question were placed on them at a later period, 
to apprise the people that it was unknown to what gods they 
belonged. If that was their character, it is not easy to see what 
proper point of connection the apostle could have found for his 
remark with such a relic of sheer idolatry. Another is, that, in 
some time or times of public calamity, the Athenians, not know- 
ing what god they had offended, whether Minerva or Jupiter or 
Mars, erected these altars so as to be sure of propitiating the 
right one. The same objection maybe made as before ; since 
their ignorance in this case relates merely to the identity of the 
god whom they should conciliate, and involves no recognition of 
any power additional to their heathen deities. The most rational 
explanation is unquestionably that of those who suppose these 
altars to have had their origin in the feeling of uncertainty, inherent, 
after all, in the minds of the heathen, whether their acknowledg- 
ment of the superior powers was sufficiently full and compre- 
hensive ; in their distinct consciousness of the limitation and 
imperfection of their religious views, and their consequent desire 
to avoid the anger of any still unacknowledged god who might 
be unknown to them. That no deity might punish them for neg- 
lecting his worship, or remain uninvoked in asking for blessings, 
the;^ not only erected altars to all the gods named or known 
among them, but, distrustful still lest they might not comprehend 
fully the extent of their subjection and dependence, they erected 
them also to any other god or power that might exist, although as 
yet unrevealed to them. — No one can say that this explanation 
ascribes too much discernment to the heathen. Not to insist on 
other proofs, such expressions as the comprehensive address, — 
At o deorum quicquid in ccelo regit (Herat. Epod. 5. 1) ; the oft- 
used formula in the prayers of the Greeks and Romans, Si deo, 
si dem ; and the superstitious dread, which they manifested in so 
many ways, of omitting any deity in their invocations, prove the 
existence of the feeling to which reference has been made. Out 
of this feeling, therefore, these altars may have sprung ; because 
the supposition is so entirely consistent with the genius of poly- 
theistic heathenism ; because the many-sided religiousness of 
the Athenians would be so apt to exhibit itself in some such de- 
monstration ; and, especially, because Paul could then appeal 



288 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XVH, 23-25. 



with so mucli effect to such, an avowal of the insufficiency of 
heathenism, and to such a testimony so borne, indirect, yet sig- 
nificant, to the existence of the one true God. — Under these 
circumstances, an aUusion to one of these altars by the apostle 
would be equivalent to his saying to the Athenians thus : " You 
are correct in acknowledging a divine existence beyond any which 
the ordinary rites of your worsliip recognize ; there is such an 
existence. You are correct in confessing that this Being is un- 
known to you ; you have no just conceptions of his nature and 
perfections." He could add then with truth , ov ow . . . . KarayyeA- 
Xo) vjjuv, WTiom, therefore, not knowing, ye worship, this one I an- 
nounce unto you. The inverted order gives point to the declara- 
tion. ayvoovvT€<s has the same object as the verb, and means hav- 
ing no just knowledge of him whom they worsliipped ; not igno- 
rantly, as if they did not know whither then* worsliip was direct- 
ed. The word points back evidently to dyvwo-ro). . Later editors 
read o . . . . rovro, instead of w . . . . rovrov ; in which case ^ew in 
the inscription would be taken more abstractly as a divine pow- 
er. The external evidence is not decisive. Meyer defends the 
common reading in his first edition, and the other in his second. 
The personal sense of ^e<J may have been thought to concede 
too much to heathenism, and so have caused the pronouns to be 
changed, evo-e/^etre has seemed to some a strong term, as the 
cognate words in the New Testament always express the idea 
of true piety ; but the term occurs further only in 1 Tim. 5, 4, 
and denotes there, not the exercise of piety, but of something 
merely kindred to it, fihal reverence. It needs only a s^|mlar 
modification to adapt it to the use required here. 

V. 24. Tlie God whom Paul announced is the Maker of all 
things, and, as such, necessarily distinct from their false gods. 
That is the point of connection between tliis verse and the pre- 
ceding. — oiSros .... vTrdpx'^i^, this one (by his right as Creator) 
heing the Lord, Sovereign, of heaven and earth. It was self-evi- 
dent, therefore, that he was not to be confounded with any of 
their idols, whose existence was hmited by the space which they 
occupied. — x^ipoTroiT/rots, made with hands, is contrasted with 6 
TTotT^o-as . . . . kv ■avT(o. — ev raots. The statues or images were 
kept in the recesses of the temple. — KaroiKet. The mass of the 
heathen in practice made no difference between the symbol and 
its object; the block was the god (comp. 19, 26). 

V. 25. The apostle illustrates the character of the true God 
still further, by another contrast between him and the deities of 
the heathen. He is independent of his creatures; he needs 



Chap. XVII, 25. 26. 



COMMENTARY. 



289 



nothing from tliem ; tliey can earn no merit by serving him. — 
ovSk .... S-€pa7rev€TaL, and (after a preceding negative) he is not 
ministered unto by human hands, or hands of men. av^pojTTLvoiv is 
a more correct reading, than dv^/DojTrcov (T. R.). The verb here 
imphes more than mere worship. The heathen considered it 
meritorious to lavish wealth on the temples and shrines of their 
idols ; they brought to them costly gifts, and even offerings of 
food and drink, as if they stood in need of such things, and 
could be laid under obligation to their worshippers. The prayer 
of Chryses, priest of Apollo, in H. 1. 37 sq., expresses the true 
spirit of heathenism in this respect : 

"If e'er with wreaths I hung thy sacred fane, 
Or fed the flames with fat of oxen slain, 
God of the silver bow ! thy shafts employ, 
Avenge thy servant, and the Greeks destroy." 

— TrpogSco/^tcvo? tivo?, as if needing something besides, i. e. (note the 
compound) out of himself as necessary to his perfection. — avros 
Sl8ov<;, since he himself gives, avros is emphatic as opposed to the 
idea that Ihs creatures are able to give to him. — ra Travra, the 
ivhole, i. e. of the things which they enjoy. In such an expression, 
Tdt restricts the adjective to the class of objects mtimated by the 
preceding words or the context. Some editors omit the article 
here. Compare Rom. 8, 32 ; 1 Cor. 9, 22 ; Pliil. 3, 8, etc. But 
in most of these passages, too, the manuscripts fluctuate. 

V. 26. iTTol-qa-i T€, K. T. \., and he made of one blood every nation 
of men that they should divell. This is the more obvious view of 
the construction, and is the one which has been generally 
adopted. Yet several of the best critics (Kuin. De Wet. Mey. 
Alf ) regard iroiuv here as an instance of its use with an accusa- 
tive and infinitive, like that in Matt. 5, 32 ; Mark 7, 37, and trans- 
late : and he caused every nation of men (sprung) from one blood to 
dwell. KaTOLK€iv connects itself more easily in this way, it is true, 
with the rest of the sentence ; but the facility thus gained ren- 
ders the expression hard at evos at/xaros, so that we must supply 
a word to make the thought flow smootlily. The main idea be- 
yond question is, that God has created the entire human race 
from a common stock ; and the more prominent way, therefore, in 
which the translation first stated brings forward this proposition, 
appears to me to be a reason for preferring it. It is an objection 
to the other mode, that it assigns a too subordinate place to the 

37 



290 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVII, 26. 



principal thought. But why does the apostle single out thus the 
universal brotherhood of the race ? Olshausen says it was intend- 
ed as a reproof to the Athenians for their contempt of the Jews. 
Meyer, Neander, De Wette, and others, consider it as directed 
essentially against the polytheism of the heathen. If all are the 
cliildren of a common parent, then the idea of a multiplicity of 
gods from whom the various nations have derived their origin, 
or whose protection they specially enjoy, must be false. The 
doctrine of the unity of the race is closely interwoven with that 
of the unity of the divine existence. This more comprehensive 
view of the meaning, however, does not exclude the other; since, 
if all nations have the same creator, it would at once occur that 
nothing can be more absurd than the feeling of superiority and 
contempt with which one affects to look down upon another. As 
the apostle had to encounter the prejudice which was entertained 
against him as a Jew, his course of remark was doubly pertinent, 
if adapted at the same time to remove this hinderance to a can- • 
did reception of his message. — KaroLKeiv is the infinitive of de- 
sign. The various lands which the different families of mankind 
occupied, with all the advantages connected with their position, 
God had assigned to them; comp. Deut. 32, 8 ; Ps. 115, 16. Yea, 
he had proceeded from the very first with a view to their welfare. 
He designed, in creating men, that they should inhabit and 
possess the earth as their own ; that they should all of them 
enjoy the manifold blessings allotted to them in the various 
places of their abode. It was to him that they were indebted 
for what they enjoyed, and not to accident, or their own enter- 
prise, or the favor of some imaginary god. The remark, made 
as applicable to all lands, has its justification in the fact, that, 
notwithstanding the inequalities which diversify the condition 
of nations, they have severally their peculiar advantages ; it is 
natural for every people to esteem their own country, in some 
respects at least, as the best.-^ But the remark was specially 
aimed, beyond doubt, at the feeling of self- congratulation with 
which the Athenians were prone to contemplate the peculiar 
felicity of their own position, their national renown, their past 
and present prosperity. This view of the meaning prepares the 
way for the thought which is next introduced. — 6pLo-a<s . . . . r^s 
KaTOLKLa<i avTu)v, having fixed the appointed seasons and limits of their 
abode. The second participle repeats the idea of the fii'st, not 

1 Tacitus has recognized this princiiDle in his fine remark (Germ.§ 2), — " Infor- 
mem terris, asperana coelo, nisi si pair ia sit." 



Chap. XVII, 26. 27 



COMMENTARY. 



291 



superfluously, but with the evident effect of affirming it more 
strongly. The approved reading is -Trpocrreray/xeVous, rather than 
TrpoTerayfxevovs (T. R.). The apostle, by adding this, admonishes 
the Athenians that they, like every other people, had not only 
received their peculiar advantages from the common Creator, 
but that they could hold them only during the continuance of liis 
good-will and favor. In assigning to the nations their respective 
abodes, he had fixed both the seasons of their prosperity and the 
limits of their territory, i. e. it was he who decided when and how 
long they should flourish, and hotu far their dominion should 
extend. We have the same idea exactly in Job 12, 23. The 
remark was adapted both to rebuke their spirit of self-elation, 
and to warn them of the danger of slighting a message from 
Him who had their destiny so perfectly at his command. Some 
explain these last words as referring to the limits which God 
has assigned to the lives of men individually : they have their 
appointed seasons and bounds, beyond which they cannot pass. 
But that idea lies out of the present circle of view, as the 
subject of discourse here relates to nations and not to individuals. 
It is also philologically inadmissible ; since avrwv can naturally 
refer to av^pw-n-iov only as connected with ttSlv e^vos. — The anti- 
polytheistic aim, which forms to such an extent the ground-tone 
of the discourse, is to be recognized perhaps, also, in this part of 
it. The separation of men into so many different nations might 
seem to oppose the idea of their common parentage ; that separ- 
ation itself is, therefore, represented by the apostle as having 
been contemplated in the divine plan. — It will be observed that 
what the apostle affirms in this verse as true of God is, also, 
intended to be denied in regard to polytheism. The conception, 
therefore, thus brought before the minds of his heathen auditors, 
was a vast one. All that power exerted in giving existence 
to men, controlling their destiny, exalting entire nations or 
casting them down, which they had parcelled out among such 
an infinity of gods, they are now led to concentrate in a single 
possessor; they obtain the idea, of one infinite Creator and 
Huler. 

V. 27. t,r)T€iv, telic, that theij should seek. This infinitive at- 
taches itself more particularly to the part of the sentence which 
commences at kcltoikCw, and states the moral object which God 
had in view with reference to men, in making such provision for 
their convenience and happiness. It was that they might be led, 
by such tokens of his goodness, to seek him, i. e. a more perfect 



292 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVII, 27. 28. 



knowledge of him and of their obhgations to him. Some, on the 
contrary, make the infinitive depend, almost wholly, on the clause 
just before, and find the connection to be this : that, excited by 
the proofs of his power, as manifested in the varvang fortunes of 
nations, they should seek, etc. But as already explained, the con- 
trolling idea in that clause is that of the goodness of God (subject, 
as to its continuance, to the divine pleasure) ; while that of his 
power, as displayed in the infliction of judgments, is only inci- 
dentally involved. Again, that clause is a subordinate one, as its 
structure shows, and that it should break off ^i^retv so much from 
the main part of the sentence would be violent. — d apaye .... 
€vpoi€v, if perhaps they anight feel after him and find him. xf/rjXacf)^- 
<T€Lav denotes, properly, the motions of a blind man, who gropes 
along after an object in the dark. On the pecuhar ^olic termi- 
nation, see W. § 13. 2. d; K. ^ 116. 9 ; B. § 103.. marg. 14. This 
verb is chosen, as well as the problematical form of the expres- 
sion (ei apaye), because the apostle would concede the compara- 
tive indistinctness of the light which the heathen have to guide 
them. — KatroLye, although i^tdeed. This clause is added to show 
that the concession just made was not intended to exculpate the 
heathen for their estrangement from God. Although so benighted 
as to be compelled to grope for the object of their search, it 
was still within reach ; they had not, after all, so far to go for a 
knowledge of God, that they might not find it if they would. 
Compare the sentiment with 14, 17, and especially with Bom. 
1, 20. 

V. 28. t,(t)fxei/ Koi KLvovixed^a kcll la-jx€v, We live and move and ex- 
ist. The different verbs present the idea on every side. We 
derive our existence solely from God ; we depend on Him, every 
instant, for life, activity, being itself. Without Him we should 
neither continue to live, nor be such as we are, nor have been at 
all. From creatures thus dependent, the evidence of a Creator 
cannot be very deeply hidden, if they have only a disposition to 
seek for it. — Kat, as also, i. e. the sentiment is not only true, 
but has been acknowledged. — KaS' iixa's, among you, i. e. Greeks 
in distinction from Jews ; not Athenians in distinction from other 
Greeks. — rov yap kol yevos ia/xev, For his offspring also are ice. 
Derivation implies dependence. The creature cannot exist apart 
from the Creator. The apostle brings forward the citation cor- 
rectly, therefore, as parallel in sentiment to Iv avrQ .... icr/xiv. 
He quotes it as an avowal that we owe our being and its preser- 
vation to a higher Power ; the mythological idea of Jupiter does 



Chap. XVII, 29. 30. 



COMMENTARY. 



293 



not enter into the meaning.^ rov stands here for the pronoun. 
W. U7. 1 ; S. § 94. L The words form the first half of a hex- 
ameter, and are found in Aratus, a Cilician poet, who flourished 
about B. C. 270. The celebrated Hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter 
(v. 5) contains almost the same words, viz. Ik aov yap yivos iafxiv. 
The same idea, variously expressed, occurs in several other Greek 
writers. The form of the citation the apostle took, undoubtedly, 
from Aratus, but says nvh dp-qKacri because he would generalize 
the idea as if he had said, The truth is so plain that even your 
poetry recognizes it (see on v. 18). According to some, he uses 
the plural because he had in mind other passages where the 
thought is found; or, according to others, because he inferred 
that so obvious a remark must be a common one. yap Kat, as 
Meyer observes correctly, has no logical connection with Paul's 
speech, but is to be viewed merely as a part of the citation, 
which it was necessary to retain on account of the verse. 

V. 29. y€vo<; ovv, k. t. A., Since, therefore, lue are the offspring of 
God. The inference drawn here is, that idolatry is supremely 
absurd, inasmuch as it makes that which is destitute of life, mo- 
tion, intelligence, the source of these attributes to others. Com- 
pare Isa. 44, 9 sq. — In 6^etA.o/zej/ Paul connects himself with them, 
and thus softens the rebuke. — ^^^pa-y/xart stands in apposition with 
the nouns which precede, i. e. the state or form of the materials 
just enumerated, artificially wrought. 

Y. 30. The relation of this verse and the one following to the 
preceding verse is tliis : Smce such is the nature of idolatry, you 
must therefore {ovv) repent of it, because God now lays upon you 
his command to tliis efiect, in view of the retributions of a judg- 
ment to come. The most important word here is vTrepiScov. It 
does not occur further in the New Testament, but is found often 
in the Septuagint, where it signifies to neglect, which is its proper 
classical sense, then to despise, but especially to sufier to pass as 
if unnoticed, to withhold the proof of noticing a thing which is, at 
the same time, a matter of distinct knowledge ; a frequent sense 
of in Hiphil and Hithpael (see Deut. 22, 3. 4, etc.). In this 
last signification, the verb represents perfectly the apostle's mean- 
ing here. God had hitherto permitted the heathen to pursue 

' No more than in the words of Milton : — 

" Fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil ; 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

But lives and spreads aloft by those pure eyes, 
And perfect witness of all-judging Jove." 



294 



COMMENTAEY. Chap. XVII, 31. 32. 



their own way, without manifesting his sense of their conduct, 
either by sending to them special messengers to testify against 
it, as he did to the Jews, or by inflicting upon them at once the 
punishment deserved. The idea is virtually the same, therefore, 
as that of elWe in 14, 16, and TrapeSojKev in Rom. 1, 24. To under- 
stand vTreptScov as meaning that God would not judge or punish 
the heathen for the sins committed in their state of idolatry, 
would be at variance with Paul's theology on this subject as he 
has unfolded it in R.om. 1, 20 ; 2, 11 sq. Not only so, but the 
repentance which the apostle now calls upon them to exercise 
presupposes their guilt, 

V. 31. Slotl, because, states the reason why the heathen also, 
as well as others, must repent ; they could not, without this pre- 
paration, be safe in the day of righteous judgment which awaited 
them. — iv avEpl (S wpto-e, in (the person of) the man whom he 
appointed. dvSpt omits the article because a definite clause fol- 
lows. W. ^ 21. 4 ; S. \ 89. 3. w stands, by attraction, for the 
accusative. — -kIo-tiv Trapacrx^v Tvao-Lv, having afforded assurance to 
all, confiimation, viz. of a judgment to come. It is impossible to 
say just how much the apostle intended to represent as proved 
by the resurrection of Christ. He himself referred to it, un- 
doubtedly, in the first place, as establishing the possibiHty of 
such a resurrection of all men from the dead as was involved in 
his doctrine of a general judgment; but whether he had yet de- 
veloped this doctrine so far that the Athenians perceived aheady 
this bearing of the fact, is -uncertain. It was enough to excite 
their scorn to hear of a single instance of resurrection. Again, 
the resurrection of Christ from the dead confirms the truth of all 
his claims ; and one of these was that he was to be the judge of 
men; see John 5, 28, 29. But whether the apostle meant to ex- 
tend the argument to these and other points, we cannot decide, 
as he was so abruptly silenced. 

Verses 32-34. Faul is interrupted and leaves the Assembly. 

y. 32. The apostle was heard with attention until he came to 
speak of the resurrection ; when, at the annoiuicement of a doc- 
trine which sounded so strangely to the ears of the Athenians, - 
some of them broke forth into expressions of open contempt. — 
dj/ao-racrtv veKpwv, a resitrrection of the dead. Both nouns omit the 
article in this frequent combination, except in 1 Cor. 15, 42. W. 
§ 19. As we do not know how much of Paul's idea the Atheni- 
ans had apprehended, it is doubtful whether we are to take the 



Chap. XVIII, 1. COMMENTARY. 295 

plural here as generic or numerical, i. e. whether Christ merely 
be meant, or men in general. — aKovo-o/xc^a .... Tvepl tovtov, We 
will hear thee again concerning this, viz. matter ; not so naturally 
mas c, with reference to avrov in v. 31. It is disputed whether 
we are to understand this as said seriously, or as a courteous re- 
fusal to hear any thing further from him. The latter is the pre- 
valent view ; and so Kuinoel, Hemsen, De Wette, Meyer, Bloom- 
field, Howson. The manner in which Paul now left the assembly, 
the immediate termination of his labors at Athens, and the ad- 
versative Se in V. 34, favor this interpretation. Such a mode of 
speaking, too, was entirely consonant to the Athenian character. 
Calvin, Grotius, Rosenmiiller, Alford, are among those who im- 
pute a serious meaning to the language. 

V. 33. KoX ovTw<s, and thus, i. e. after these events, or with such 
a result; comp. 20, 11; 28, 14. — e/< /xeVov avrwv, i. e. of those 
whom he had addressed; not from the city (comp. 18, 1). 

V. 34. Tivh Si, but certain (Mey. De Wet), appears to be con- 
trasted, in the writer's mind, with what is stated in v. 32, respect- 
ing the effect of Paul's speech ; the favorable is opposed to the 
unfavorable. Yet Se may be continuative. — KoAAi^^eWe? avrQ, not 
adhering, but y6>mi?2o-, attaching themselves, to him. — 6 'ApeoTra- 
ytTT/s, the Areopagite, i. e. one of the judges in the court of the 
Areiopagus. The number of these judges varied at different 
times. Eusebius and other ancient writers say that this Diony- 
sius became afterwards bishop of the church at Athens, and 
ended his life as a martyr. — koX ywrj, and a woman, not the wife 
of Dionysius, as some have said, for the article and pronoun 
would then have been added (comp. 5, 1) ; or at least the article 
(comp. 24, 24). It has been inferred, from her being singled out 
thus by name, that she was a woman of rank, but beyond this, 
nothing is known of her. 



CHAPTER XYIII. 

Verses 1-11. Arrival of Paul at Corinth, and his Labors there. 

V. 1. Ik t(x)v 'A^rjvwv. Wieseler limits the apostle's stay at 
Athens to fourteen days. The estimate is necessarily conjec- 
tural. It is certain that, although Paul spent the most of the two 
next years in Corinth and the vicinity, he did not dhect his steps 
again to that city. On his third missionary tour, he came once 



296 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XYIH, 1. ^ 



more into this part of Greece, but at that time passed by Athens, 
certainly once and again, without repeating his visit tliither. — 
€t? K6piv%v. The distance from Athens to Corinth by land is 
about forty-five miles. The summit of the Acropolis of the one 
city can be distinctly seen from that of the other. rj\3^€v does not 
show how Paul travelled. The voyage, says Wieseler, could be 
made easily in two days. A Greek seaman informed the wiiter 
that with a very fair wind he had made the passage in three 
hours, though on the average, in five or six hours ; that in bad 
weather he had been five days on the way. The steamers be- 
tween the Piraeus and Kalimaki, the eastern port of the modern 
Corinth, occupy usually four hours. — Corinth at this period was 
the seat of the Roman proconsulate for Achaia, or the southern 
province of Greece. "In consequence of its situation," says Ne- 
ander, " this city furnished a very important central point for the 
extension of the gospel in a great part of the Roman empire ; 
and hence Paul remained here, as in other similar places, a longer 
time than was otherwise usual for him." 

V. 2. ^KKvXav. The nominative is 'AKuAas (v. 26). Aquila and 
JPriscilla; or Prisca (Rom. 16, 3), were Roman names; and it was 
common for Jews to assume such names when they lived out of 
Palestine ; see on 13, 9. That Aquila was bom in Pontus har- 
monizes with 2, 9 and 1 Pet. 1,1; for we see from those passages 
that Jews resided in that country. As we have no account of 
his conversion at Corinth, the probability is that Aquila embraced 
the gospel at Rome. So Hemsen, Olshausen, Neander, Wies- 
eler, and others, conclude. Some allege tlvol 'lovSaiov as proof 
that he was still unconverted (Mey. De Wet.) ; but he is intro- 
duced in that manner on account of what follows. The notice 
apprises us that he was one of the Travras 'lovSaLov;, whom the 
decree banished. At this early period no distinction would be 
made between Jews and Jewish Christians. Aquila accompanied 
Paul to Ephesus (v. 18. 26), and was still there when the apostle 
wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 16, 19). We 
find him at Rome again when Paul wrote the Epistle to the Ro- 
mans (Rom. 16, 3 sq.) ; and at a still later period at Ephesus a 
second time (2 Tim. 4, 19). The nature of his business (v. 3) 
led him frequently to change the place of his residence. — Sea to 
StareraxcVat, k. t. A., because Claudius had ordered, etc. Luke refers 
unquestionably to the edict mentioned by Suetonius (Claud, c. 
25) : " Judseos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes Roma 
expulit." Neander remarks on that passage as follows : " We 
might suppose that some factious Jew then living, of this name, 



Chap. XVm, 2. 3. 



COMMENTAKY. 



297 



one of the numerous class of Jewish freedmen in Rome, was 
intended. But as no individual so universally known as the 
Chrestus of Suetonius seems to have been considered by that 
writer is elsewhere mentioned ; and as Xptcrros was frequently 
pronounced Xpya-ro^ by the pagans, it is quite probable that Sueto- 
nius, who wrote half a century after the event, throwing together 
what he had heard about the political expectations of a Messiah 
among the Jews, and the obscure and confused accounts which 
may have reached him respecting Christ, was thus led to express 
himself in a manner so vague and indefinite." Church History, 
Vol. I. p. 49. The Roman historian does not mention the year 
of that expulsion, and we may suppose it to have been about 
A. D. 52, in accordance with our plan of chronology. 7rpo(T<f>dT(o<s, 
lately, shows that it was still a recent event when Paul arrived 
at Corinth. Some writers would identify this decree with that De 
mathematicis Italia pellendis, which Tacitus mentions (Ann. 12. 52). 
The mathematici, or as they were also called, Chaldcei, were ban- 
ished on the ground of their aiding conspirators against the em- 
peror by the use of their art as astrologers. Wieseler (Chrono- 
logic, p. 121 sq.) argues that the Jews may have been confounded 
with that class of men, and were consequently banished by the 
same decree. If that point were established, it would furnish a 
striking confirmation of the correctness of our chronology ; for 
the edict to which Tacitus refers can be shown to have been 
published in A. D. 52. But it must remain uncertain whether 
the two events have any chronological connection with each 
other. 

V. 3. ctpyct^ero, ivrought, labored for his subsistence. He re- 
minds the Corintliians of this fact in 1 Cor. 9, 6 sq. and 2 Cor. 
11, 7 sq. — rjo-av yap, k. t. for they were tent-makers as to the 
trade, or (with rrj rex^y, according to Lchm. Tsch.), in respect to 
the trade (which they had), rrjv Teyiy-qv would be a limiting accus- 
ative like Tov rpoTTov in Jud. v. 7. W. ^ 32. 6; K. § 279. 7. The 
Jews, more especially after the exile, held the mechanic arts in 
high estimation. It was a proverb among them that the father 
who neglected to bring up his son to a trade taught him to be a 
thief The composition of o-K-qvo-n-oioL indicates a definite sense. 
It is diflicult to see why some should suppose it to mean manu- 
facturers of tent-cloth. It has not been shown that the usage 
differed from the etymology. Tent-making was a common trade 
in Cilicia, the native country of the apostle. A coarse species 
of goat's hair, called cilicium, was produced there in great ubun- 
dance, and was much used for that purpose. A person accus- 

38 



298 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XYIII, 4-6. 



tomed to work on that material could work, doubtless, on any 
other. Paul had acquired the trade, in all probability, during his 
boyhood, while he lived at Tarsus. 

V. 4. SteXeyero, discoursed (imperf.) from week to week; where- 
as SuXix'^r) (aorist), in v. 19, refers to a smgle occasion. — "EXXrjva's, 
sc. o-e/Jo/AcVoi;?, i. e. Greek proselytes who attended the synagogue; 
comp. 13, 43 ; 14, 1. The apostle had not yet addressed himself 
to the heathen; see v. 6. 

V. 5. In ws Se KaTrjX^ov, Now when they came doivn, m is not 
merely temporal (Alf), but represents the o-wetxero as immedi- 
ately consequent on the arrival of the two friends. — Macedonia 
denotes here the Roman province of that name, comprising North- 
ern Greece as distinguished from Achaia, or Southern Greece ; see 
on V. 1. It is left uncertain, therefore, from what particular place 
Silas and Timothy arrived at this time. Compare on v. 16. — 
crvv^ix'^To TO) A-oyo), icas engrossed (lit. held together^ with the ivora 
(Vulg. Kuin. Olsh. De Wet. Bmg. Hob.). The arrival of his 
associates relieved liim from anxiety which had pressed heavily 
upon him (comp. 1 Thess. 3, 6 sq.) ; and he could now devote 
himself with unabated energy to his work. He had the support 
also of their personal cooperation. We see from 2 Cor. 1, 19, 
that Silas and Timothy took an active part in the proclamation 
of the gospel at Corinth. We see also from 1 Cor. 2, 3, where 
the apostle says that he was among the Corinthians "m weak- 
ness and in fear and much trembling," that he was in a state of 
mind to need urgently the presence and sympathy of such coad- 
jutors. Some say it means simply that Silas and Timothy found 
Paul employed thus anxiously when they arrived (Mey. Alf) ; 
but unless they had sometliing to do with the fact, it would be 
unimportant whether it occurred before or after their coming : its 
interest in that case lay whoUy in its being a part of the apos- 
tle's experience. The common text has t<3 irvevixaTL after crvv€.l)(€-To: 
he ivas impelled hy the Spirit, or by his own spirit, his fei*vent zeal 
(comp. V. 25). The evidence decides for tQ Xoyw as the original 
word (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). 

V. G. avTLTa(j<TOfji€vo)v 8e avrojv, JBiit they opposing themselves, is 
not to be taken as explanatory of the crwdx^ro (against Mey), 
but as describing the conduct of the Jews occasioned by the 
apostle's (Tvv^ix^ro. — pXao-iprjiJiovvToiv, blaspheming, sc. his words, 
message; comp. 13, 45; 19, 9. — eKriva^a/xevos ra t/jtana, shaking 
out his garments, i. e. the dust upon them, as a witness against 
them. For the significancy of the act, see on 13, 51. — to al/xa 
vfxu)v, your blood, i. e. the consequences of your guilt; comp. 20, 26; 



Chap. XVIII, 7-10. 



COMMENTARY. 



299 



Ezek. 33, 5. — eVt rrjv K€c{iaXrjv, SC. iX^iro) ; comp. Matt. 23, 35. — 
Ka^apo? eyoj, I am pure, have discharged my duty. Some point 
the text so as to read, pure I henceforth ivill turn unto the Gentiles 
(Lchm. Alf.). The two clauses utter the idea more forcibly than 
one, and are better suited to so grave a declaration ; comp. also 
20, 26 and Matt. 27, 24. On the nature of this desertion of the 
Jews, see on 13, 46. 

V. 7. ftera/Jas' eKet^cv, having departed from there, i. e. the syna- 
gogue (see V. 4), not from the city, or from the house of Aquila. 
— 7]\^ev, K. T. X., ivent into the house of a certain Justus. The 
meaning is, not that he left Aquila and went to lodge with Jus- 
tus (Alf), but that he preached in future at the house of the 
latter, which was so much the more convenient because it 
was near the synagogue where they had been accustomed to 
assemble. Paul pursued precisely the same course at Ephesus ; 
see 19, 9. — o-e^ojxivov rov S^eov, ivorshipping describes Jus- 

tus as a foreigner who had embraced Judaism, but was not yet 
a believer. He opened his house for the use of the Christians, 
because he had more sympathy with them than with the Jews. 
His moral position was certainly unique ; and it is easy to be- 
Heve that he soon exchanged it for that of a believer. 

V. 8. Crispus was one of the few persons at Corinth whom 
Paul himself baptized ; see 1 Cor. 1, 14. — iTvLo-reva-e o-vv oXw tw 
otKO) avTov, believed with all his house. Here is another instance 
in which a whole family received the gospel; comp. 16, 15; 1 
Cor. 1, 16. The ApostoHcal Constitutions (VII. 46) say that 
Crispus became bishop of ^gina. — The Corinthians who be- 
lieved were native Greeks ; not Jews at Corinth. — l-TricrTevov is 
unperfect, from the relation of the act to aKowres. 

V. 9. 8t' opa/xaros, through a vision as the medium of commu- 
nication ; a form was seen as well as a voice heard (comp. 9, 12 ; 
16, 9; 22, 18). — /x^ <f)ol3ov, Fear not. The form of the imperative 
imphes that he was begmning to despond ; see the note on 10, 
15. — XdXei, continue to speak. Observe the use of the subjunctive 
aorist in the next verb. 

V. 10. KoX ovSeh, K. T. X., and 7io one shall attack thee (telic) to 
injure thee, i. e. no one shall attempt it with success (De Wet.) ; 
or ecbatic, so as to injure thee. The infinitive with rov denotes 
more commonly a purpose. The Jews made an effort to destroy 
the apostle after this, promise (v. 12 sq.), but were defeated. — 
8coTt .... TToXv^, because I have much people, i. e. many who are 
appointed to become such; see 13, 48, and 15, 17. Hence the 
activity of the apostle must have free scope until they were con- 
verted. 



300 



COMMENT ARY. Chap. XVm, 11. 12. 



V. 11. cKa^tcre, K. T A., And he abode a year and six months. 
It has been questioned whether this designation of time extends 
merely to the arrest mentioned in v. 12 (Mey.), or embraces the 
entire sojourn at Corinth. " I regard the latter view," says 
Wieseler, ( Clnonologie, p. 46,) "as undoubtedly the coiTect one. 
This appears, in the first place, from the particle re, which con- 
nects this verse in the closest manner with what precedes, and 
consequently with etTre 8c, k. t. A. : ' The Lord said, Fear not, but 
speak and be not silent ; . . . . and so ( W. \ 53. 2) he abode a 
year and six months, teaching among them the word of God.' 
The main thought of the words which the Lord addresses to 
Paul in the vision (v. 9, 10) is unquestionably, ' Speak in this 
city, and be not silent,' and accordingly the period of time, in v. 
11, during which the apostle obeys this command of Christ, must 
refer to the whole time in which he had spoken at Corinth and 
was not silent, i. e. must include the time until his departure. 
In the second place, this follows from the general nature of the 
statement : ' he abode there a year and six months ; ' comp. 
Luke 24, 49." Anger (p. 63) adopts the same conclusion. De 
Wette calls it the prevalent view, but prefers the other. — kv 
avTois, among them in the city (v. 10) ; see on 8, 5. 



Verses 12-17. Paulis arraigned before Gallia. 

V. 12. Gallio was a brother of Seneca, the celebrated moral- 
ist. His original name was Novatus. He assumed that of Gal- 
lio, out of gratitude to a distinguished rhetorician of that name, 
who adopted him as a son. Seneca dedicated his books De Ira 
and De Vita Beata, to this brother. In one of his Letters (104) 
he speaks of Gallio as having resided in Achaia, though he does 
not mention in what capacity he was there. Luke's narrative 
represents him as acting a part in striking harmony with his re- 
puted character. He was known among his contemporaries as 
the " dulcis GalHo." He had the social qualities which make a 
man a general favorite. " Nemo mortalium," says Seneca, " uni 
tam dulcis est, quam hie omnibus." (QuEest. Nat. L. 4, Prssf.) 
Luke's ov^lv TovTOiv efjLeXev in V. 17 indicates the easy temper 
which contributes so much to personal popularity. Gallio, like 
his brother, was put to death by the murderous Nero. — avS^vwa- 
revovTos rys 'A^atas, was governing Achaia as proconsul. This 
province (see on v. 1) consisted of Hellas and the Peloponnesus. 
Here, too, we have a striking example of Luke's accuracy. Un- 
der Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 1. 76) and Cahgula, the two preceding 



Chap. XVIII, 13-17. 



COMMENTARY. 



301 



emperors, Achaia had been an imperial province, governed by 
proprsetors. But Claudius had restored it to the Senate ( Suet. 
Claud, c. 26), and under that form of administration its govern- 
ors were styled proconsuls. Paul was at Corinth in the reign of 
Claudius. Compare the note on 13, 7. — eVt to (Syjjxa, before the 
tribunal. The /?->5/xa was a seat or chair from which the Roman 
magistrates dispensed justice. It was sometimes fixed in one 
place, and was sometimes movable so as to accommodate the 
judge wherever he might wish to hold his court. 

V. 13. Trapa rov vofjiov, contrary to the laiv, not of the Romans, 
but of the Jews (comp. vofxov rov KaS^ iL»/xas in v. 15) ; not of both 
Romans and Jews (Lange), as the charge in that form demanded 
investigation. What Luke has stated here is a summary of the 
charge. That the Jews went more into detail is evident from 
Gallio's reply in v. 13. 

V. 14. aSLKrjfxa and paSiovpyrjjxa designate the act perhaps legally 
and ethically : this, as an olFence against morality ; that, as an 
offence against the state or the personal rights of others. — av 
rjveaxoMy vfjii^v, I would have suffered you, would have listened 
patiently to your complaint; but the condition in the protasis not 
being true, he could not now do it. For av with the aorist indica- 
tive in the subordinate clause, see W. § 43. 2 ; B. ^ 139. 3. 2 ; K. 
§ 327. b. Gallio makes known his decision as a thing settled. 

Y. 15. TTcpt \6yov, concerning a doctrine. — ovo/xdnDv, names, be- 
cause they had accused Paul of teaching that Jesus was the Mes- 
siah. — KpiTr]<; yap, k. t. A., For I do not wish to be judge of these 
things, yap ( T. R.) is logically correct, but comes from a copyist. 
It was out of his province to take cognizance of such questions. 
The Roman laws allowed the Jews to regulate their religious af- 
airs in their own way. Lysias (23, 29) and Festus (25, 19) 
placed their refusal to interfere on the same ground. — The reply 
which Luke attributes to Gallio has been justly cited as a mark 
of that candor which distinguishes the truth. A panegyrist, a 
dishonest narrator, says Paley, would be too jealous for the honoi 
of his cause to represent it as treated superciliously by those of 
eminent rank, 

V. 16. airriXau'ev avrov?, drove them aivay, dispersed them. The- 
verb shows that they left reluctantly, but not that any violence 
was used. A peremptory refusal, a decisive manner would be 
sufficient for the purpose. 

V. 17. The interpretation of this passage has influenced the 
text. Some of the younger manuscripts insert ot 'louSatot after 
Travrcs ; as if the Jews, disappointed in their design against the 



802 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XYIII, 17. 18. 



apostle, attempted as their next resort to avenge themselves on 
one of his principal followers. But the evidence for this read- 
ing is entirely inadequate ; and it is incredible, also, that Luke 
should mention Sosthenes merely as a ruler of the synagogue, 
if he had become in fact a Christian. The best authorities have 
7rai/T€s without any appendage, and ol "EX\r]V€<; in the common 
editions must be viewed as a gloss, correct as an explanation, 
but textually spurious. As the Jews could have had no motive 
for maltreating one of their own number, Travre? must be the 
body of those present, such as the subalterns of the court and 
the Greeks whom the tumult had drawn together. Sosthe?ies was 
probably the successor of Crispus (v. 8), or, as Biscoe conjec- 
tures, may have belonged to another synagogue in the city. He 
appears to have taken an active part in the prosecution, and 
hence the Greeks, who were always ready to manifest their 
hatred of the Jews, singled him out as the object of their spe 
cial resentment. In winking at this, says De Wette, Galho may 
have carried his impartiality too far. If he was the Sosthenes 
who is called " a brother " in 1 Cor. 1, 1, he must have been con- 
verted after this, and have removed to Ephesus. The coinci- 
dence in the name is the only reason for supposing the same 
person to be meant in both places. — ervn-Tov (imperf) shows 
how thorough a beating Sosthenes received. It may not be 
wronging Gallio to suspect that he looked through his fingers 
and enjoyed the scene. — ovSev tovtwv includes most naturally the 
dispute between the Jews and Christians, as well as the abuse 
of Sosthenes. — e/xcXev, when used as a personal verb, requires in 
prose a neuter subject. K. § 274. K 1 ; Mt. ^ 348. R. 2. The 
indifference of Gallio is not mentioned in commendation of him, 
but as suggesting why the affair had such a termination. Owing 
to the proconsul's disposition, the Jews were unsuccessful; so 
far from infhcting any injury on the apostle, their attempt recoiled 
in disgrace and violence upon themselves. 



Verses 18-22. Paul proceeds hy the Way of Ejjhesus and 
CcBsarea to Jerusalem, and from there to Antioch. 

V. 18. €Tt 7rpo?/>tetva9 rjfM€pa<i iKam?, having remained yet many 
days after the arrest. Whether the arrest took place at the end 
of the year and a half mentioned in v. 11, or in the course of 
that time, is subject, as we have seen, to some doubt. Even if 
the arrest was subsequent to the year and six months, the many 
days here need not be supposed to extend the sojourn at Corinth 



Chap. XVin, 18. 



COMMENTARY. 



303 



beyond a few additional months (WiesL). During this period 
the apostle planted churches in other parts of Achaia, either by 
his own personal labors or by the instrumentality of his converts ; 
see 2 Cor. 1, 1. It was during this visit at Gorinth, also, that 
Paul wrote the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians. 
That he Avrote the first of them here, appears from several cir- 
cumstances : first, Paul had been separated from the Thessalo- 
nians but "a short time" (1 Thess. 2, 17); secondly, Timothy 
and Silas were with him (1 Thess. 1, 1), as they were according 
to Luke (18, 5) ; thirdly, the apostle had been lately at Athens 
(1 Thess. 3. 1), and whence, also, according to our narrative (18, 
1) he came directly to Corinth; and, finally, he writes to the 
Thessalonians as recent converts whose knowledge was very 
imperfect. The date of this Epistle, therefore, would be A. D. 
52 or 53 ; see note on 18, 23. If the first Epistle was written at 
Corinth, the second must have been written at the same place. 
Timothy and Silas were still with the apostle (2 Thess. 1, 1) ; 
and as the object of the second Epistle was to correct a wrong 
impression made by the first (comp. 2 Thess. 2, 1 sq., with 1 
Thess. 4, 16 sq., and 5, 1 sq.), the interval between the two 
must have been short. — aTrora^a/xcvo?, having bid adieu, which is 
an Alexandrian sense ; see Lob. ad Phryn. p. 24. Among others, 
he now took leave of Silas, and perhaps of Timothy, though we 
find the latter with him again at Ephesus (19, 22). — eh rr]v 
^vplav, unto Syria, as his remoter destination ; he embarked for 
Ephesus in the first instance (v. 19). — Kctpa/xei/o? rrjv KecjiaXyjv, 
having shorn the head, most critics understand of Paul (Chryst. 
Calv. Neand. Olsh. Hems. De Wet. Win. Wdsth.) ; some of 
Aquila (Grot. Kuin. Wiesl. Mey.). IlaSXos is the leading subject, 
and the reader connects the remark spontaneously with him. It 
is only as an act of reflection, on perceiving that 'AKuAa? stands 
nearer, that the other connection occurs to the mind as a possible 
one. Kftt (Tvv avrQ UpLo-KiWa /cat 'AKuXag may intervene between 
K€ipdijL€vo<5 and IlavAo?, because the clause is so evidently paren- 
thetic, and because l^i-rrXu has a tendency to draw its several 
subjects towards itself It is urged for the other view, that Luke 
has placed the man's name after that of the woman, contrary to 
the natural order ; but that no stress can be laid on that circum- 
stance is clear from Rom. 16, 3 and 2 Tim. 4, 19, where the 
names follow each other in the same manner. Some principle 
of association, as possibly that of the relative superiority of Pris- 
cilla, made it customary to speak of them in that order. — Iv 
K€y;(p€at9, in Cenchrea, which was the eastern port of Corinth, 



304 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVIII, 18. 19. 



distant about ten miles. A clinrch had been gathered here 
(Rom. 16, 1). The modern name is Kikries, a Uttle south of Ka- 
lamaki, and, under the traveller's eye, therefore, who crosses the 
isthmus. — eTx^ yap ivxQ'v, for he had a vow, i. e. one resting upon 
him ; not assumed at this time. This clause states why he 
shaved liis head. The cutting off of the hair was a Jewish 
practice, and took place at the expiration of a vow, not at the 
commencement of it. It is an erroneous statement, therefore, 
that the apostle subjected himself to the vow at this time, and 
went to Jerusalem to obtain absolution from it. Neander would 
support that opinion from Jos. Bel. Jud. 2. 15 ; but he adopts for 
that purpose an interpretation of the passage which nearly all 
others reject. The nature of Paul's vow on this occasion is un- 
certain. It could not have been a strict Nazarite vow, i. e. such 
a vow observed in due form; for a person could absolve himself 
from such an obligation only at Jerusalem, where his hair, which 
had grown during the time that he had been a Nazarite was to be 
cut off and burnt as an offering in the temple (Numb.*6, 2 sq.). 
See Jahn's Archseol. § 395. We have no account of any devia- 
tion from that rule. Yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that in 
later times the original institution may have been relaxed or 
modified; that after the Jews came to be dispersed, it was held 
to be lawful to terminate a Nazarite vow at other places, adher- 
ing to the prescribed usages as near as the circumstances allowed. 
If it was not a vow of this peculiar character, it may have been 
of the nature of a thank-offering, and not subject to the regula- 
tions to which the Nazarite was required to conform. It must 
be confessed that the present knowledge of Jewish antiquities is 
not sufficient to clear up fully the obscurity of the passage. It 
contains, says De Wette, a Gordian knot still untied. 

V. 19. €t9 ''E</)co-ov, unto Ephesus, which was on the Cayster, 
not far from its mouth. It could be approached at that time by 
water, though the site of the ancient city is now two or three 
miles from the coast. With a favoring wind, the passage from 
Corinth to Ephesus could be made in two or three days. Cicero 
mentions that he on one occasion, and his brother Quintus on an- 
other, occupied two weeks in passing from Ephesus to Athens 
(ad Attic. Ep. 6, 8. 9 ; lb. 3, 9) ; but the voyage in both instances 
was retarded by extraordinary delays. See further, on 28, 13. 
— avT09 8e, hut he himself. This emphasis brings forward Paul 
again as the prominent person, after the information that liis 
companions stayed at Ephesus. The order of statement outruns 
the history a little, as occurs in other cases ; comp. v. 1. Luke 



Chap. XYIH, 21. 22. 



COMMENTARY. 



305 



cannot well mean tnat the apostle separated himself from Pris- 
cilla and Aqnila, and went into the synagogue without them 
(Mey.). So unimportant a circumstance would not be made so 
prominent. Nor is it at all probable that avrov, there, was op- 
posed in the writer's mind to the synagogue as being out of the 
city (Alf); for in that case some intimation like e^ca tt;? 7ro/\eoj? 
(see 16, 13), or at least i^eX^u)v, would hardly be withheld from 
the reader. 

V. 21. Some critics reject all in this verse from Set to 'Upc- 
aoXvfxa (Bng. Grsb. Neand. Lchm. Tsch.) ; others defend the 
clause (Olsh. De Wet. Wiesl. Mey. Bmg. Alf). The words may 
be doubtful, but with the present evidence should not be sepa- 
rated from the text. As Meyer suggests, they may have been 
omitted, from not perceiving the reference of dva/3as in v. 22, and 
consequently any occasion for such haste in prosecuting the 
journey. — rrjv eoprr]v rrjv ipxofj,€V7]v, the coming feast. It must have 
been one of the principal feasts, which Paul was so anxious to 
keep at Jerusalem, in all probability the Passover or Pentecost. 
In either case we discover here that the apostle made the jour- 
ney in the spring of the year. Wieseler (p. 48) thinks that it 
was the later festival, Pentecost, cliiefly because Paul embarked 
at Coriuth, instead of travelhng tln'ough Macedonia, as the state 
of navigation w^ould have rendered expedient earlier in the 
season. — For TrotTyo-at, comp. Troico ro TTo.'jya in Matt. 26, 18. — eis 
'IepocrdA.i;/ia, at Jerusalem; see on 8, 40. — ttolXlv, k. t. A.., but I will 
return again, etc. The apostle soon fulfilled that promise (19, 1). 

V. 22. Karek^uiv, having come down from the sea to the land ; 
comp. 27, 5. — CcBsarea was the most convenient seaport in the 
vicinity of Judea ; see further on 8, 40. — ava^m, having gone up, 
i. e. to Jerusalem (Calv. Neand. Olsh. Mey. De Wet. Wiesl.). 
Tliis absolute use of the verb occasions no obscurity after the 
statement respecting Paul's destination in v. 21. A few have 
understood it as going up into the city above the harbor. But to 
mention that circumstance in addition to the arrival would give 
to it a singular prominence as contrasted with the general rapid- 
ity of the narrative. KaTi^-q, went down, at the close of the verse, 
would be inappropriate to the geographical relation of Csesarea 
to Antioch (Neand.). — riqv iKKXrjaiav, the church at Jerusalem. It 
should be noticed that tliis is the fourth journey wliich Paul has 
made to that city since his conversion. No doubt he anived in 
season to observe the feast, as nothing is said of any disappoint- 
ment in that respect. — ets 'Avnoxetav. How long the apostle was 
absent on the tour which terminated with this return to Antioch, 

39 



306 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XVin, 23. 24. 



can only be conjectured. The year and six months at Corinth 
(v. 11) would be likely to constitute the greater portion of the 
period. Wieseler proposes six months as the time occupied be- 
tween leaving Antioch and the arrival at Troas (16, 8). He 
would allow six months also for the apostle's labors in Europe 
before his arrival at Coruith. The time which this estimate al- 
lows for^ the Asiatic part of the tour may be too limited. The 
apostle visited extensively the churches in Syria and CiHcia, 
planted new churches in Phrygia and Galatia, and travelled very 
circuitously throughout his journey between Antioch and Troas. 
It may be safer to assign a year at least to such varied labors. 
According to this view, the apostle was absent on his second 
mission about tln-ee ^'■ears ; and if we place his departure early 
in A. D. 51, he reached Antioch again in the spring or summer of 
54. Anger, Wieseler, Meyer, Winer, and others, agree in suppos- 
ing Paul to have arrived at Corinth in the autumn of A. D. 52. 
The admission of that date fixes the main point in this part of 
the chronology. 

Verse 23. Departure of Taul on his Third Missionary Tour. 

V. 23. •^(povov TLvd. The time now spent at Antioch was ap- 
parently short. It was during this time, as most critics suppose, 
that Peter arrived here, and the scene took place between him 
and Paul, of wliich we have an account in Gal. 2, 1 1 sq. ; see on 
15, 35. Neandeir (Pflanzung, I. p. 351) agrees with those who 
insert the occurrence here. Baumgarten (II. p. 331) adds him- 
self to the same class. The apostle's ore rjX^e in Gal. 2, 11, 
affords no clue to the time. We may assume that the apostle 
went forth again to the heathen about the beginning of the year 
A. D. 55. — Ktt^c^s, in successive order. This refers, probably, not 
to the countries named, but to the different places in them where 
churches existed. In accordance with the representation on 
Kiepert's map, we may suppose that Paul went first to Tarsus, 
thence in a northwestern direction through Galatia, and then, 
turning to the southwest, passed through Phrygia, and so on to 
Ephesus. That course accounts for Luke's naming Galatia be- 
fore Plnrygia, instead of the order in 16, 6. 

Verses 24-28. Apollos comes to Ephesus, and is more fuUy in- 
structed in the Gospel. 

V. 24, Meyer calls this section " a historical episode." Luth- 
ardt says that it is entirely germain to the narrative : while Paul 



Chap. XYIII, 25. 



COMMENTARY. 



307 



labors in Asia, another builds still further upon the foundation 
laid by him in Europe. — 'AttoAAoos =: 'AttoAAcuvio?. As a native 
of Alexandria, he had received probably, says Neander, " the 
JeAvish- Grecian education, peculiar to the learned among the 
Jews of that city, and had acquired also great facility in the use 
of the Greek language." — Xoytos, eloquent (Olsh. De Wet. Mey.), 
or learned (Neand.). The first sense is the best, because Swaros 
CI' rats ypa^at? ascribes to liim then a different talent, and because 
liis superior faculty as a speaker appears to have been the reason 
why some of the Corinthians preferred him to Paul ; see 1 Cor. 
1, 12; 2,4; 2 Cor. 10, 10. — ev rah ypacjiOLs, inihe Scriptures. He 
was familiar with them, and could use them with power as a 
source of argument and appeal (see v. 28). This clause points 
out the sphere of his eloquence. 

V. 25. oL'Tos Tjv, K. T. X., This one ivas instructed in the way of 
the Lord, probably by some disciple of John, who had left Judea 
before the Saviour commenced his pubhc course ; or possibly by 
John himself, whose earlier ministry Apollos may have attended. 
Some infer from to. Trepl rov 'l-qaov that Apollos was aware that 
Jesus was the Messiah ; but the following cTricrra/xevos, k. t. X., 
hmits that expression, and if explained correctly below, excludes 
a knowledge of that fact. His ignorance in tliis respect was one 
of the defects in his rehgious belief, and at the same time his 
views of the deeper Christian doctrines must have been meagre 
in comparison with those possessed by the apostles. For the 
construction of 68oV, see W. ^ 32. o; K. § 281. 2. — ^eW raJ Trvei;- 
lULTL, being ferveiit in spirit, zealous in his disposition. It is less 
correct to understand Trvev/xarL of the Holy Spirit, since that gift 
appears in the New Testament as the proper fruit and seal of 
the Christian faith, which Apollos had not yet adapted ; see Gal. 
3, 2. For other places where irvcvfjia refers to the mind, comp. 
19,21; John 11,33; 13,21; Rom. 12, 11 (probably); 2 Cor. 2, 
12. — dKptyScus, accurately (v. 26), i. e. his doctrine was correct as 
far as his knowledge extended. — iTna-Taixevos, k. t. X., knowing only 
the baptism of John, which differed from that of the apostles 
mainly in these respects ; first, that theirs recognized a Messiah 
who had come, and, secondly, that it was attested by the ex- 
traordinary gifts of the Spirit (19, 6). Since John, however, taught 
that the Saviour was about to appear, and that repentance, faith 
in him, and holiness were necessary to salvation, Apollos, though 
acquainted only with his teaching, could be said with entire truth 
to be instructed in the ivay of the Lord. It is not affirmed that he 
had submitted to John's baptism, but we suppose that from the 



308 



COMMENT AEY. 



Chap. XYIK, 26-28. 



nature of the case. Tliat lie was rebaptized, Luke does not as- 
sert ; though, if we regard his moral position as analogous to that 
of the Johamiean disciples mentioned in the next chapter, we 
should infer from what is related there that such was the fact. 
Meyer considers the cases dissimilar, and denies that ApoUos 
was rebaptized. 

V. 26. Tjp^aro, hegan, but did not preach long with such imper- 
fect views. As soon as Aquila and Priscilla heard him, they pro- 
ceeded to instruct him more fully. — TrappT^o-ia^ecr^at means to speak 
boldly. He exposed their sins, requned them to repent, and be 
prepared for the kingdom of the Messiah; comp. Matt. 3, 2 sq. — 
aKpt/Sea-repov, more accurately. 

V. 27. ets Tr\v 'A;)(atav, unto Achaia, of which Corinth was the 
capital, see on v. 1. It was that city which he proposed to visit ; 
comp. 19, 1; 1 Cor. 1, 12; 3, 4. What he heard from Priscilla 
and Aquila may have turned his thoughts to this field of labor. 
— ■ TTporpeif/afxevoL eypaif/av, they wrote and exhorted. The participle 
contains the principal idea ; see 1,24. Some supply avTov after 
TTpoTpexl/dfievos ( Calv. Kuin.) ; but that assigns to the verb and 
participle different objects, and confuses the sentence. Besides, 
ApoUos was not averse to the journey (fSoyXo/xivov), and had no 
need of exhortation. In 2 Cor. 3, 1, Paul alludes to tliis letter 
of commendation ; or to the practice of granting such letters 
(arvcrraTLKai eTrto-roW), exemplified in this case of ApoUos. — crvv- 
€j3dXeTo, K. T. A.., contributed (as a helper) much to those who have 
believed and still believe. See W. § 40. 4. a. It is not meant 
that he confirmed them in their faith as Christians, but that he 
cooperated with them in their promulgation and defence of the 
truth. The next verse explains the remark. — Sta r^s x^p/to?, 
through grace, ?)elongs to the participle (De Wet.), not to the verb 
(Mey.). The natural sense is that which results from the order 
of the words. The doctrinal idea is that of rj Trto-rt? rj hi avrov in 
3, 16. 

V. 28. c^Tovwg, p)Owerfully. — etmt rov XptcrTov ^lyjcrovv, that the 
Messiah was Jesus, none other than he ; comp. v. 5. 



Chap. XIX, 1-3. 



COMMENTARY. 



309 



CHAPTER XIX 

Verses 1-7. Taul comes to Ephesiis, and rehaptizes certain Disci- 
ples of John. 

V. 1. ev TO) rov 'AttoXXw eti/at ev YioplvB^ia, while Apollos ivas at 
Corinth. This notice apprises us that Paul did not arrive at 
Ephesus till after the departure of ApoUos. 'AttoXXw (the regular 
genitive, see 1 Cor. 3, 4) here rejects v in the accusative; comp. 
21, 1. K. ^ 48. K. 1 ; W. ^ 8. 2. — ra avwreptKo, fJiipT], the upper parts, 
in the interior as compared with the coast. The expression may 
be understood of the mountains on the frontier of Phrygia and 
Asia, which the apostle would cross on his route. — rti/a? /xa^^^ra?, 
certain disciples. Luke ascribes to them that character (comp. 
iricTTevcravTc^ in V. 2), because, though their knowledge was so im- 
perfect, they were sincere ; they possessed the elements of a true 
faith, and acknowledged the name of Christ as soon as the apos- 
tle made it known to them. It is probable that they were stran- 
gers who had just arrived at Ephesus, and when the apostle 
found them, had not yet come in contact with any of the Chris- 
tians there. 

V. 2. For d in a direct question, see on 1, 6. The inquiry ap- 
pears abrupt, because we have so broken an account of the circum- 
stances of the case. Undoubtedly something preceded, which led 
the apostle to suspect that the men entertained inadequate or mis- 
taken views of the gospel. — Trveu/xa ayiov is the Holy Spirit here as 
the author of miraculous gifts, as is made evident by v. 6. — iXdjSers 
TTio-Tcvcravres, Did ye receive (note the aorist) when ye believed J 
The participle refers to the same time as the verb. — dXA.' ^kov- 
o-eix^v, But ive did not hear (when baptized) even if there he a Holy 
Spirit. A negative usually precedes aXK ovSi with this force 
(=:No — on the contrary) ; but could be omitted with the effect 
of a more earnest denial. See W. § 53. 7. Trvevjxa ayiov must 
have the meaning in their reply which it had in Paul's question. 
Hence it is unnecessary and incorrect to supply So^eV or ^k^v- 
vojxevov after h-n; comp. John 7, 39. 

V. 3. €15 TL, K. T. A., Unto ivhat, as the object of faith and con- 
fession, therefore, ivere ye baptized? — et? to 'Iwdwoi; ySaTrrtcr/xa should 
have the sense here which it has in other passages (comp. 1, 22 ; 
10, 37 ; Matt. 3, 7 ; Luke 7, 29, etc.), viz. the baptism which John 



310 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XIX, 4. 5. 



administered, or such as lie administered. They may have re- 
ceived the rite from John himself, or from some one whom he 
had baptized, but who had not advanced beyond the point of 
knowledge at which John's ministry had left his disciples. Tliat 
Apollos had baptized them is not at all probable ; for the pre- 
sumption is that he had left Ephesus before their arrival (see on 
V. 1), and because if he had not, they would have received from 
him more correct views, after his own better acquaintance with 
Christianity. The answer of the men, therefore, was not that 
they had been baptized unto John as the Messiah ; and the idea 
that their error was that of adhering to him as the Messiah has 
no support from this expression. That some, however, at a very 
early period, entertained that opinion of John, is a fact well es- 
tablished. The Zabians, or Nazorseans, or Mendseans, as they 
are variously called, who were discovered in the East about the 
middle of the seventeenth century, are supposed to be a remnant 
of that sect. See Neand. Ch. Hist. Vol. I. p. 376 ; and Christian 
Eeview, Jan. 1855, 

V. 4. fxiv after 'IcoavvT^s, which some editors reject, is genuine 
(Mey. Tsch. De Wet.). The reply of Paul is apparently this: 
"John indeed preached repentance and a Saviour to come (as 
you know) ; but the Messiah whom he announced has appeared 
in Jesus, and you are now to believe on him as Jolin directed." — 
TovT ea-TLv presents the adversative idea, instead of the ordinary 
Se. W. § 63. I. 2. e ; K. ^ 322, R. 4. — l^dTTrtae governs jSaTTTLo-fia, 
on the principle of affinity in point of sense ; comp. Luke 7, 29. 
W. ^ 32. 2; K. ^ 278. 1. — Xpia-Tov is common before 'Irjorovst but 
is unwarranted here. 

V. 5. aKov(TavTe<s, k. t. A., Now they (whom Paul addressed) 
having heard, were baptized. Whether Paul himself or some as- 
sistant performed the rite, the history does not decide. Their 
prompt reception of the truth would tend to show that the defect 
in their former baptism related not so much to any positive error, 
as to their ignorance in regard to the proper object of faith. 
Some of the older writers maintained that Luke records these 
words as a continuation of Paul's remarks : Now they (whom John 
addressed) having heard were baptized. It was the object of such 
commentators to resctie the passage from those who appealed to 
it, in order to justify rebaptism. They maintained tliis exegesis 
not only against the Anabaptists, but as Baumgarten mentions, 
against the Catholics, who disparaged John's baptism for the 
purpose of exalting the Christian sacraments as distinguished 
from those of the first dispensation. The Council of Trent, for 



Chap. XIX, 6-10. 



COMMENTARY. 



311 



instance, asserted : Si quis dixerit baptismum Johannis eandem 
vim cum baptismo Christi habuisse. Anathema esto. (Sess. 
VII, de baptismo C. 1). This interpretation not only sets aside 
the more obvious meaning for a remote one, but palpably mis- 
states the fact in regard to John's baptism : he did not administer 
it in the name of Jesus. Tliis view of the passage may be said 
to be obsolete at present. 

V. 6. Compare this verse with 10, 44-46. — yAcocro-ats, sc. erepats 
(2, 4), or KaLvats (Mark 16, 17). — For irpoifjirjT^vov, see on 2, 17. 

V. 7. oL iravTes av8p€s, all the men together. Tras in this adverbial 
sense (—to Tvav, ra Travra) occurs especially in connection with nu- 
merals. Compare 27, 35. It is rare to find the adjective with this 
force before the substantive. See K. A. Gr. § 489. /3; Vig. ed. Herm. 
p. 135. — And thus those twelve men who came forward so ab- 
ruptly m our history disappear as suddenly, leaving us in doubt 
whence they came, where they had been, and in some respects 
what particular phase of rehgious behef they represented. The 
episode is one of strange interest from the very fact of its sug- 
gesting so many questions, the solution of which our imperfect 
knowledge of the first Christian age has put beyond our reach. 

Verses 8-12. Paul preaches at Ephesus, and confirms the Word 

by Miracles. 

V. 8. For i7rapprj(nd^€T0f preached holdly, see on 18, 26. — TreiSoiv, 
sc. avTov^f persuading them of the things ; comp. 28, 23. The fijst 
accusative specifies the aim of the act. K. ^ 279. 4. 

V. 9. TLvky some, i. e. of the Jews, as results from arvvayiiyyrjv in 
V. 8. — rrjv oSoV, the way, i. e. of Christian behef and practice ; not 
concretely, sect, party; comp. v. 23; 9, 2. — ivwTnov rov TrXrjS-ov^y 
in the presence of the multitude. This attempt to prevent others 
from believing showed how hardened {la-KX-qpvvovro) they were, 
more fully than their own rejection of the gospel. — acfx^pio-e tov<s 
}xa^r]ra^, separated the disciples, i. e. from the Jews in the syna- 
gogue. — kv crxoXrj, in the school, viz. the place where he taught. 
Tliis Tyrannus, otherwise unknown, was probably a teacher of 
philosophy or rhetoric, who occupied the apartment at other hours. 
Whether he rented it to the Christians, or gave them the use of 
it, is uncertain. 

V. 10. €7rt err) Svo. These two years are exclusive of the three 
months mentioned in v. 8; for roGro opposes expressly the preach- 
ing in the school of Tyrannus to that in the synagogue. It is 
probable that they are exclusive also of the time occupied by the 



312 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XIX, 10. 11. 



events whicli took place after v. 21 ; for in 20, 31 Paul reminds 
the Epliesians that he had labored three years among them ; so 
that nine months, or six months at least (if we regard rptertai/ 
there as a general expression), must be added to the two years 
' and three months mentioned here. The retrospective remark in 
V. 20 would be a very natural one for the writer to make on the 
completion of a distinct period. — It was during this abode of 
Paul at Ephesus, and probably not long after his arrival there, 
that he wrote the Epistle to the Galatians. In Gal. 4, 13, Paul 
speaks of the former time {to Trporepov) when he preached in Ga- 
latia; and hence (taking the expression in its strict import) he 
had been there twice when he wrote the Epistle. He must have 
written it, therefore, on this third missionary tour (at least, not 
before it), since he founded the Galatian churches on his second 
tour (see on 16, 6), and confirmed them on his present journey to 
Ephesus (see 18, 23). Further, if owco ra^eoos in Gal. 1, 6, refers 
(as, on the whole, I think it does) to the brief interval since Paul 
was among the Galatians, it follows that he wrote his Epistle to 
them during the early part of his sojourn at Ephesus. In this 
city Paul could obtain easily the knowledge of the Galatian 
heresy, which gave occasion to the letter. A partial conclusion 
may be drawn from another argument. If we are to place Paul's 
rebuke of Peter between his second and third journeys (see on 
18, 23), he could not have written to the Galatians at all events 
before his departure on this tour. The foregoing data are not 
decisive, but furnish the best supported opinion. We may refer 
the Epistle to the year A. D. 56 ; see note on 21, 17. — ware . . . . 
'AcrtaT/, so that all who inhabited Asia, viz. the Roman province of that 
name (2, 9). Ephesus was the capital of this province, the centre 
of commerce and religious worship (v. 26), to which the people 
resorted from all parts of the country. Hence the apostle had an 
opportunity to preach to a vast number, in addition to those who 
resided in the city ; and at the same time, through the agency of 
those converted by him, he could have introduced the gospel into 
regions which he did not visit in person. It was but forty years 
after this that Phny, in his celebrated letter to Trajan, says, even 
in reference to the more distant Bithynia : " Multi omnis setatis, 
omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantu in periculum et vo- 
cabuntur. Neque enim civitates tantum, sed vices etiam atque 
agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est." 

V. 11. ou roL? Tv^ovfTCKi, fiot casual, i. e. uncommon, extraordi- 
nary; comp, 28,2. As the sequel shows (v. 12), the miracles 
were remarkable, because they were performed without the per- 



Ghap. XIX, 12-15. 



COMMENTARY. 



313 



sonal agency or presence of the apostle. They were not gener- 
ically different from those wrought on other occasions. — 8ta rtov 
■)(€.ip^v Havkov, through the hands of Paul, not as laid upon the sick 
(some of the results being involuntary on his part), but through 
his instrumentality. 

V. 12. ojcTTe /cat, So that (because God so wrought by him) also, 
i. e. among other miracles. — iincjiipea^aL, k. t. A.., ivere carried from 
his body, to which the articles had been touched for the purpose 
of receiving the healing power that was supposed to reside in 
him ; see Luke 8, 46. They resorted to this course probably, be- 
cause the throng was so great that the sick could not be brought 
directly to the apostle, or in some instances were too infirm to 
be removed fiom their houses. — aovSapca (Lat. sudaria), handker- 
chiefs, lit. sweat-cloths. They had their name from the use to 
which they were principally applied. — o-ijoctKiV^ta, aprons, such as 
artisans and servants wore when engaged about their work. 
This, too, is a Latin word {semicinctia) which had passed into the 
later Greek; see on 11, 26. — It is evident from ras voa-ov^ and 
TO- TTvevfjiaTa that the writer made a distinction between ordinary 
diseases and those infhcted by evil spirits (comp. on 6, 16; 
8, 7). 

Verses 13-17. The Defeat of certain Jewish Exorcists. 

V. 13. The common text has rtves ojvo twv, k. t. X. The more 
approved reading is nvh koItiov, k. t. X. (Grsb. Tsch. Mey.). Kat 
joins TLves with Paul, with reference to the act in 6voiiat,ew : they 
also attempted to call, as he called. — TrepupxojJiivoov, not approbri- 
ouslj, vagabond, but ivandering from place to place in the practice 
of their arts. — k^opKia-Toiv, exorcists ; that was their professed, re- 
puted occupation. They appear to have regarded Paul as one 
of their own class, but of a higher order. They supposed he had 
obtained a name more potent than any employed by them, and 
that by means of it he could perform in reality the wonders to 
which they merely pretended. — opKt^cD •ti/>cas rov 'l-qo-ovv, I adjure 
you by the Jesus. For the double accusative, compare Mark 5, 7 ; 
1 Thess. 5, 27. See W. ^ 32. 4 ; C. $ 428. 

V. 14. For the Doric ^kcw, see on 11, 30. — dpxtepcoos, a chief- 
priest, a priest of the higher class ; see on 4, 6. — hrTa, seven 
The numeral is too remote from rtves to be indefinite, several; see 
on 23, 23. — ol rovro Trotowre? denotes a habit. The next verse 
relates an instance of their practice. 

V. 15. TO TTvev/xa, the sjnrit, viz. the one whom they were at 

40 



314 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XIX, 16-19. 



tempting to exorcise on a certain occasion. — roj/ 'It^o-ow yivwo-Kw, 
the Jesus (whom you invoke) I know, i. e. his authority and power; 
and the Paul (whom you name) / know well as the sei-vant, mes- 
senger of God (comp. 16, 17). The article is probably significant 
here, though as the nouns are proper names it may be a little 
uncertain. — v/xets precedes rtve?, because it takes the emphasis. 

V. 16. Kcd e(f)aXX.6ix€vos, k. t. A., and the man (impelled by the 
evil spirit) leaping upon them. — KaTaKi;piei;cras, k. t. A., having over- 
powered them, was strong, showed himself such against them, or 
both, viz. by tearing off their garments and beating them, d/x- 
<j>oT€po)v is more correct than avrCjv (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). — yvfjivov^,. 
naked, need not be taken in its strict sense. It could be applied 
to those stripped partially of their raiment; comp. John 21, 7. — 
eK Tov oLKov eKelvov, from out of that house where the transaction 
took place. The pronoun reveals a more definite scene in the 
writer's view than he has described. — In the occurrence related 
here, we are to recognize a special design on the part of God. 
It was important, says Neander, that the divine power which ac- 
companied the gospel should, in some striking manner, exhibit 
its superiority to the magic which prevailed so extensively at 
Ephesus, and which, by its apparently great eff'ects, deceived and 
captivated so many. It would have a tendency to rescue men 
from those arts of imposture, and prepare their minds for the re- 
ception of the truth. 

Verses 18-20. Many are converted, and confess their Sins. 

V. 18. TToXXoL re Ttov TreTTLcrTevKOTwv, And many of the believers 
(convinced by such evidence) ; lit. those ivho have believed and 
still believe. The language ascribes to them a definite character, 
but does not decide when it began. They were probably new 
converts (De Wet. Alf), as the confession made by them would 
be inconsistent with the life required of those who had been re- 
cognized as Christians. They were a different class, also, from 
Jthose spoken of in the next verse ; hence, not the jugglers them- 
selves, but their dupes, those who had confided in them and been 
accessory to the wicked delusion. — rjpx'^^T^ (imperf.), came one 
after another. — ras 7rpd$€i<s avrCjv, their deeds, superstitious prac- 
tices (Olsh. Mey. De Wet); not their sins in genera^ (Kuin.). 
It is better to restrict the meaning in this connection, especially 
as with the other sense the more obvious term would be d/xa/Drtas 
and not Trpd^ci?. 

V. 19. LKavoi, K. T. X., And many of those who practised magic 



Chap. XIX, 20. 21. 



COMMENTARY. 



315 



arts, lit. things over-wrought, curious, recondite. — ras ^i^\ov% the 
hooks which contained their mysteries, i. e. magical signs, formu- 
las of incantation, nostrums, and the like. — KareKatov describes 
them as throwing book after book into the blazing pile. — koX evpov, 
K. T. A., and they found as the- sum fifty thousand (sc. SpaxfJids) of 
silver money. It was common in such designations to omit the 
name of the coin. See Bernh. Synt. p. 187. The Attic drachm 
passed at this time among the Jews and Romans for a denarius, 
and was worth about fifteen cents ; so that the books amounted 
to $7,500. Some supply shekel as the elliptical word ; which, 
reckoning that coin at sixty cents, would make the amount four 
times as great. But as the occurrence took place in a Greek city, 
and as Luke was not writing for Jews, it is entirely improba- 
ble that he has stated the sum in their currency. All books in 
ancient times were expensive, and especially those which con- 
tained secrets or charms held in such estimation. 

V. 20. r]viav€ Koi iaxv^, grew arid ivas strong, mighty. The 
first verb refers to the general extension of the gospel, the second 
to its influence on the conduct of those who embraced it. What 
precedes illustrated the remark in both respects. — This verse 
presents a striking coincidence as compared with 1 Cor. 16, 9. 
It was here at Ephesus, and about this time, that Paul wrote the 
First Epistle to the Corinthians. That it was written at Ephesus 
is certain from 1 Cor. 16, 8. But Paul visited this city only twice : 
the first time when he touched here on his way to Jerusalem 
(18, 19), and again at this present time of his prolonged residence 
here. He could not have written the Epistle on his first visit, 
because the church at Corinth so recently gathered would not 
answer then to the character which it bears in the Epistle, and 
stiU more decisively because Apollos who was the head of one 
of the parties there (1 Cor. 1, 12) did not proceed to Corinth 
(18, 27) till shortly before Paul's second arrival at Ephesus. 
Again, Paul speaks in 1 Cor. 4, 17 of having recently sent Tim- 
othy to Corinth (comp. 1 Cor. 16, 10), and here in the Acts (19, 
22) Luke speaks evidently of the same event, which he repre- 
sents as preparatory to the apostle's intended visit to the same 
place. As Paul now left Ephesus in the spring of A. D. 57 
(see note on 20, 1), he wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians 
a few months before his departure. 

Verses 21. 22. The Apostle proposes to leave Ephesus. 

V. 21, A new epoch begins here, viz. that from the end of 
the year and three months to Paul's departure. — ravra, these 



316 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XIX, 21. 22. 



things up to this time since the arrival at Ephesus ; not so natur- 
ally those relating merely to the exorcism and its effects. — e^ero 
€v Tw TTvevixaTL, placed in his mind, purposed ; see on 5, 4. — 
Macedonia and Achaia occur here also in the Roman sense. The 
order of the names indicates that the apostle intended at this 
time to have proceeded directly from Corinth to Jerusalem. An 
unexpected event (see 20, 3) compelled liim to change his plan. 
— Set ... . iSetv, it is necessary that I should see also Rome ; not in 
order to fulfil any revealed purpose of God, but to satisfy his 
own feelings. He was anxious to visit the believers there, and 
to preach the gospel in that metropolis of the world ; see Rom. 
1, 11. 14. — Paley institutes a striking comparison between this 
verse and Rom. 1, 13 and 15, 23-28. " The conformity between 
the history and the Epistle is perfect. In the first passage of 
the Epistle, we find that a design of visiting Rome had long 
dwelt in the apostle's mind ; here, in the Acts, we find that design 
expressed a considerable time before the Epistle was wiitten. 
In the history we find that the plan which Paul had formed was 
to pass through Macedonia and Achaia ; after that, to go to Jeru- 
salem ; and when he had finished his visit there, to sail for Rome. 
When the Epistle was written, he had executed so much of his 
plan, as to have passed through Macedonia and Achaia ; and was 
preparing to pursue the remainder of it, by speedily setting out 
towards Jerusalem ; and in this point of his travels he tells his 
friends at Rome, that, when he had completed the business which 
carried him to Jerusalem, he would come to them, when he should 
make his journey into Spain." Nor is the argument to be evaded 
by supposing the passages to have been adjusted to each other 
in this manner. " If the passage in the Epistle was taken from 
that in the Acts, why was Spain put in ? If the passage in the 
Acts was taken from that in the Epistle, why was Spain left out ? 
If the two passages were unknown to each other, nothing can 
account for their conformity but truth." 

V. 22. Timothy was at Corinth when last mentioned (18, 5). 
He would be likely to cross over to Ephesus on hearing of Paul's 
arrival there. But what connection is there between the apostle's 
sending Timothy into Macedonia and his own purpose to proceed 
to Achaia? We obtain an answer to that question from 1 Cor. 
4, 17-19. We learn there that Timothy was not to stop in Mac- 
edonia, but to pass on to Corinth, the capital city of Achaia, and 
prepare the church for the approaching visit of the apostle. Thus 
" the narrative agrees with the Epistle ; and the agreement is at- 
tended with very little appearance of design. One thing at least 



Chap. XIX, 23-25. COMMENTARY. 317 

concerning it is certain; that if this passage of Paul's history- 
had been taken from his letter, it would have sent Timothy to 
Corinth by name, or at all events into Achaia." — Erastus may 
be the person of that name in 2 Tim. 4, 20, but as he travelled 
with Paul, the best critics distinguish him from the Erastus in 
Rom. 16, 23 (Neand. De Wet. Win.). The office of the latter as 
" treasurer of the city " would demand his more constant presence 
at Corinth. — auros .... 'Ao-tav, he himself (while they departed) 
kept back unto Asia; ds notm (De Wet. Rob.), and not for as dat. 
comm. (Win.), uncommon before a proper name, but unto as the 
direction towards which (Mey.). 

Verses 23-27. Demetrius excites a Tumult at Ephesus. 

V. 23. As at Philippi (16, 19), so here the Greeks instigated 
the riot; their motive was the same — fear of losing the means 
of their ill-gotten wealth. See note on 14, 19. — Kara rbv Katpbv 
iK€ivov, about that time, viz. that of Paul's intended departure. — 
Trept r)75 68ov, concerning the way ; see on 9, 2. 

V. 24. yap explains why a tumult arose. — vaous apyvpovs^Apri- 
jaiSos, silver shrines (not for in E. V. but ) of Artemis. These 
were small portable images, resembling the temple at Ephesus, 
and containing a figure of the goddess. The manufacture of 
these shrines was a lucrative business, as they were in great re- 
quest; they were set up in houses as objects of worship, or car- 
ried about the person as having the supposed power to avert 
diseases and other dangers. They were not only sold here in 
Asia, but sent as an article of traffic to distant countries. Deme- 
trius, it would seem, was a wholesale dealer in such shrines. 
He executed orders for them, and employed rex^trats, artisans, 
who received lucrative wages (epyao-iW ovk oXiy-qv) for their labor. 
— Compare 7rap€txeTo with the active form in 16, 16. 

V. 25. W9, K. T. X., whom having assembled and the other work- 
men in his employ. The artisans performed the more delicate 
processes, and the epyara? the rougher work. So Bengel, Kuinoel, 
Hemsen, and Meyer distinguish the two nouns from each other. 
It appears improbable that Demetrius would confine his appeal 
to his own men. It may be better to understand epyara? of the 
laborers in general, who were devoted to such trades, whether 
they exercised them on their own account or that of some em- 
ployer. — Totatrra preceded by ra limits the reference to mou?, i. e. 
definitely, such things as those; comp. Matt. 19, 14; 2 Cor. 12, 2. 
3. K. h 246, 4. It is incorrect to extend the pronoun so as to 



318 COMMENTAEY. Chap. XIX, 26. 27. 

include statuary, pictures, coins, and the like (Blmf.). — eTrtaTao-Se, 
ye know well; see v. 15. — ravTrj^ refers to ttoliov vaovs in Luke's 
narrative. It stands, therefore, for some equivalent term or idea 
in the speech of Demetrius. — eviropta, prosperity, wealth. 

V. 26. 'E^ecrou, of or from (not at) Ephesus depends on oykov 
as a genitive of possession. — *Aala<i has, no doubt, its Roman sense. 
The effect ascribed here to Paul's labors agrees with the statement 
in V. 10. — iJi€r€(TTr](T€v, turned aside, i. e. from our mode of worship. 
— oTt ovK, K. T. X., that they are not gods which are made by hands. 
The mode of speaking illustrates the disposition of the heathen 
to identify their gods with the idols or temples consecrated to 
them ; see on 17, 24. We can imagine the effect of these words 
on such auditors, uttered with a look or gesture towards the 
splendid temple within sight. 

V. 27. rovTo TO ixepo<5, this part, branch of our labor (Kyp. 
Mey.). The idea is, that their art as silversmiths, of whatever 
use it might be in other respects, would soon be ruined, as to 
this particular application of it. — rjjjuv, for us (dat. incomm.), 
to our detriment. Their receipts had declined perceptib'y al- 
ready, and at this rate would soon be cut off altogether. — dXXa 
Kol, K. T. A., but also the temple of the great goddess Artemis is in 
danger, etc. Kwhwe.v^i extends also into this clause and governs 
the following infinitive. fji€ydX.r]<? was one of the special titles of 
the Ephesian Di'ana. In regard to her temple, reckoned as one 
of the wonders of the world, the reader will find ample details 
in Howson. The edifice in Paul's time had been built in place 
of the one burnt down by Herostratus on the night of Alexan- 
der's birth, and was vastly superior to it in size and grandeur. 
No ruins of it remain at present on the spot ; but the traveller 
sees som^ of the columns in the Mosque of St. Sophia at Con- 
stantinople, originally a church, and in the naves of Italian Cathe- 
drals, — ek aTreXcy/xoi/ eX^cti^, to come into contempt (Mey.) ; in redar- 
gutionem venire (Yulg.), i. e. to be confuted, rejected (De Wet.). 
The noun occurs only here, and its meaning must be inferred 
from its relation to cognate words. A result of confutation is 
shame, loss of character, and hence the expression could be used 
to signify that they feared lest their business should lose its 
credit in the public estimation. — yu-e'AAeiv, k. t. A., and also that her 
glory will be destroyed, etc. The discourse here changes from 
the direct to the indirect, as if €cfir) or ctTre had introduced this part 
of the sentence. We have a similar transition in 23, 24. See 
W. ^ 64. III. 2. T€ (needlessly exchanged by some for 8e) joins 
the clause with what precedes, while Kat adds another argument 



Chap. XIX, 28. 29. COMMENTAKY. 319 

to enforce the speaker's object. — 17 oiKovfiivr], the world; comp. 
on 11, 28. The temple at Ephesns had been built at the common 
expense of all the Greek cities of Asia. Pilgrims repaired thither 
from all nations and countries. — The speech of Demetrius de- 
serves attention for its artful character. He takes care, in the 
first place, to show his fellow-craftsmen how the matter affected 
their own personal interests, and then, having aroused their self- 
ishness, he proceeds to appeal with so much the more effect to 
their zeal for religion. His main reliance, as Calvin thinks, was 
upon the first : " Res ipsa clamat non tam pro aris ipsos quam 
pro focis pugnare, ut scilicet culinam habeant bene calentem." 

Verses 28-34. The Mob seize two of Paul's Companions and s 
rush to the Theatre. 

v. 28. 7rXr]peL<; ^fxov, full of wrath against Paul and the Chris- 
tians. — €Kpat,ov, continued crying. The Greeks lived so much in 
the open air, Demetrius may have harangued his men in public ; 
if in private, the rioters had now gone into the street. Perhaps 
they traversed the city for a time with their outcry, before execut- 
ing the assault spoken of in the next verse, and swelled their 
number with recruits on the way. 

V. 29. Koi iTrhqa^-q, k. t, X., And the whole city was filled with 
tumult, or the tumult if we read tt}?. The evidence for the article 
is not decisive. — Mpfxrjaav, k. t. A., And they rushed ivith one accord 
into the theatre. The subject of the verb here includes those who 
excited the disturbance and those who joined in it. They rushed 
to the theatre because it was the custom of the Greeks, though 
not of the Romans, to use their theatres for public business as 
well as for sports. See on 12, 21. The multitude had evidently 
no definite plan of action, and no definite idea of the cause of 
the present excitement ; see v. 32. All they knew was, that 
some danger threatened their religion, and under that impres- 
sion they hastened as with one impulse (o/jio^vfxaSov) to the usual 
place of concourse for further inquiry, or for consultation. Re- 
mains of the theatre at Ephesus are still visible. Its outline 
can be traced, showing its dimensions to have been larger than 
those of any other theatre known to us from ancient times. It 
was built on the side of a lofty hill, with the seats rising in long 
succession one above another, and, like similar edifices among 
the ancients, was entirely open to the sky. A recent traveller 
judges that it was large enough to contain thirty thousand per- 
sons. The temple of Diana could be seen from it, at no great 
distance, across the market-place. Luke has violated no proba- 



320 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XIX, 30. 31. 



bility, therefore, in representing so many people as assembled in 
such a place. — orvvapTrdcravT€<;, after having seized along (out of the 
house, prior to wpixrjaav), or (coincident with the verb), having seized 
along when they rushed. See note on 21, 7. Meyer prefers the 
first mode, De Wette the second. See W. § 45. 6. b. For a dif- 
ferent explanation of a-vv in the participle, see Rob. Lex. s. v. — 
Gains, or Caius, who was a Macedonian, is not the one mentioned 
in 20, 4, or in Rom. 16, 23 and 1 Cor. 1, 15 ; for the former be- 
longed to Derbe, the latter to Corinth. — Aristarchus was a Thes- 
salonian (20, 4) ; see further, on 27, 2. 

V. 30. liavXov. Paul may have been absent from his abode at 
the time of the assault, as was the case at Thessalonica (17, 6). 
— €t§ rov SrjfjLov, unto the people in the theatre (v. 31). His idea 
may have been, that his appearance there in person, or a declara- 
tion that he was willing to have his conduct examined, would allay 
the tumult ; comp. v. 37. His anxiety must have been the greater 
from his not knowing to wliat danger the friends who had fallen 
into the hands of the mob might be exposed. — ot fjLaSrjTat, the 
disciples, who were, no doubt, native Ephesians. They under- 
stood their countrymen too well to encourage the apostle's incli- 
nation. 

V. 31. tC)v 'A(nap)(iov. The Asiarchs were ten men (Mey.), 
chosen annually from the chief towns in proconsular Asia, to 
superintend the games and festivals held every year in honor of 
the gods and the Roman emperor. They were chosen from the 
wealthier class of citizens, since, like the Roman sediles, they 
were required to provide for these exhibitions at their own ex- 
pense. Those who had filled the office once, retained the title 
for the rest of life. One of the number acted as chief Asiarch, 
who resided commonly at Ephesus. The Bithyniarchs, Gala- 
tarchs, Syriarchs, were a similar class of magistrates in other 
. provinces of Western Asia. — Akerman offers here the following 
just remark : " That the very maintainers and presidents of the 
heathen sports and festivals of a people to whom the doctrine of 
Christ and the resurrection was foolishness were the friends of 
Paul, was an assertion which no fabricator of a forgery would 
have ventured upon. We cannot penetrate the veil which an- 
tiquity has thrown over these events, and are only left to conjec- 
ture, either that Christianity itself had supporters, though secret 
ones who feared the multitude, in these wealthy Asiatics ; or 
that, careless of the truth of what the apostle preached, they 
admired his eloquence, and wished to protect one whom they 
considered so highly gifted." 



Chap. XIX, 32-34. 



COMMENTARY. 



321 



V. 32. ovi/, therefore, resumptive as in 9, 31 ; 8, 4. It puts for- 
ward the narrative from the point reached in v. 29. The two 
preceding verses relate to a collateral circumstance. 

V. 33. Ik 8e Tov ox^ov, k. r. X., Nolo out of the crowd, from their 
midst, they^ viz. the Jews, urged forward Alexander. " As the Jews 
here lived in the midst of a numerous Greek population who 
viewed them with constant aversion, any special occasion roused 
their slumbering prejudices into open violence, and they had then 
much to suffer. Hence the Jews on this occasion feared that the 
anger of the people against the enemies of their gods — espe- 
cially as many of them did not know who were really intended — 
would be directed against themselves, and they were anxious, 
therefore, that one of their number, a man by the name of Alex- 
ander, should stand forward, in order to shift the blame from 
themselves upon the Christians ; but the appearance of such a 
person who himself belonged to the enemies of their gods, ex- 
cited in the heathen still greater rage, and the clamor became 
more violent." This is the view of Neander, and is the one 
adopted by Kuinoel, Hemsen, Olshausen, Winer, and most oth- 
ers. Some, on the contrary, as Calvin, Meyer, Wieseler, under- 
stand that Alexander was a Jewish Christian, and that the Jews, 
who recognized him as such, pushed him forward in order to 
expose him to the fury of the populace. d7roAoyeto--9^at has been 
said to favor this opinion ; but it may refer to a defence in behalf 
of the Jews as well as of the Christians. The Alexander in 
2 Tim. 4, 14 could hardly have been the same person ; 6 ^aAKci;'? 
may have been added there to distinguish him from this indi- 
vidual. — 7rpo(3a\\6vT(iiv cLVTov tCjv. 'lovSatoiv, the Jews thrusting' him 
forward. The subject of this subordinate clause is the same as 
that of the principal clause which precedes ; whereas, according 
to the ordinary rule, it is only when the subjects are different that 
the genitive absolute is employed. Trpo/SaXXovTwv would have 
been regularly in the nominative. Exceptions like this occur in 
the classics. The idea of the secondary clause' acquires in this 
way more prominence. See K. § 313. R. 2, as compared with § 
312. 3. 

V. 34. eTTiyvovres is nominative, as if iffiMvrja-av aTravre? had fol- 
lowed, instead of (fx^vrj . . . . ck TrdvTwv. See W. § 63. I. 1. The 
expression with that change would have been more correct, but 
less forcible, /xia ck ttolvtwv is a callida junctura, which will arrest 
the reader's attention. — IttI ojpa?, k. t. A, Their unintermitted 
cry for about tivo hours, " Great is Diana of the Ephesians ! " not 
only declared their attachment to her worship, but, according to 

41 



322 



COMMENT AKY. Chap. XIX, 34. 35. 



tlie ideas of tlie heathen, was itself an act of worship ; comp. 
1 Kings 18, 26 ; Matt 6, 7. The Mohammedan monks in India 
at the present time often practise such repetitions for entire days 
together. They have been known to say over a single syllable, 
having a supposed religious efficacy, until they exhaust their 
strength and are unable to articulate any longer.^ — It has been 
remarked that the reverberation of their voices from the steep 
rock which formed one side of the theatre (see on v. 29) must 
have rendered the many-mouthed, frenzied exclamation still more 
terrific. 

Veuses 35-40. Speech of the City -Recorder, who quells the Uproar 

and disperses the Multitude. 

V. 35. o ypafXfiaTevs, The Recorder. In the cities of Asia Minor, 
as appears from notices and inscriptions, this was the title of a 
very important magistrate with various functions, though his more 
immediate province was to register the pubhc acts and laws, or 
to preserve the record of them. See "Win. Realw. I. p. 649. He 
was authorized to preside over public assemblies, and is men- 
tioned on marbles as acting ui that capacity. He stood next in 
rank to the municipal chief, and performed his duties during the 
absence or on the death of that officer. A ypaiJiixaT€v<5, or town-clerk, 
of Ephesus is often mentioned on coins of that city. See New 
Englander, X. p. 144. — KaracrretAas tov ox^ov, having stilled the 
crowd, by showing liimself to them, and making a sign (13, 16) 
that he wished to speak. — In rts yap eo-rtv, k. t. A., the conjunction 
refers to a suppressed thought : You have no occasion for this 
excitement; for what human being is there, etc. avS^poi-rvoiv (comp. 
1 Cor. 2, 11) and not avSpwiro^ (T. K) is to be read here. — os ov, 
K. T. A,., ivho does not know that the city of the Ephesians is keeper, 
guardian, of the great Diana ; and hence it was unbecoming in 
them to be so sensitive, as if their reputation was at stake. -S^eas 
after fx^ydXrjs (T. R.) should be omitted. vewKopov, ht. temple- 
sweeper, became at length an honorary title, and as such was 
granted to certain Asiatic cities in recognition of the care and 
expense bestowed by them on the temple and worship of their 
favorite deities. It is found on coins of Ephesus, struck about 
Paul's time. — rov AtoTreroC?, sc. dyaA/xaro?, the image fallen from 
Jupiter, and hence so much the more sacred. There was a sim- 
ilar tradition in regard to a statue of Ai'temis in Tauris (Eurip. 
Iph. T. 977), and also one of Pallas at Athens (Pausan. I. 26. 6). 

1 See Tholuck's Auslegung der Bergpredigt (3d ed.), p. 328 sq. 



Chap. XTX, 36-39. 



COMMENTARY. 



323 



V. 36. rovTcov, these thmgs, viz. the established reputation of 
the Ephesians for their attachment to the worship of Diana, and 
the well-known origin of her image. Hence the argument is 
two-fold : They had no reason to fear that such a people (i/ewKopov) 
could be induced to abandon a religion which so wonderful an 
event {hiorrerovs) had signalized. — hiov la-rlv vixas, it is 7iecessary 
that you, i. e. morally, you ought. 

V. 37. yap confums the implication in TrpoTrere?, i. e. that they 
had acted rashly. — toijVovs refers to Gaius and Aristarchus ; see 
V. 29. Paul was not present. — UpocrvXovs, rohbers of temples, not 
of churclies. It is singular that the latter translation, so incorrect, 
should be found in all the English versions, except Wiclif's and 
the Rheims, which being drawn from the Vulgate, have " sacri- 
legious." The temples among the heathen contained votive otfer- 

ings and other gifts, and were often plundered. — ovtc 

v/xcov, nor blaspheming your goddess. It was the effect of Paul's 
preachuig to undermine idolatry, and bring the worship of Arte- 
mis into contempt ; but as at Athens, so here he had refrained 
from denunciation, opprobrium, ridicule, and had opposed error 
by contending for the truth. Hence the Recorder could urge 
that technical view of the apostle's conduct, and deny that he 
had committed any actionable offence. It would almost seem as 
if, like the Asiarchs, he was friendly at heart to the new sect. 

V. 38. ovv, therefore, since the men are innocent in regard to 
such crimes as sacrilege and blasphemy. — a^v aurw, ivith him, i. e. 
liis associates in the complaint against Paul (comp. 5, 17). The 
speaker knew of their connection with the case from something 
which they had done or said in the assembly, which Luke has 
not related. — dyopatoi, sc. rj/xipai ayovrat, court-days are kept, ob- 
served. The days are so called because the courts were held in 
the forum; comp. 16, 19 ; 17, 5. It is contended by some, that 
this adjective should be marked as proparoxytone in this sense, 
but as circumflex when used as in 17, 5. See W. ^ 6. 2. The 
distinction is a doubtful one. — koI avSvirciroi etVtv, and there are 
vroconsuls. The plural is generic (comp. Matt. 2, 20), as but one 
such oflicer presided over a province. The coins of Ephesus 
show that the proconsular authority was fully established there 
in the reign of Nero. Akerman gives the engraving of one which 
has the head of that emperor on the obverse ; and on the reverse, 
a representation of the temple of Diana, with the words : (Money) 
of the Ephesians, Neocori, JEchmocles Aviola, Proconsul. — lyKokd- 
Twaav aXk-qXoLs, let them implead each other, is a technical phrase. 

V. 39. They were a mob, and could transact no public busi- 



324 



COMMENTARY. 



Chaf. XX, 1. 



ness, — el 8e rt, K. T. X., But if ye make any demand (stronger than 
the simple verb) concerning other things than those of a private 
nature. — ri^ ivv6/x(o iKKXrjo-La, in the lawfid assembly which tliis 
is not, " Legitimus coetus est qui a magistratu civitatis convo- 
catur et regitur." (Grot.) 

V. 40. ya/o justifies the intimation in iwofxo) as to the character 
of the present concourse. — KLvSwevofjiev. They were in danger 
of being called to account by the proconsul. The Roman gov- 
ernment watched every appearance of insubordination or sedition 
in the provinces with a jealous eye. Thousands were often put 
to death in the attempt to suppress such movements. It was a 
capital offence to take any part in a riotous proceeding. The 
speaker's hint, therefore, was a significant one. — o-rao-ecos depends 
on Trept, not on the verb. The accent on Trept is not di'awn back, 
though its noun precedes (B. § 117. 3), because an adjective 
phrase follows. — jxrjSevos alrLov vTTOLpxovTos explains, not why they 
were liable to be arraigned, but how seriously it would terminate 
if the affair should take that direction. — irepl ov, in virtue of ivhich. 
— This speech is the model of a popular harangue. Such ex- 
citement on the part of the Ephesians was undignified, as they 
stood above all suspicion in religious matters (v. 35. 36) ; it was 
unjustifiable, as they could establish nothing against the men 
(v. 37) ; it was unnecessary, as other means of redress were open 
to them (v. 38. 39) ; and, finally, if neither pride nor justice 
availed anything, fear of the Roman power should restrain them 
(v. 40). 



CHAPTEK XX. 

Verses 1-6. Paul proceeds a second time to Greece, and returns 
from there to Troas. 

V. 1. /xera 8e to Travfracr^at rov ^opv^ov. Now after the tumidt had 
ceased. This clause shows that Paul left Ephesus soon after the 
disturbance, but furnishes no evidence, says Neander, that his 
departure was hastened by it. We may conclude that Paul 
"tarried at Ephesus until Pentecost," pursuant to his intention 
expressed in 1 Cor. 16, 8; and consequently, that he left that 
city in the spring or summer of A. D. 57 or 58. Compare the 
note on 18, 23 with that on 19, 10. — Before taking leave of 



Chap. XX, 1. 



COMMENTAEY. 



325 



Ephesus, we must notice another event which Luke has not re- 
corded, but which belongs to this part of the history. In 2 Cor. 
12, 14 (written on the way to Greece), the apostle says : iSov, 
TpLTov TovTo €TOL[xo)'5 e)(<j) iXS^etv Trpos vixa<s. Behold, this third time I am 
readij to come unio you. The connection decides that Tpirav be- 
longs to iX^ecv. It cannot refer to a third intention merely to visit 
the Corintliians ; for he is saying that, as he had " not been bur- 
densome to them " Mtherto when he was among them, so in his 
present visit he would adhere to the same pohcy. Again, in 
2 Cor. 13, 1, he says : rpLTov tovto epxoixai. Here it is expressly 
said, that the apostle was now on the point of making his tliird 
journey to Corinth. The correct interpretation of 2 Cor. 1, 15. 16 
presents no obstacle to tliis construction of the passages here 
refen-ed to. The sixteenth of these verses explains the fifteenth. 
The apostle has reference in v. 16 to a journey to Corinth which 
he had purposed, but had failed to execute ; viz. a journey into 
Macedonia by the way of Corinth, and then a return to Corinth 
from Macedonia; and in v. 15 he says that this plan would have 
secured to the Corinthians "a second benefit" {Sevripav x^^pf-y) i^i 
connection with the tour proposed, i. e. the benefit of his pres- 
ence, not once merely, but a second time. There is every reason 
to suppose, therefore, that Paul had been at Corinth twice when 
he wrote his Second Epistle to the church in that city. So con- 
clude, among others, IMichaelis, Schrader, Bleek, Liicke, Schott, 
Anger, Riickert, Credner, Neander, Olshausen, Meyer, Wieseler, 
Osiander, Howson. But where in Luke's narrative are we to 
insert this second journey to Corinth? Of the difierent answers 
given to this question, I regard that as the most satisfactory wliich 
places the journey within the period of Paul's residence of three 
years at Ephesus. It would have been easy for liim to have 
crossed over from the one city to the other at any time ; and, con- 
sidering the urgent reasons for such a visit furnished by the con- 
dition of the Corinthian church, one would think that he could 
hardly have refrained from availing himself of the opportunity. 
As his stay there was probably very l^rief, and unattended by 
any important event, Luke has made no mention of it. Schrader, 
Riickert, Olshausen, Meyer, Wieseler, Howson, and others, in- 
tercalate the journey at this point. Neander suggests that Paul, 
at the commencement of this missionary tour, may have ex- 
tended liis travels before his arrival at Ephesus so far as to have 
included Greece. Anger, Schott, and some others, think that 
Paul's second visit to Corinth may have been a return to that 
city from some excursion which he made into the neighboring 



326 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XX, 1.2. 



regions during the year and a half of his first sojourn at Corinth 
(18, 1 sq.). — do-7rao-a/A€vos, having embraced them. How many tears 
of affection must have been shed ! How many prayers must 
have been offered for each other and for the cause of Christ ! 
From such hints as those in v. 37. 38 and in 21, 5. 6, we can call 
up to ourselves an image of the scene. They must have parted 
with a presentiment at least that the apostle was now taking his 
final leave of Ephesus ; see v. 25. 38. — iirjX^e, k. t. A., loent forth 
to go into Macedonia. The direction which the apostle took we 
learn from 2 Cor. 2, 12. 13. He proceeded to Troas, where he 
had expected to meet Titus, whom he had sent to Corinth in order 
to ascertain the effect of his First Epistle to the church in that 
city. It was his intention, apparently, to remain and labor for a 
time at Troas, in case the information for which he was looking 
should be favorable. But not finding Titus there, and being una- 
ble to endure a longer suspense, he embarked at once for Mace- 
donia. On his arrival there he met with Titus, and was relieved 
of his anxiety ; see 2 Cor. 7, 6. 

V. 2. ra ix€pr] cKctva, those parts, i. e the region of Macedonia. — 
TrapaKaXeVas avTov<i, having exhorted them, viz. the believers ; see 
on 16, 40. The expression shows that he now revisited the places 
where he had preached on his first visit here, viz. Philippi, Thes- 
salonica, Beroea. It was here and now that Paul wrote his Sec- 
ond Epistle to the Corinthians. That he wrote the letter in Mac- 
edonia is evident from 2 Cor. 9, 2. 4. He speaks there of his boast- 
ing to the churches of Macedonia of the liberality of the Corintliians, 
and of the possibility that some of the Macedonians would accom- 
pany him to Corinth. See, also, 2 Cor. 7, 5. The apostle, now, 
as far as we know, was in that country only three times. When 
he was there first he had not yet been at Corinth at all (16, 11) 
and when he passed through that province on his last return to 
Jerusalem (v. 3 below), he was going in the opposite direction, 
and not advancing to Corinth, as stated in the Epistle. He wrote 
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, therefore, on this second 
journey through Macedonia, in the summer probably, or early au- 
tumn of A. D. 58 ; see note on 21, 17. — In Bom. 15, 19, Paul speaks 
of having published the gospel as far as to lUyricum, which was a 
country on the west of Macedonia. It was at this time, probably, 
that he penetrated so far in that direction. It could not have been 
on his first visit to Macedonia (16, 12 sq.) ; for the course of his 
journey at that time is minutely traced in the Acts from his land- 
ing at Philippi to his leaving Corinth. He moved along the east- 
ern side of the peninsula, and was kept at a distance from Ulyri- 



Chap. XX, 3. 



COMMENTARY. 



327 



cum. When he passed through Macedonia next (v. 3), he had 
already written the Epistle to the Romans. Lardner pronounces 
this geograpliical coincidence sufficiently important to confirm the 
entire history of Paul's travels. — ek r^v'EAAaSa, unto Greece, which 
stands here for 'Axata (18, 12; 19, 21), as opposed to Macedonia. 
Wetstein has shown that Luke was justified in that use of the 
term. Paul was proceeding to Corinth, the capital of the province ; 
comp. Rom. 16, 1. 

V. 3. The three months spent here preceded the summer of this 
year ; see v. 6. The stay was thus brief because the apostle was 
anxious to return to Jerusalem (v. 16). The Jewish plot was 
contemporaneous with his leaving, but did not occasion it. — TrotT^o-as 
is anacoluthic for Troti^o-avrt ; see 19, 24. — It was just before his 
departure from Corinth, that Paul wrote the Epistle to the Ro- 
mans. That it was written at Corinth admits of being proved by 
several distinct arguments. One is that Paul was the guest of 
Gains at the time (Rom. 16, 23), and Gains, as we learn from 1 
Cor. 1, 14, was one of the converts at Corinth whom Paul baptized. 
Again, he commends to the Roman Christians Phoebe, a deacon- 
ess of the church at Cenchrea (see on 18, 18), who was on the 
point of proceeding to Rome (Rom. 16, 1), and was probably the 
bearer of the letter. Further, the apostle's situation as disclosed 
in the Epistle agrees with that in the Acts at this time. Thus, 
he was on the eve of departing to Jerusalem (Rom. 15, 25), was 
going thither with contributions for the Jewish believers (Rom. 
15, 25. 26), and after that was meditating a journey to Rome. 
The date of the Epistle, therefore, was the spring of A. D. 58 or 
59, — jxiWovTL, K. T. X., as he is about to embark for Syria, with the 
intention of going directly to Jerusalem; see also 19, 21. The 
effect of the conspiracy was to change his route, but not to cause 
him to depart prematurely. He came with the design of passing 
only the winter there; see 1 Cor. 16, 6. — iyivero, k. t.X., it luas 
thought best that he should return through Macedonia. The infini- 
tive depends on yvoifxr} as a sort of appositional genitive. The 
expression indicates that he took this course as the result of 
advice or consultation. How his journeying by land rather than 
by sea would enable him to escape the machinations of the Jews 
is not perfectly clear. The opinion that he was waiting to have 
• the navigation of the season reopen, but was compelled to hasten 
his departure before that time, is certainly incorrect ; for it is said 
he was on the point of embarking when the conspiracy of the 
Jews was formed or came to be known. It is possible that the 
Jews intended to assault him on his way to the ship, or else to 



328 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XX, 4-6. 



follow and capture him after liaving put to sea/ Hemsen's con- 
jecture (Der Apostel Paulus, u. s. w., p. 467) is, that he had not 
yet found a vessel proceeding to Syria, and that his exposure at 
Corinth rendered it unsafe for him to remain, even a few days 
longer, until the arrival of such an opportunity. 

V. 4. (Ti;mVeTo avrw,yb//oi(ye(^/ww, formed his party. This could 
be said, though they did not travel in company all the time. The 
verb belongs to all the names which follow, but agrees with the 
nearest. — The best manuscripts read Hvppov after ^ScoTrarpos, sc. 
vlo^; genitive of kindredship (see on 1, 13). This addition distin- 
guishes Sopater perhaps from Sosispater in E.om. 16, 21, since they 
are but different forms of the same name (Win.). — ©eo-o-aXovi/cccov 
is a partitive genitive. — Aristarchus was mentioned in 1 9, 29. The 
Gains in that passage must be a different person from the one 
here, since they belonged to different countries. Tliis Gains is 
probably the individual of this name to whom the apostle John 
wrote his Third Epistle. Some critics (Kuin. Olsh. Neand.) 
would point the text, so as to make Gains one of the Thessalo- 
nians, and join Aep/Salos with Tt/xo»9^eos. But that division not only 
puts Kat out of its natural place, but disagrees with 16, 1, where 
Timothy appears as a native of Lystra. — Secundiis is otherwise 
unknown. — Luke supposes Timothy's origui to be familiar to the 
reader, and so passes it over (De Wet. Mey.). — Tychicus is named 
in Eph. 6, 21 ; Col. 4, 7 ; Tit. 3, 12, and 2 Tim. 4, 12. He was 
one of the most trusted of Paul's associates. — Trophimus,wh.o 
was an Ephesian, appears again in 21, 29, and 2 Tim. 4, 20. 
He and probably Aristarchus (27, 2) went with the apostle to 
Jerusalem. The others may have stopped at Miletus, since 
the language in v. 13 intimates that the party kept together 
after leaving Troas. Consequently, a^P^ ''^5 'Ao-tas would state 
the destination of the majority of the travellers, and would be con- 
sistent with the fact that two of them went further. 

V. 5. ovTOL, these, viz. the seven mentioned in v. 4, not the two 
named last. It is entirely arbitrary to limit the reference of the 
pronoun. — Trpo^\^6vT€% havhig gone forivard from Corinth in ad- 
vance of Paul and Luke. Itis barely possible that they shipped at 
once for Troas ; but it is more probable that they journeyed through 
Macedonia, both because o-wctTrero suggests a common route of the 
parties, and because Sopater and the others may have been sent • 
thither to finish the alms-collection, wliich Paul had commenced. — 
T7/xas, us. Luke resumes here the first person plural, which has 
not occurred since 16, 17. See the remarks on 16, 40. 

V. 6. -j^/xets, ive, must include the writer of the narrative, Paul, 



Chap. XX, 6. 7. 



COMMENTARY. 



329 



and possibly others, in distinction from those who had gone for- 
ward to Troas. As Timothy was one of those who preceded 
the apostle, it is evident that he and the writer of the narrative 
were different persons. Tholuck, Lange,^ Ebrard, and others, 
pronounce this passage sufficient of itself to disprove the hy- 
pothesis that Timothy, not Luke, wi'ote the portions of the Acts 
in which the liistorian speaks as an eye witness. — •^^e-n-Aewa/^ei' 
aTTo ^iAtTTTrcoj/, ive sailed forth from Pliilippi, i. e. from its harbor on 
the coast; see note on 16, 12. — /xera ra^ rjixipas rtov at,vfjni>v, after 
the days of unleavened bread, the festival of the Passover (see on 
12, 3), which no doubt they observed, not in the Jewish spirit any 
longer, but with a recognition of Cluist as the true Paschal Lamb ; 
see John 1, 36 and 1 Cor. 5, 7. Some think that they remained at 
Philippi for the sake of the celebration (Mey.) ; but we must 
vieAv that as an inference altogether, since Luke mentions the 
Passover only in its clii-onological relation to the voyage. Calvin 
suggests as the motive for remaining tha,t Paul would find the 
Jews more accessible to the truth during the season of such a 
solemnity. — a;)(pt? i^/xepSv TreVre, unto five days, as the hmit reached; 
they were so long on the way. The passage on the apostle's fii'st 
journey to Europe occupied two days only; see 16, 11. Adverse 
winds or calms would be liable, at any season of the year, to oc- 
casion this variation. — rjfxipas kirra, seven days, may be indefinite, a 
week' s time (comp. 21, 4; 28,14). They arranged it so as to brmg 
a Sabbath within the time spent there. If the number be exact, 
then they arrived just at tha close of the week, since they left the 
day after the Sabbath (v. 7). 

Verses 7-12. Paul preaches at Troas, and administers the Sacra- 
ment. 

V. 7. kv rfj fXLa Tcov (jajS^droiv, on the first day of the iveek; not on 
one of the Sabbaths, Jewish festivals, which overlooks the article, 
and not on the one of them next after their arrival, since that would 
imply that they passed more than one such festival here, contrary 
to Luke's statement that they left on the day following. In the 
New Testament ct? stands generally for TrpSros in speaking of the 
days of the week; see Matt. 28, 1 ; Mark 16, 2; John 20, 19, etc. 
W. k 37. 1. It is an imitation of the ordinal sense of "inx. See 
Gesen. Heb. Gr. k 118, 4. The passages just cited, and also Luke 
24, 1 ; John 20, 1, and 1 Cor. 16, 2 show that loeek is one of the 
senses of cj6.^^o.ra. The Jews reckoned the day from evening to 

1 Das Leben Jesu nach deu Evangeliea dargestellt, Erstes Buch, p. 251. 

42 



330 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XX, 7. 



morning, and on that principle the evening of the first day of the 
week would be our Saturday evening. If Luke reckons so here, 
as many commentators suppose, the apostle then waited for the 
expiration of the Jewish Sabbath, and held his last rehgious ser- 
vice with the brethren at Troas, at the beginning of the Christian 
Sabbath, i. e. on Saturday evening, and consequently resumed 
his journey#on Sunday morning. But as Luke had mingled so 
much with foreign nations and was writing for Gentile readers, he 
would be very apt to designate the time in accordance with their 
practice ; so that his evening or night of the first day of the lueek 
would be the end of the Jewish Sabbath, and the morning of his 
departure that of Monday. Olshausen, Neander, De Wette, 
Meyer, and most other critics, recognize here a distinct trace of 
the Christian Sabbath in that early age of the church. See also 
1 Cor. 16, 2, and E-ev. 1,10. It is entirely immaterial, of course, to the 
objects of the day or the validity of the apostolic example, whether 
the first Christians began their Sabbath in the Jewish way, on Sat- 
urday evening, or at midnight, a few hours later. " Since the suffer- 
ings of Christ," says Neander, " appeared as the central point of aU 
religious experience and life, since his resurrection was consider- 
ed as the foundation of aU Christian joy and hope, it was natural 
that the communion of the church should have specially distin- 
guished the day with which the memory of that event had con- 
nected itself" But the introduction of the Sabbath was not only 
in harmony with Christian feeling, but, as we have good reason to 
believe, was sanctioned and promoted by the special authority of 
the apostles. " It is in the highest degree probable," says Meyer, 
*' that the observance of the Sabbath rests upon apostolic institu- 
tion ; since the gospel was extended among the heathen who had 
not been accustomed to the Jewish Sabbath, it was natural and 
necessary that the apostles should instruct them in regard to such 
a day, on account of the importance of the resurrection of Christ ; 
and this supposition is an indispensable one, in order to account 
for the very early and general celebration of the Christian Sab- 
bath." In support of the last remark, this author refers to Justin 
Martyr, who, born at the beginning of the second century, says 
(Apol. II.) that the Christians of his time, "both in the cities and 
the country, were accustomed to assemble for worship on the day 
called Sunday" (ttJ tot) 17X101; Xeyojxcvr] r^jxipa). — (Tvvr}y ^evoiv 7] ix(d)V, ice 
being assembled; not tcov fxa^rjTuiv, the received reading, which our 
version follows. The latter term may have been inserted to pro- 
vide an antecedent for aurots. The use of the pronoun is like that 
in 8, 5. — For KXaa-at apTov, see on 2, 42. 46. 



Chap. XX, 8-10. 



COMMENTAEY. 



331 



V. 8. ya-av 8e Xa/x7ra8e? iKavac, Nbiv there were mayiy lamps; and 
- hence the fall of the young man was perceived at once. So 
Meyer explains the object of the remark. But that relation of the 
circumstance to the rest of the narrative is not clearly indicated. 
It has much more the appearance of having proceeded from an 
eye witness, who mentions the incident, not for the purpose of 
obviating a difficulty which might occur to the reader, but because 
the entire scene to which he refers stood now with such minute- 
ness and vividness before his mind. The moon was full at the 
Passover (v. 6), and after the lapse now of somewhat less than 
three weeks, only appeared as a faint crescent in the early part of 
the night (Hws,). — Iv rw wcpwo), in the upper room, which, as ap- 
pears from the next verse, was on the third story. See note on 
1,13. — ov ^fiev crvvrjyixivoL, tvhere ive were assembled. In the re- 
ceived text the verb is rjo-av, they were, which accords with the 
variation in the last verse. 

V. 9. Itti t^s ^uptSos, upon the windoiv, the seat of it. " It will 
be recollected that there were no windows of glass ; and the win- 
dow here mentioned was a lattice of joinery, or a door, which on 
this occasion was set open on account of the heat from the many 
lights and the number of persons in the room. It should be ob- 
serv^ed that the windows of such places in general reached nearly 
to the floor ; they would correspond weU to what our word ' win- 
dow ' signified originally, viz, luindore, wind-door, i. e. a door for 
the admission of wind or air." — Ko.Ta^ep6ix^vo<i virvia fSaS^ei, being 
overcome ivith deep sleep. — KaTevixS^eis oltto tov vttvov, having been 
borne doivn from (the effect of) the sleep into which he had sunk. 
This second participial clause states a result of the condition de- 
scribed by the first. — €7reo-€i'. The window projected (according 
to the side of the room where it was situated) either over the 
street, or over the interior court ; so that in either case he fell from 
the third story upon the hard earth or pavement below. — rjp^yj 
veKpos, was taken up dead; which it is entirely foreign to any inti- 
mation of the context to qualify by adding " in appearance," or 
" as they supposed." 

V. 10. eTrcTTco-ev, k. r. \.,fell upon him, and having embraced him, 
after the example of Elisha in 2 Kings 4, 34. As in that instance, 
so in this, the act appears to have been the sign of a miracle. — /x^ 
^opa;/3eio-^e, do not lament, which, according to the Oriental habit 
and the import of the word, they were doing with loud and pas- 
sionate outcry ; comp. Matt. 9, 23 ; Mark 5, 39. See on 10, 15. — 



Illustrated Commentary, Vol. V. p. 206. 



332 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 11-13. 



■17 yap xl/v)(r] .... icxTLv, for his life is in him, whicli lie could say 
whether he perceived that it was not extinct, or had been restored. 

V. 11. rov apTov, the already spoken of in v. 7. The article 
which the T. R. omits, belongs here (Tsch. Lchm. Mey.). The 
fall of Entychus had delayed the communion, wliich Paul now 
proceeds to admuiister. — yevcra/xevo?, having eaten, because proba- 
bly they connected a repast with the sacrament ; see on 2, 42. — 
e^' iKavov may refer to the time occupied in the entire service ; or, 
more naturally in this connection, to the remainder of the night 
after the preceding interruption. — a^^pt? avyi]?, until day-break, about 
five o'clock, A. M., at that season (Alf.). — ovVcos, thus, after these 
events ; comp. 17, 33 ; 28, 14. — i^X^ev, ivent forth, i. e. on his 
journey. Yet the term may not exclude a brief interval between 
the religious services and his departure, and during that time the 
vessel could weigh anchor and start for Assos (see on v. 13). 

V. 12. ^yayou, brought him into the assembly (Hems. Mey.), not 
to his home. The subject of the verb is indefinite. This circum- 
stance is supplementary to what is stated in v. 11 ; not subsequent 
to it in point of time. — ^wvra, living, which suggests as its antithe- 
sis that he had been dead; or, at least, that such was their behef. 
— TTapeKXrjS^rjaav, were consoled, viz. by his restoration to them. 
Some understand it of the effect of Paul's discourse; which is in- 
correct, as that is not here the subject of remark. — ov /xerptw?, not 
a little, very much. Observe the litotes. 

Verses 13- 16. They prosecute the Journeij to Miletus. 

V. 13. -jy/xeis, loe, viz. the writer and the other companions of the 
apostle, — Trpo€\S^6vT€9, having gone forioard, though from the cir- 
cumstances of the case, it could not have been long first. They 
may have left as soon as the assembly broke up, while Paul still 
remained a short time (see on v. 11) ; or, in order to reach Assos in 
good season, may have left even before the conclusion of the ser- 
vice. They spent the entire week at Troas as well as Paul (see 
V. 6), and hence could not have preceded him before the end of 
that time. — cis ry\v "Aa-o-ov, unto Assos, which was a coast- town in 
Mysia, south of Troas. — lKCi^(.v,from there, because the writer has 
his mind, not on their arrival, but the subsequent departure or 
progress. — ovrisi yap, K. T. X.,for so (that they should take liim at 
that place) he had arranged for himself; the passive in the sense 
of the middle. W. § 39. 3. — /xeAXwv refers to his intention. — 
TTc^evetv. This foot-journey, according to the best evidence, was 
about twenty miles. A paved road extended from Troas to Assos ; 
so that starting even as late as seven or eight o'clock, A. M., Paul 



Chap. XX, 14. 15. COMMENTARY. 



333 



could have reached Assos in the afternoon. A friend of the wri- 
ter, a native of Greece, stated that he himself had travelled on 
foot between the two places in five hours. The distance by sea 
is.about forty miles. His object, it is conjectured, may have been 
to visit friends on the way, or to have the company of brethren 
from Troas, whom the vessel was not large enough to accommo- 
date. 

V. 14. ws a-vvG/SaXev rjjxiv, as he met with us, seems to imply that 
he found them already there. — ets t^v "Ao-o-ov, at Assos, ht. unto, 
because the preceding verb implies the idea of the journey thither 
on the part of Paul. Mityle?ie, where they appear to have stopped 
over night, was on the east side of Lesbos, the capital of that 
island. The distance from Assos by sea was thirty miles ; so 
that the voyage hither from Troas was an easy one for a day. 
Castro, the present capital, stands on the site of the anciint city. 
The name of the island is now Metilino or Metelin, a corruption 
of Mitylene. 

V. 15. rfj luTLovcrr}, on the folloiving day, the second from Troas. 
— avTLKpv Xlov, opjwsite to Chios, the modern Scio, south of Lesbos. 
The language intimates that, instead of putting into the harbor, 
they lay otF the coast during the night. — Trj Se iripa, k. t. X., and 
iqjon the next day (the third from Troas) ive put along unto Samos. 
This island is still further down the ^gean. At one point it 
approaches witliin six miles of the mainland. It retains still the 
ancient name. They may have touched here, but as appears 
from the next clause did not stop long. — koI /xetVavres Iv TpwyvX- 
Xlo), and having remained at Trogy Ilium, which was their next 
night-station, since on the folloiving day, being the fourth, they ar- 
rived at Miletus. Trogyllium most commentators suppose to be 
the promontory and the town of that name in southern Ionia, op- 
posite Samos where it is nearest to the shore. There was also 
an island of the same name on the coast of this promontory (Strab. 
14. 636), which, says Forbiger (Handb. II. p. 170), was unques- 
tionably the TrogyUium intended in tliis passage. The apostle 
would have been nearer to Ephesus, at TrogyUium on the main- 
land, than he was at Miletus ; but a better harbor or greater facil- 
ity of intercourse may have led him to prefer the more distant 
place for his interview with the elders. — Miletus was on the con- 
fines of Caria, twenty-eight miles south of Ephesus, and just 
below the mouth of the Meander. They reached here on the 
fourth day from Troas, hence either on Wednesday or Thursday, 
some doubt existing (see on v. 7) as to the day of the week when 
they sailed from Troas. 



334 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XX, 16. 17. 



V. 16. The external testimony requires KCKpUeL, instead of 
cKptve ( Grsb. Lchm. Mey.) : For he had determined to sail past 
E2^hesus, which explains why they had left that city at the north ; 
they were opposite to it when at Samos. As it depended on his 
decision whether they stopped or proceeded, Paul and his friends 
had evidently some control of the vessel. The number being so 
great, they may have chartered the craft (as is very common in 
the Levant at present) ; at all events they must have had suffi- 
cient influence with the captain to induce him to consult their 
wishes. — oTTcos . . . . kv r'^ 'Acrta, that it might not happen to him, 
i. e. that he might avoid inducements, to spend time in Asia. He 
might have gone to Ephesus and returned during the time 
that he remained at Miletus ; but he feared to trust himself there 
lest the importunity of friends or the condition of the church might 
detain •him too long, or even lead him to alter liis purpose. — 
eWetiSe yap, K.r.X.,for he ivas hastening, if it were possible for him, etc. 
More than three of the seven weeks between the Passover and 
Pentecost had elapsed already. One had expired before they 
left Philippi ; they were five days on their way to Troas, remained 
there seven days, and were four days on the way to Miletus, — 
For TrevTrjKoa-rrj's, see on 2, 1. — yeveaSai implies motion, and takes 
after it eh. 



Verses 17-35. The Address of Paul to the Ephesian Elders at 

Miletus. 

V. 17. His subject is fidelity in the ministerial office ; first, as 
illustrated in his own example ; and secondly, as required of 
those whom the Spirit has called to this office. In v. 18-21 he 
reminds his hearers of his conduct while he lived among them ; 
in V. 19-25 he informs them that he is about to be separated from 
them to meet no more on earth; and in v. 26-35 he charges them 
to be watchful for the safety of the flock which had been intrusted 
to them, and was to be exposed in future to so many dangers. — 
TrpecrfSyrepovs =: iTTtaKOTTovs (v. 28). Compare the note on 14, 23. 
Our English translators render the latter term " overseers" in v. 28, 
contrary to their usual practice. " The E. V.," says IVIi*. Alford 
very candidly, "has hardly dealt fairly in this case with the 
sacred text ; since it ought there as in all other places to have 
been 'bishops,' that the fact of elders and bishops hs^ving been 
originally and apostolically synonymous might be apparent to the 
ordinary English reader, which now it is not." — Luke speaks 
only of the Ephesian elders as summoned to meet the apostle at 



Chap. XX, 18-20. 



COMMENTAEY. 



335 



Miletus ; but as the report of his arrival must have spread rapidly, 
it could not have failed to draw together others also, not only from 
Ephesus, but from the neighboring towns where churches had 
been established. See on v. 25. 

V. 18. v/jLeh is emphatic; see on 10, 15. — a-n-o Trpwr-qq . . . . 
Kcy'icKv.from the first daij I came unto Asia, we are to connect with 
7rco5 .... Iy€v6}xr]v, hoiv I conducted (Kuin. De Wet.) ; not with 
iTTLo-TacrSc, ye know (Mey.). As was to be foreseen, Me^^er cor- 
rects himself here in his last edition. — The duration of the pe- 
riod (Travra xpoVov) is stated in V. 31. The position of roV before 
iravTo. is exceptional, as in Gal. 5, 14, and 1 Tim. 1, 16. See K. 
h 246. 5. ^. 

Y. 19. /xcra Tracnyg raTreivocfipocnjvy]'?, ivith all, the Utmost (see on 
4, 29), lowliness of mind, humility; its opposite is viJ/rjXa <jipovdv 
(Rom. 12, 16). Compare Phil. 2, 3 and 1 Pet. 5, 5. This use of 
Tra?, says Tholuck,^ is eminently Pauline ; comp. Eph. 1, 3. 8 ; 
4, 2; 6, 18; 2 Cor. 12, 12; 1 Tim. 3, 4 ; 2 Tim. 4, 2; Tit. 2, 15; 
3, 2. — haKpvoiv, ivith tears of sohcitude for their salvation; see 
V. 31. Compare 2 Cor. 2, 4 and Phil. 3, 18. ttoXXojv before SaKpvW 
in the common text should be dropped (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). — 
TveLpao-fjiwv, trials, persecutions which he suffered from his country- 
men. Luke has not spoken distinctly of these Jewish machina- 
tions at Ephesus ; but in 19, 9 he describes a state of feeling on 
the part of the Jews, which must have been a prolific source of 
hostiht}'" both to the person of the apostle and to the objects of 
his ministiy. That his situation there was one of constant peril 
we see from 1 Cor. 15, 31. 32; 16, 9; and 2 Cor. 1, 8-10. 

V. 20. d)s ovSev, K. T. X., depends still on iirLa-raaSe (v. 18), but 
illustrates at the same time the intei-vening ttco? lyevojx-qv : lioio 
(not that^ I kept back nothing of the things expedient, i. e. out of 
regard to men's censure or their favor. How perfectly this re- 
mark harmonizes with Paul's character we have proof in such 
passages as 2 Cor. 4, 2; Gal. 1, 10; 1 Thess. 2, 4. — tov fir] avay- 
yeiXai, K. T. X., that I should or might (telic, as if in denial of the 
possibihty that he could mean to preach less than the entire truth) 
not announce unto you and teach you, viz. the tilings expedient 
for them. But both clauses contain a negative idea, and the rule 
stated on 10, 47 may apply here : he withheld nothing from them, 
that he shoidd (as the effect of such witliholding) not annouyice 

1 "Die Reden des Apostels Paulus in der Apostelgeschichte, mit seinen Briefen 
vergHchen," in the Studien und Kritiken, 1839, p. 305 sq. I have diwn several 
of the notes on this address from that instmctive Article. 



336 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XX, 21. 22. 



and teach. In other words, the infinitive states not the object of 
•uTrecrretXa/Aev as before, but a consequence of the suppression if 
unhindered. See W. § 44. 4. Compare v. 27 below. — Srjfxoo-Lay 
171 public, as in the synagogue (19, 8), or in the school of Tyran- 
nus (19, 9). — Kar' otKou?, in houses, private assemblies. 

V. 21. Tr]v ets rov ^ebv ixerdvotav, the repentance (which is meet) 
in respect to God, i. e. exercised towards him as especially wronged 
by transgression. See Ps. 51, 4. De Wette supposes a brevilo- 
quence, as in 8, 22 : repentance (with a return) unto God. Compare 
26, 20. The first sense agrees best with the use of ets in the next 
clause. "In God the- Father," says Olsliausen, "hes expressed 
the idea of the strict righteousness, to which the repentance di- 
rects itself, in Christ the idea of the compassion to which the faith 
has reference." — "It appears," says Tholuck, "to belong to the 
peculiarities of the apostle that he in particular appeals so often 
to his blameless manner of life. The occasion for this lies some- 
times in the calumnies of his enemies, as when he says in 2 Cor. 
1, 12 : ' For our boasting {Ka.v^(rii) is this, the testimony of our 
conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with flesjily 
wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have had our conversation 
in the world, and more especially among you.' The eleventh 
chapter shows what adversaries he had in view in this self-justi* 
fication. But often these appeals spring only from that just con- 
fidence with which he can call upon others to imitate him, as he 
hirns elf imitates the Saviour. Thus in 1 Cor. 11, 1 he cries: 'Be 
ye followers of me, even as I also am of Christ ; ' and in Phil. 
3, 17 : ' Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them 
who walk so as ye have us for an ensample.' Such personal tes- 
timonies are not found in the other Epistles of the New Testa- 
ment, nor are they frequent in the writings of other pious men ; 
on which account we are authorized to consider their occurrence 
in this discourse (v. 18-21) as a mark of its historical character." 

V. 22. 8e8e/xeVo9 rw TrvevfjiaTL, hound in the spirit, i. e. his own, 
in his mind, feelings (19, 21) ; constrained by an invincible 
impulse or sense of duty (Hnr. Kuin. De Wet. Rob.), so as to 
be indifferent to danger on the one hand (v. 23), and perhaps 
immovable under any remonstrance or appeal on the other 
(21, 13). The expression may be compared with our mode of 
speaking when we say " bound in good faith, in conscience," and 
the like. Some understand TrvevfjiaTL of the Holy Spirit: urged 
by his influence or command (Calv. Kypk. Wdsth.). But that 
meaning is the more doubtful here, because to aytov in the next 
verse appears to be added to distinguish that Trvevfxa from tliis. 



Chap. XX, 23. 24. 



COMMENTARY. 



337 



The sense hound in the spirit, i. e. viewing himself as already in 
chains, a prisoner in imagination, though not yet in body (Chrys. 
Grot. Eng. Hws.), anticipates the sequel of the sentence, and is too 
artificial where all the rest is expressed with so much simplicity. 
Meyer's first explanation was hound on the Holy Spirit (Rom. 7, 2 ; 

1 Cor. 7, 27), i. e. dependent on him ; but I am pleased to see that 
in his last edition he defends the first of the views given above. 

V. 23. TrXy]Vy sc. etSws, hut knowing. — Kara ttoXlv, from city to 
city, as he pursued the present journey. — SLafxapTvpcral /jlol, testifies 
fully to me, not by an inward revelation (for why should he 
have received that Kara Trokivl), but through the prophetic an- 
nouncement of others. Luke has not recorded the instances ; 
they may have occurred at Philippi, at Troas, at Assos. He men- 
tions two such communications which were made to Paul after 
this ; see 21, 4. 11. The common text leaves out ^tot, which be- 
longs after the verb. — fxivovcnv, aiuait me, not wherever he Avent, 
but at Jerusalem. Tropew/xat ei? lepouo-aArJ/x determines the place. 
— Paley compares this verse with E.om. 15, 30, which Epistle the 
apostle had just written at Corinth. He there entreats the Roman 
Christians " to strive together with him in their prayers to God 
for liim, that he might be delivered from them who believed not 
in Judea." The two passages, therefore, "without any resem- 
blance between them that could induce us to suspect that they 
were borrowed from one another, represent the state of Paul's 
mind, with respect to the event of the journey, in terms of sub- 
stantial agreement. They both express his sense of danger in 
the approaching visit to Jerusalem; they both express the doubt 
which dwelt upon his thoughts concerning what might there be- 
fall him." 

V. 24. ouSevos A.oyov TroLovjxaL, I make account of nothing, i. e. 
which I may be called to suffer. On the contrary, as he says in 

2 Cor. 12, 10 : "I take pleasure in infirmities, in reproaches, in 
necessities, in persecutions, in distresses, for Christ's sake." An- 
other reading draws the two clauses of the common text into 
one : dAX' ovSevos \6yov TroioO/xat rrfv xl/v^v TLfxCav ifxavrw, hut of no 
account do I esteem my Ife worthy for myself The construction is 
less simple than the other, and may have given place to it on 
that account (Tsch. Mey. Alf.). — ws reXetcocrat tov Spofxov fxov, thus 
(i. e. with this aim, to wit) in order to finish my course. That he 
should shrink from no danger, that he should be willing to offer 
up his life for the sake of the gospel, he regarded as due to his 
office, as essential to his character as an approved minister of 
Christ, strengthens merely the telic force of the construction. 

43 \ 



338 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XX, 25. 26. 



It occurs with the infinitive here only (unless we add 17, 14), 
and in the phrase d)s ctto^ elireiv (Heb. 7, 9). W. M4. 1. Alford 
refers ws to rifxlav, held not his life so precious as to finish, etc. 
But he must arbitrarily insert for that purpose the correlative 
" so," and even then translates the common reading only and not 
the one received into his text. — Some critics (Lclmi. Mey. Tsch.) 
omit /xertt xapa? after Spofxov ixov. It is wanting in several impor- 
tant authorities. — SLajxapTvpaaS-aL .... Tov S^eov defines in what 
the SiaKovLa consisted. The infinitive may depend on the verbal 
idea involved in that noun (De Wet.) : (commanding or requiring) 
that I should testify fulhj, etc.; or it may follow as epexegetical. — 
In the subhme language of this verse Ave hear distinctly the voice 
of the man who, on approaching the end of his career, could say : 
" I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure 
is at hand. I have fought a good fight; I have finished my 
course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for 
me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, 
shall give me at that day" (2 Tim. 4, 6-8). Compare also Phil. 
2, 17. 

■ V. 25. Kttt vvv resumes the thought in v. 22, — oTSa expresses, 
not an apprehension or a presentiment, but a conviction, yap 
otSa rovTo (T. R.) has more against it than for it. Paul's otSa 
having been fulfilled, Zeller sees evidence of the yost eventum 
character of the word in that agreement. — on ovkItl, k. t. X., that 
ye shall see no more, etc. If Paul's Roman captivity closed with 
his death, he certainly never saw the Ephesian elders after tliis 
interview. " Nor, if we suppose him to have been Hberated, can 
any contradictory result be urged on that gi-ound, since the tradi- 
tions of the fathers decide nothing in regard to the journeys of 
the apostle between his supposed liberation and his second cap- 
tivity." (Mey.) It has been proposed to emphasize Travre?, as 
if some of them at least might hope to renew their intercourse 
with him ; but that qualification is inconsistent with v. 37. 38. — 
oh 8i7]X%v, among luhom I went about, may intimate a wider 
circuit of labor than that furnished by a single city. The apostle 
either addressed those who had come from different churches in 
ithe region (see on v. 17), or at tliis point of the discourse recog- 
ni.zed those before him as representatives of these churches. 
Some understand hrjX^ov to describe Paul's labors in various parts 
of Ephesus, or the visits which he made to the houses of the 
presbyters. The expression favors the wider view, says Neander, 
but is not inconsistent with the other. 

V. 26. ho, therefore ; since it was proper for him to close his 



Chap. XX, 27. 28. 



COMMENTARY. 



339 



ministry -with sucli a testimony. — ixaprvpoixaL — fxaprvpiu), I testify, 
declare as a witness, as in Gal. 5, 3, and Eph. 4, 17, and occasion- 
ally in the classics (Pape Lex., s. v.). It means properly ohte&t, 
call to witness, with the accnsative of a person. — on Ka^apo?, 
K. T. X. See on 18, 6. The expression is peculiar to Paul's 
speeches. In this clause etftt may have been displaced from the 
text (Grsb. Lach. Mey.). 

V. 27. ov yap, K. T. A.., For I shrunk not hack (while among you) 
that I should not declare unto you. Compare on v. 20. — rrjv f^ovXrjv 
Tov ^cov, the j^lctn of God as to the way of saving men, unfolded 
in the gospel. 

V. 28. TTpocrix^Tc ovv, K. r. A.., Take heed, therefore, (since in fu- 
ture the responsibility will rest on you,) unto yourselves (that ye 
be faithful), and unto all the flock (that they be kept from error). 
Here Paul speaks just as he writes in 1 Tim. 4, 16. — Iv ^,%n 
which, since the bishops made part of the flock, while they had 
the direction of it. — to Trvevfxa e^ero may refer to their having 
been chosen under the direction of the Spirit (13, 2 ; 14, 23), or 
to their having been qualified for their ofiice by the Spirit (1 Cor. 
12, 8). — TTot^atVetv includes the idea not only of instruction, but 
of government and of super\^sion in general ; comp. 1 Pet. 5, 2. 
See the note on 14, 23. — r-qv iKKXyja-lav tov KvpCov, or ^eov, the church 
of the Lord or God. The reading here is disputed. The exter- 
nal testimony preponderates in favor of Kvptov, and most of the 
recent critics accept that as the original word, as Griesbach, Lach- 
man, Bornemann, Tischendorf, Meyer, Tregelles. Some, as Ben- 
gel, Rinck, Scholz, Mill, Alford, decide for ^eov. The internal 
argument is claimed on both sides. It is said that Seov agrees best 
with the usage of Paul, since in his Epistles iKK-qcrla tov Seov 
occurs eleven times, kKKkrjcria tov Xpto-Tov once, but never iKKX-qo-ia 
TOV KvpLov. It is replied to this, that the uncommon expression is 
more likely to have been exchanged for the ordinary one than 
the reverse.^ Wordsworth inclines to ^eov, mainly for mternal 
reasons. See Humphry's note on the other side. The variations 
tov KvpLov S^eov, TOV 3^€ov Koi Kvptov, and TOV KvpCov Koi d-eov are too 
shghtly supported to require notice. — rjv TrcpLeiroLrja-ciTo, ivhicJi he 
(redeemed and thus) obtained for himself (as a possession) ; comp. 
Lva XvTp(i)ar}TaL rjixa'i airo 7rdcrr]<s dvo/xta?, Koi KaS^aplcrr] iavT(2 Xaov TrepLov- 
(TLOV (Tit. 2, 14); and Aaos ets ircpuTroi-qo-iv (1 Pet. 2, 9). — 8ta TOV 

^ For a view of the testimonies in the case, see Davidson's Lectures on Biblical 
Criticism, p. 175 sq. He adopts tov Kvplov as the probable reading. Green 
(p. Ill) comes to the same conclusion. 



340 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XX, 29-32. 



iStov at/xaro5 represents the atonement as consisting preeminently 
in the sacrifice and death of Christ. See Matt. 20, 28 ; E,om. 3, 
24; Eph. 1, 7; 1 Tim. 2, 6; Heb. 9, 12; 13, 12, etc. 

V. 29. rovTo gives prominence to the following clanse ; comp. 
9, 21. — eio-cXevcrovrat is said of those who shonld come to them 
from other places. — /xera r^v a^t^tV fxov, not after imj decease (De 
Wet.), but my departure, jxera rrjv ainhv (Ion. for ac^i^iv) ttjv els 
©Tj^as occurs in Herod. 9. 17. — \vkol /Sapeig, violent, rapacious, 
ivolves, which represent here, not persecutors, but false teachers ; 
see V. 30, and Matt. 7, 15. These men would be as far from cor- 
responding to their professed character as guardians of the flock, 
as fierce wolves are unlike the faithful shepherd. 

V. 30. t'/xwi/ avTwv, from you yourselves, i. e. from their own 
community; not necessarily from the number of those present. — 
That the danger which Paul announced was realized, we learn 
from the Epistles to Timothy (see especially 2 Tim. 2, 17) and 
from Rev. 2, 2. The latter passage shows that some of these 
false teachers, in order to strengthen their influence, laid claim to 
the authority of apostles. 

V. 31. 8to yprjyopeLT€, Therefore ivatch ; since their vigilance 
should be equal to the dangers which threatened them. — fjivrji^o- 
vevovT€<;, k. t. A., re^nembering, etc. How they should watch, with 
what constancy and solicitude, they had been taught by his own 
example. — rptcr/W, the space of three years, may be a proximate 
expression, but must come nearer to three years than two. See 
the note on 19, 10. In Rev. 2, 2. 3, we have an interesting proof 
that the apostle's admonition was not in vain. " Thou hast tried 
them," it is said of the church at Ephesus, " who say that they 
are apostles and are not, and hast found them liars ; . . . . and for 
my name's sake hast labored and hast not fainted." 

V. 32. irapaTL^eiJiaL, k. t. A.., / commend you to God and to the 
word of his grace, i. e. in this connection, to the power of this 
word as the instrumentality which God employs for the religious 
confirmation and security of his people. — dSeX</)ot fails in so many 
copies as to be doubtful. — rw Swa/xeW it is best to refer to ^^ew as 
the principal word (Calv. Eng. Mey. De Wet.) ; not to Aoyo) (Hnr. 
Kuin.). — eTTOLKo^ofirja-aL, to build up further, is Pauline, but has less 
support here than oiKoSo/x^aaL. " This term reminds us of Eph. 
2, 20, and can be taken only in the sense of that passage. Re- 
markable, also, is the expression Kkqpovoixla iv roi^ i^ytaor/xeVois Tracrtv. 
Here -n-avre? gives prominence to the idea of a great company of 
the holy, and reminds us again of Eph. 3, 18. The expression, 
*an inheritance among the sanctified,' i. e. participation in the 



Chap. XX, 33-35. 



COMMENTARY. 



341 



spiritual blessings which exist among them, is likewise peculiarly 
Pauline, and occurs further only in the words of Paul in 26, 18 
and in Eph. 1, 18." (Thol.) 

V. 33. He warns them against avarice, against a sordid spirit. 
— iTre^vjjLTjaa, coveted when he was with them; not perf as in 
E. V. — IfxaTicrixov, raiment. The wealth of the Orientals consisted 
in part of costly garments ; they trafficked in them or kept them 
in store for future use. See Ez. 2, 69; Neh. 7, 70; Job 27, 16; 
2 Kings 5, 26. This fact accounts for the allusion to the de- 
structive power of the moth, as well as rust, in Matt. 6, 19 and 
James 5, 2. 

V. 34. KCLi rot's ovac /jLer ifjiov is an instance of varied construc- 
tion : and to (the wants of) those ivith me. W. $ 63. II. 1. Those 
referred to here are Timothy, Erastus, Luke, and others, who 
traversed sea and land with the apostle, attached to him as per- 
sonal friends and still more as friends of the cause which they 
served. — at x^^P^^ avrai, these hands, which we may suppose him 
to have held up to view as he spoke, and which may have been 
marked with traces of the toil to which they were inured. See 
the note on 17, 10 and 18, 3. — This allusion to the apostle's 
habit of manual labor while he was at Ephesus accords remark- 
ably with 1 Cor. 4, 11. 12. Luke has said nothing of it in his 
narrative of Paul's residence in that city (19, 1 sq.). But in the 
above-named passage of the Epistle, which Paul wrote just be- 
fore his departure from Ephesus, we find him saying : " Unto this 
present hour .... we labor, working with our own hands." Nothing 
could be more undesigned than this agreement. " It is manifest 
that, if the history in this passage had been taken from the Epis- 
tle, this circumstance, if it appeared at all, would have appeared 
in its place, that is, in the direct account of Paul's transactions at 
Ephesus. The correspondence would not have been effected, as 
it is, by a kind of reflected stroke, that is, by a reference in a 
subsequent speech to what in the narrative was omitted. Nor is 
it likely, on the other hand, that a circumstance which is not ex- 
tant in the history of Paul at Ephesus, should have been made 
the subject of a fictitious allusion, in an Epistle purporting to be 
written by him from that place ; not to mention that the alhision 
itself, especially in time, is too oblique and general to answer 
any purpose of forgery whatever." Paley. 

V. 35. iravra, not all things as the object of ■uTreSet^a (E. V., 
Hmph.), but adverbial, in all ways, i. e. by doctrine and by ex- 
ample ; comp. 1 Cor. 10, 33 ; Eph. 4, 15. — ovtih KOTndvTas, so labor- 
ing, viz. as I have done. — Set avTiXafx/SdveoS^ai roiv aa^cvovvTUiV, that 



i 



342 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XX, 35. 



you ought to assist the iveak, feeble, i. e. the poor, whom this mode 
of designation contrasts with the rich, who are strong, powerful 
(Chrys. Kuin. Olsh. De Wet. E>ob. Hws.). The examples in 
Wetstein sanction this meaning of aa-^evovvroiv. See also Rob. 
Lex, s. V. But the stricter sense of the word (4, 9 ; 5, 15 ; Matt. 
25; 39, etc.) is entirely appropriate : the weak, i. e. those unable 
m consequence of physical infirmity to labor for their own sup- 
port. The apostle would enforce here the duty of industry and 
self-denial, in order to procure the means of relieving those who 
are disabled by any cause from taking care of themselves. He 
holds up to them his own example, his diligence in labor, 
his disinterestedness, as worthy of their imitation. Compare 
2 Thess. 3, 7 sq. — Others understand dcr^evowTooi/ of the iveak 
in their religious faith or principles. The apostle's object as they 
argue, was to exhort the elders to maintain themselves by their 
own labor, out of regard to those who would not appreciate their 
claim to support, who would take offence at the appearance of 
anything like a mercenary spirit in their teachers. So Calvin, 
Bengel, Neander, Meyer, Tholuck, and others. It is alleged that 
this interpretation is necessary, in order to make the cases paral- 
lel; that, as Paul labored for his own support, so the object of 
their labor must be the same. But oi;tw KOTrtojj/ras does not require 
that sort of correspondence. Instead of the same application 
of the fruits of his industry, the ovVw may refer equally well to 
the manner and spirit of his labor, i. e. to his assiduity in it, and 
his benevolence, which he would have them imitate, though the 
class of persons to be benefited in the two cases was different. 
The positive objections to this exegesis are first, that the lan- 
guage is too mild, as understood of such illiberality ; secondly, 
that some word or the context should define aa^^vovvrixiVy qualified 
by TTto-ret in Bom. 14, 1 sq., and in effect by r% o-vveLSyjaeL in 
1 Cor. 8, 9 (compared with v. 7) ; and, thirdly, that it destroys 
the opposition between the giving of personal favors and the re- 
ception of them, as contemplated in the words of Christ. The 
use of Tcov do-^evcov in 1 Thess. 5, 14 weakens, it is true, the second 
objection. It may be added, that Paul, although he waived his 
own right to a maintenance from those to whom he preached, was 
remarkable for the decision with which he asserted that right in 
behalf of others ; comp. Bom. 15. 27 ; 1 Cor. 9, 13. 14 ; Gal. 6, 6 ; 
1 Tim. 5, 17. 18. See also the Saviour's rule on this subject in 
Luke 10, 7. Hence, if the explanation under remark were cor- 
rect, it would array the author of the speech against the Epistles. 
It would justify Zeller's objection, that the true Paul after repre- 



Chap. XX, 36. 37. 



COMMENTAEY. 



343 



senting his own assumption of the expenses of his support (for 
example, in 1 Cor. 9, 1-27 ) as unprescriptive and vohmtarj, would 
not so forget himself as to impose his example in that respect 
upon the Ephesian teachers as one which they must follow. — 
on auT05, that he himself. Our English translation overlooks the 
emphasis. — fxaKapcov .... Xajx/SdveLv, It is more blessed to give, than 
to receive. The Evangelists have not recorded this saying of 
Christ. It comes down to us here as an interesting specimen of 
the many such words that fell from his hps and were treasured 
up in the memory of the first disciples, but which no similar ap- 
plication has rescued from obliviou. It will be noticed that Paul 
alludes to the remark as familiar to his hearers. — The best 
authorities read jxaXXov StSoVat instead of the inverse order. — 
Nothing is wanting to attest the Pauline origin of this Miletian 
speech. It agrees with Paul's history, reflects Paul's character, 
bears the stamp of Paul's style. This last point deserves a fuller 
illustration. The following examples show the linguistic affinity 
between the discourse and the apostle's writings. SovXevetv to) 
KvpL(o, ^ew or Xpto-Tw occurs in v. 19 above ; six times in Paul, else- 
where only in Matt. 6, 24 and Luke 16, 13. raTreivofjipoo-vvr] is 
found only in v. 1 9, five times in Paul, and once in Pet. 5, 5 ; 
v-rroa-TeXXoi in V. 20. 27, and in Gal. 2, 12 ; to av{x4>€pov in v. 20, once 
in Heb. 12, 20, and three times in the First Epistle to the Corin- 
thians ; haKovia in V. 24, and twenty-two times in Paul ; ixaprv- 
pojxai in V. 26, and in Gal. 5, 3 and Eph. 4, 17 ; ^etSo/xav in v. 29, in 
2 Pet. 2, 4, and seven times in Paul; vov^eTuv in v. 31, and seven 
times in Paul ; Ko-mav in v. 35, in Paul on the contrary thirteen 
times; and the hortatory yp-qyopelre in v. 31, elsewhere only in 
1 Cor. 16, 13. See Lekebusch, Composition der Apostelgeschichte, 
p. 339. 

Verses 36-38. Faul prays with the 'Elders, a7id embarks again. 

Y. 36. ^ets TO, yovara, having kneeled (7, 60 ; 9, 40). This was 
the attitude in prayer which prevailed among the early Chris- 
tians, except on the Sabbath and during the seven weeks before 
Pentecost, when they generally stood. They regarded the latter 
posture as the more appropriate one for the expression of grati- 
tude, and adopted it, therefore, on joyful occasions (Hraph.). It 
cannot be shown that the distinction was observed at tliis early 
period. 

V. 37. The scene here is a touching one ; the simplicity of 
Luke's description heightens the effect of it. We feel instinc- 
tively that the eye must have seen what the pen has portrayed 



344 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXI, 1. 



in so natural a manner. — koI i7n7r€cr6vTe<; .... HavXov, and having 
fallen upon the neck of Paul. In the same manner Josepli mani- 
fested liis strong affection for Benjamin his brother (Gen. 45, 14), 
and for Jacob his father (Gen. 46, 29), after their long separation 
from each other. It was m accordance with Oriental manners. 
— KaT€(f>LXovv, kissed tenderly (compound) and (imperf ) again and 
again. The Evangelist uses this word to describe the affected 
earnestness of the traitor's kiss (Matt. 26, 49). 

V. 38. (3 elp-^KCL, lohich he had spoken (pluperf.) ; dative by 
attraction. — on is declarative. — -^etopeiv^^eao/xat (Tittm. de Syn. 
p. 120), behold, contemplate. It suggests the idea of the interest 
and effection with which they looked upon that countenance for 
the last time. The writer's tact in using this word of the Ephe- 
sians, but oi/^co-^e of Paul in v. 25, should be noticed. — TrpoiireixTrov,. 
K. T. X., they sent him forward, escorted liim, unto the ship. See 
the note on 15, 3, and the illustration on 21, 5. It is implied that 
the roadstead where the vessel lay, was at some distance from 
the to^vn. The site of Miletus, though originally on the coast, 
has gradually receded till it is now ten miles from the sea. It 
must have lost its maritime position long before the apostle's 
time, though not so far inland then as at present. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Verses 1-6. They continue the Voyage to Tyre. 

V. 1. ws 8e eyeVero, k. t. X., When now it came to pass that we 
put to sea. The construction is like that in v, 5. Luke certainly 
as one of the rj^jia^s, Trophimus (21, 29), and Aiistarchus (27, 2), 
accompanied Paul to Jerusalem. As the others who belonged to 
the company (20, 4) are not mentioned again, the probability is 
{ex silentio) that they proceeded no further. Some suppose that 
Timothy went at this time from Miletus to Ephesus, and assumed 
or resumed the oversight of the church there. — dTroo-Trao-^eVras air 
avTwv, having departed from them (De Wet. Kob.) ; less probably, 
having torn ourselves away (Chrjs. Kuin. Mey.). Usage weak- 
ened the etymological sense, and in Luke 22, 41 an emphasis 
appears to me out of place. — eiu^^jSpo/x^cravTcs, having run straight, 
shows that the wind was in their favor; see on 16, 11. — is 
for Kwv, like 'AttoAAoj in 19, 1. Cos was about forty miles from 
Miletus; directly south, and could have been reached in six hours. 



Chap. XXI, 2. 3. COMMENTAEY. 



345 



It was one of the smaller islands of the Archipelago, on the 
Carian coast, between the promontories, on which stood Cnidus 
and Halicarnassus. Its present name is Stanchio, which has 
arisen from a slurred pronunciation of es rav Kwv, like Stambul 
from es rav iroXtv. — Having rounded Cape Crio, the ancient Tri- 
opium, they turned their prow eastward, and sailed along the 
southern shore of. Asia Minor. Rhodes was at the entrance of 
the -^gean, on the coast of Caria. The celebrated colossus was 
prostrate at this time, having been overthrown by an earthquake. 

— Patara was a coast-town of Lycia, at some distance from the 
left bank of the Xanthus. " Now its port is an inland marsh, 
generating poisonous malaria, and the mariner sailing along the 
coast would never guess that the sand-hills before him blocked 
up the harbor into which St. Paul sailed of old." ^ Patara was 
best known for its celebrated oracle of Apollo, which, in the 
height of its authority, had almost rivalled that of Delphos. How 
near to it in the person of these wayfaring men was now brought 
the power which was to subvert that great delusion of heathen- 
ism I How soon after this could it be said, in the words of Mil- 
ton's Hymn on the Nativity of Christ : 

" The oracle's are dumb, 

No voice or hideous hum 
Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving. 

Apollo from his shrine 

Can no more divine, 
"With hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving. 
No nightly trance or breathed spell 
Inspires the pale-eyed priest from the prophetic cell." 

V. 2. The party take now another vessel. We are not in- 
formed of the reason for this measure. The vessel which had 
brought them thus far may have been adapted only to sailing 
along the shore, or they may have engaged the use of it (see on 
20, 16) only until they should find an opportunity like the present. 

— 8ta7r€pcov, crossing over just as they arrived. This particularity 
is as graphic " as if taken from a journal written during the voy- 
age." The present participle denotes often an appointed or ap- 
proaching act; comp. v. 3 ; 27, 6. W. $ 45. 1. b. 

V. 3. dvac^avevTcs ry]v KiVpov, And having had a view of Cy- 
prus, lit. having had it brought up to sight, made visible to us above 
the horizon. The language is that of an eye-witness, and of one 
familiar with the phraseology of seamen, who are accustomed to 

1 Travels in Lycia by Spratt and Forbes, Vol. I. p. 31. 
44 



346 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXI, 3. 4. 



speak of raising the land when they approach it. The opposite 
expression is aTroKpvTTT^iv yrjv ; see Kriig. on Thucyd. 5. 65 ; Stalb. 
on Prot. 338. A. The corresponding Latin words, says Mr. Hum- 
phry, are aperire and absconder e (Virg. ^n. 3. 275, 291). Some 
render, being sJiown Cyprus, having it pointed out to us in the 
distance (Kob.); but the composite form indicates a more spe- 
cific sense. This verb, which in the active governs a dative and 
accusative, retains the latter in the passive. W. ^39. 1 ; K. $ 
281. 3. — KaTaAiTTovres avr-qv, having left it behind. — clw-u/xov, on the 
left, is an adjective, not an adverb. K. ^ 264. 3. a. They passed, 
therefore, to the south of the island. They must have had a fair 
wind to enable them to take that course. The view of Cyprus 
must have carried back the apostle's mind to the days which he 
and Barnabas had spent there in the missionary work. — eTrAeo/Acv 
ets ^vplav, ive sailed unto Syria, refers to the voyage to Tyre ; for 
in the Roman age Syria included Phoenicia (Win.), of which 
Tyre was the commercial emporium. For its present state, see 
Rob. Bibl. Res. III. p. 392 sq. The most important ruins lie at 
present beneath the sea. It was with melancholy interest that 
I looked down upon them through the calm waters, in the long 
twilight which closed the tenth of May, 1852. — e/<eto-e yap, k. t. A., 
is best taken as brachylogical : for having come thither the ship 
ivas unlading (i. e. about to. unlade) the cargo. See W. § 45. 5. 
This use of the participle coincides essentially with that in v. 2 ; 
see further Matt. 26, 28 ; Luke 22, 19. Some imderstand €Keto-e of 
the conveyance of the freight from the ship to the town ; for 
thither (after the arrival) was the ship unlading the cargo (Mey. 
De Wet.). The writer would not be likely to s]3ecify so minute 
a circumstance. eKeto-e is not to be confounded with Iku. The 
clause assigns the reason {yap) for their stopping at this port. The 
voyage from Patara to Tyre need not have exceeded two days, 
if the wind was fair and the vessel in a good condition. The 
distance is three hundred and forty geographical miles.^ 

V. 4. Kttt avevp6vr€<i tovs [xad^rjTd's, and having found out the dis- 
ciples who lived there ; because being strangers they must make 
inquiry. The English version overlooks both the preposition and 
the article. The gospel had been preached here at an early 

1 The writer embarked at Beirut (on the coast to the north of Tyre) at half- 
past six o'clock, P. M, ; the next day at ten o'clock, we arrived off against Lar- 
nica on the Island of Cyprus, and on the following night, at two o'clock, A. M., 
came to anchor in the harbor of Rhodes. This was very nearly the apostle^s 
track, except in the inverse order. An ancient vessel, under circumstances entirely 
favorable, would almost equal the speed of a Levant steamer. 



Chap. XXI, 5-7. 



COMMENTAEY. 



347 



period; see on 11, 19. • The Saviour had performed some of his 
miracles in the vicinity of Tyre and Sidon; see Matt. 15, 21; 
Mark 7, 24. — eTre/xaW/xci/. See on 10, 48, — 17/xepas eTrra, seven 
days, may be indefinite, as was remarked on 20, 6. We cannot 
doubt that they occupied the time spent here in making known 
the word, and in consulting for the welfare of the Tyrian church. 
— otTtve? .... €1? 'lepovaaXriix, who said to Paul through the Spirit 
that he should not go up unto Jerusalem, i. e. if he had any regard 
to his own safety or personal welfare, or to their affectionate solic- 
itude on his account ; comp. TrapeKaXovacv, k. t. X., in v. 12. They 
were informed by the Spirit that bonds and afflictions awaited 
the apostle at Jerusalem ; but it was not revealed to them as the 
will of God that he should desist from his purpose to proceed 
thither. 

V. 5. ore .... i^apTLaai. See the first clause in v. 1. — ras 
^/Acpas, the days named in v. 4. — TrpoTrc/xTroVrwv, k. t. A,., all sending 
us forward, etc. See on 20, 38. ecos e^w rijs TroAecos, till out of the 
city, quite out of it, beyond the suburbs, where they could be 
alone and undisturbed. — lirl rbv atytaXov, upon the beach. The 
word denotes a smooth shore as distinguished from one precipi- 
tous or rocky; comp. 27, 39. Luke manifests an autoptic ac- 
curacy here. A level, sandy beach extends for a considerable 
distance on both side"^ of the site of the ancient Tyre. — Modern 
missionary life presents its parallels to the scene so briefly 
sketched in this verse. The following extract occurs in the 
journal of a college friend, whose field of labor is in the region 
of Paul's birth-place. Speaking of his departure with his fam- 
ily from Aintab for a temporary absence, the missionary says : 
" More than a hundred of the converts accompanied us out of the 
city ; and there, near the spot where one of our number had once 
been stoned, we halted, and a prayer was ofiered amid tears. 
Between thirty and forty escorted us two hours further, on horses 
and mules, singing hymns as we proceeded on our way. Then 
another prayer was offered, and, with saddened countenances, 
and with weeping, they forcibly broke away from us. It really 
seemed as though they could not turn back." 

Veuses 7-16. From Tyre they proceed to Ptolemais, and thence 
to Coisarea and Jerusalem. 

V. 7. i7fiers . . . . ets IlToXe/xatSa, Noiv we, completing (thereby) 
the voyage, came down from Tyre to Ptolemais. When the par- 

1 Kev. B, Schneider, in the Missionary Herald, Vol. xlviii. p. 201, (1852). 



348 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXI, 8. 9. 



ticiple and the verb combined thus are both in the past tense, the 
act of the participle may be antecedent to that of the verb or 
simultaneous with it. The sense must decide this ambiguity. — 
aTTo Tvpov in this position belongs to the verb, not to ttXovv (E. V.). 
Their arrival at Ptolemais terminated the sea part of their jour- 
ney. The distance is a moderate day's journey by land. A 
vessel with a good breeze would make the run in a few hours. 
This city was the ancient Accho (Judg. 1, 31), still called Aldta 
by the Arabians, and Acre or St. Jean d'Acre by Europeans. 
It is on the Mediterranean, at the north angle of a bay which 
bears the same name, and sweeps in the form of a semicircle 
towards the south, as far as Mount Carmel. The graceful curve 
of the bay appears to great advantage from the top of that moun- 
tain. — Tovs aSeX(f)ov<;, the brethren who were there ; see on v. 4. 

V. 8. They now travelled by land. Issuing from the south- 
eastern gate, in ten minutes they would cross the Belus, now the 
Nahmen, then for three hours would proceed along the beach 
with the surf breaking at their feet, at the base of Carmel would 
ford the mouth of the Kishon (El-Mukatta), and turning that 
headland, follow the line of the coast to Csesarea. The distance 
hither from Akka is about forty miles. — The received oi Trepl t6v 
Ila^W after e^eX^dvrc? is untenable. A church reading began 
here, and a more definite subject than ■iy/xcts was needed to sug- 
gest the connection. The gloss has passed into our English 
translation. — eU Kaicrapetav. This is the third time that Paul has 
been RtCcesarea. He was there on his journey from Jerusalem 
to Tarsus (9, 30), and again on his return to Antioch from his 
second missionary progress (18, 22). — ^LklTv-rrov. See on 8, 40. — 
Tov evayyeXicrTov. This title appears to have been given to those 
who had no stated pastoral charge, but travelled from place to 
place and preached as they had opportunity. See Eph. 4, 11; 
2 Tim. 4, 5. — tov ovto's twv kirra, who was of the seven (E. V.), re- 
calls Philip as already known to us in another capacity ; see 6, 5. 
But the best critics reject tov, and oVros becomes then ambiguous: 
either causal, since he was of the seven (De Wet. Alf ), or simply 
historical as in the other case. See Green's Gr. p. 190. It is 
improbable that the office merely influenced Paul, and so much 
the less, since according to this view it would be the inferior office 
which Philip no longer held and not his present one. ovto^ follows 
the tense of the other verbs, and is past. W. M5. 1. Philip, as 
an Evangelist, had relinquished his service at Jerusalem ; perhaps 
the occasion for it had been only temporary. 

V. 9. TovTia, K. r. A., Now this one had four daughters, etc. Luke 



Chap. XXI, 10-15. 



C OMMENT ARY. 



349 



mentions the fact as remarkable, and not as related in any way to 
the history. It is barely possible that they too (see v. 10) foretold 
the apostle's approaching captivity. 

V. 10. eTTt/xevovrajv lyyuepa? ttXclovs, remaining several days (comp. 
13, 31; 27, 20), a longer time than in the other places on the 
way. Having travelled rapidly since he left Miletus, and being 
now within two days of Jerusalem, the apostle had no occasion 
to hasten his journey; see 20, 16. — "Ayaj3o<; has been mentioned 
in 11, 28. He cannot well be a different person, as some have 
thought; for not only his name, but office {'7rpo(f)rjTr)<;), and resi- 
dence (o-TTo T>7? 'lo-uSata?) are the same in both instances. Whether 
he had heard of Paul's arrival and came to Csesarea on that ac- 
count (Bmg.), must be left undecided. 

V. 11. .... TToSas. The prophet performed the act on 

himself, not on Paul. The pronoun should be avrov, not avrov. 
Many of the best manuscripts read eavrov. — ovtq) .... 'lovSaioL, 
So shall bind at Jerusalem the Jews. The Romans put the apostle 
in chains, but they did it at the instigation of the Jews. — Agabus, 
like the ancient prophets, accompanied his prediction with a sym- 
bolic act, which served to place the event foretold more vividly 
before them ; the scene, being thus acted out before their eyes, 
was rendered present, real, beyond what any mere verbal declar- 
ation could possibly have made it. 

" Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurera 
Quam qu!B sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus, et quae 
Ipse sibi tradit spectator." 

Examples similar to this are frequent in the Old Testament ; see 
1 Kings 22, 11; Is. 20, 1 sq. ; Jer. 13, 1 sq. ; Ezek. 4, 1 sq., etc. 

V. 12. i7/>tet9, ive, viz. the writer, Trophimus, Aristarchus (see 
on 20, 4), and possibly others. — ol Ivtottiol restricts itself to the 
Christians of the place. 

V. 13. Ti 7rotetT€ is the language of remonstrance : What are 
you doing that you weep, etc. The same mode of expression oc- 
curs in Mark 11, 5. — eycb yap, K. T. X, Their opposition was not 
only painful to him [aw^pvTrrovrh fxov t7]v KapUav), but was use- 
less ; for (yap) he was not to be shaken in his purpose (De Wet.) ; 
or, which agrees better with erot/^w? ex^, their distress was un- 
necessaiy ; for he deemed it a privilege, not a hardship, to suffer 
in the cause of Christ; comp. 5, 41. 

V. 15. The text fluctuates here, but iTno-Kevaa-dfjievoL has decid- 
edly the best support : having packed up our baggage, having 
placed it upon the beasts of burden ; comp. iTno-KevacrdjjievoL vtto- 



350 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXI, 16. 17. 



^vyta in Xen. Hell. 7, 2. 18. This is ever an important item in 
Eastern travelling, and it was natural that Luke, a companion of 
the journey, should mention it. If the alms which they were 
carrying to Jerusalem (24, 17) consisted in part of raiment or 
provisions, the loading and unloading would require more than 
ordinary attention. Another reading is dirocrKevaardfjievoL, having 
packed away our baggage, i. e. at Cassarea, where they left it, or 
at least the superfluous part of it (Olsh.). The reason for such 
a step is not obvious. If it was their sea-luggage and unneces- 
sary for the rest of the way, it is surprising that they did not 
leave it at Ptolemais, where they ended the voyage. Some in- 
sist that, if we adopt this word rather than the other, we may 
obtain from it the same meaning : having packed our baggage 
aivay, i. e. from the place where they had stored it, in order to 
carry it with them (Mey. De Wet.) : that appears to me a forced 
interpretation. Trapaa-KevacrdixevoL and d7roTa^a/xei/ot are explanatory 
variations. — " The English version," says Mr. Humphry, " uses 
the word 'carriage' in the sense of 'things carried,' baggage, as 
in Judges 18, 21 and 1 Sam. 17, 22. Cranmer has 'took up our 
burdens,' and the Geneva version ' trussed up our fardels.' " — 
For the route "in going" up to Jerusalem, see on 23, 31. 

V. 16. (TvvrjX.d-ov, sc. TLvi<i, which governs fxa3-r]TU)v ; comp. John 
16, 17. W. § 64. 4. — dyovT€<5 .... MvdafovL Stands by attraction 
for dyovr€<; Trapa Mvao-coi/a Trap' o) ^evLo-d-MjJiev, bringing US to Mnason 
ivith whom ive should lodge (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.). His relation 
to them as their host was more important to them than his name, 
and presents itself first, therefore, in the order of statement. 
'Mvda-wvi could depend possibly on ayoi/rcs, bringing us to Mnason 
( W. § 31. 5) ; but the construction is hard. Some render bringing 
Mnason, i. e. with them from Csesarea ; which attributes to them 
an improbable act, while it leaves the dative equally irregular. — 
dp;!(atu) fjLaS^rjTrj — ixaS^yjrrj dir dp;^^?, an ancient (not an aged) disciple, 
i. e. who had long been such. He may have been converted on 
the day of Pentecost (comp. kv dpxy in 11, 15), or have been a 
personal follower of Christ. 

Verses 17-26. Paul assum£s a Voiv, to conciliate the Jewish 

Believers. 

V. 17. The apostle arrives now at Jerusalem for the fifth time 
since he left it on his persecuting errand to Damascus. It is the 
last recorded visit that he ever made to the Jewish capital. His 
present return could not have taken place later than the spring 



Chap. XXI, 17. 18. 



COMMENTARY. 



351 



of A. D. 59 ; since we must reserve two years for his imprison- 
nient at Csesarea (24, 27), and two for his imprisonment at Kome, 
before we come to A. D. 64. See Introduction, § 6. 5. If we fix 
upon this limitation on that side, we have then four years as the 
term of the apostle's third missionary excursion, which we may 
distribute as follows. He left Antioch about the beginning of 
A. D. 55 (see on 18, 23), and reached Ephesus in the spring of 
that year. Here he spent about three years (20, 31), and pro- 
ceeded to Macedonia in the spring of A. D. 58 (see on 20, 1). 
He was occupied here and in other parts of Northern Greece 
during the summer and autumn of that year (see on 20, 2), and 
arrived at Corinth early in the following winter. Having spent 
the next three months in that city (20, 3), he returned to Mace- 
donia and embarked for Syria in the spring of A. D. 59. Or, our 
scheme of chronology admits of a slightly different combination. If 
we suppose two years and six months or nine months to exhaust 
rptertW in 20, 31, we may assign Paul's return to Jerusalem to the 
spring of the preceding year, viz. that of A. D. 58. The apostle 
may have left Antioch on his third tour sufficiently early in A. D. 
54 (see on 18, 22) to have spent several months at Ephesus be- 
fore Pentecost in A. D. 55 ; and he could then have completed 
the two remaining years of his residence in that city, at Pentecost 
in A. D. 57. The advantage of this computation would be, that 
it frees us from the necessity of crowding the two years of the 
apjostle's Roman captivity so near the year A. D. 64 — da-/xeV(os 
.... aSeX(f)OL, the brethren received us gladly. This may refer to 
the more private friendly greetings which preceded the interview 
on the next day. Luke may have been struck with this cordial- 
ity the more, because Paul and his friends as preachers to the 
heathen had reason to apprehend some coldness. See the note 
on 15, 4, and Rom. 15, 31. The interview would be likely to 
take place in the house of Mnason, but ol aSeXcf^oi is too general 
to be understood merely of him and his family. 

V. 18. The notice here relates to a more public reception. — 
rfj l-rvLovarj, on the following day after their arrival. — crw r]jxiv, with 
us, viz. Luke and Paul's other companions. It was now probably 
that the gifts of the foreign churches were delivered up to the 
almoners. — 'la.K0)(3ov. This is James the Younger, who presided 
over the church at Jerusalem; comp. 12, 17. As no one of the 
other apostles is mentioned in this part of the narrative, it is prob- 
able that they were either not living or were laboring in foreign 
lands. — 7rpea(^vT€poL. The pastor and the presbyters are named as 
the principal persons (see 15, 6), not as excluding others. 



352 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXI, 19-21. 



V. 19. do-Trao-a/xevos avrov^, having embraced them. He had per- 
formed the same act of courtesy on liis preceding visit to them ; 
see 18, 22. — 8ta t^s StaKovtas avrov, through his ministry in t'he 
course of his recent journey. 

V. 20. iroaai /xu/otaSe?, hoio many myriads, stands for a large but 
indefinite number, what multitudes. Compare 1 Cor. 4, 15 and 
14, 19. — ^r/A-wrat rov voixov, zealots for the law; an objective or 
causative genitive (comp. Gal. 1, 14)-. K. § 265. 2. b. 

V. 21. OTL aTvocTTaa-lav 8tSacrK€t9, k. t. A,., that thou dost teach apos- 
tasy from Moses, etc. Neander presents the following just view of 
the transaction related here. " This accusation against Paul was 
certainly false in the form in which it was alleged ; for he opposed 
the external observance of Judaism only so far as the justification 
and sanctification of men were made to depend upon it. It was 
his principle, that no one should abandon the national and civil 
relations in which he stood at the time of his conversion, except 
for important reasons ; and in accordance with this principle he al- 
lowed the Jews to adhere to their peculiarities, among which was 
the observance of the Mosaic law (1 Cor. 7, 18). But it could 
not fail to happen that those who entered into Paul's ideas of the 
relations of the law to the gospel, and were thus freed from thek 
scrupulous regard for the former, would be led into a freer line 
of conduct in this respect, and individuals might carry this dis- 
position further than Paul desired. It may be that such instances 
gave occasion to the charge tha.t he pursuaded the Jewish Chris- 
tians to release themselves from the law. It is indeed true, that, 
when it was once admitted that circumcision avails nothing as a 
means of obtaining an interest in the kingdom of God, this rite 
must, sooner or later, fall away of itself. But Paul would not 
hasten this result by any arbitrary or violent act ; he would leave 
it to be the work of time, and would have no one break away 
capriciously from the relations in which he has been called to be 
a Christian. Hence, without deviating from the principles of 
strict sincerity, he could repel that uccusation of the Jewish zeal- 
ots. He was far from entertaining the hatred against Judaism, 
and the ancient theocratic nation, with which his violent oppo- 
nents charged him. In conformity with the principle avowed in 
his Epistles, viz. that he became a Jew to the Jews, as he became 
a heathen to the heathen and weak to those who were weak, he 
declared himself ready to do what James proposed to him, in 
order to refute that accusation. He consented to refute it by 
taking part in the Jewish worship in a mode wliich was higlily 
esteemed by pious Jews." 



Chap. XXI, 22-24. 



COMMENTARY. 



353 



V. 22. TL ovv i<TTL; What, therefore, is it? viz. which the occa- 
sion requires; comp. 1 Cor. 14, 15. 16. — 7rdvT0)<s .... avi/eXSuv, It 
is entirely necessary (inevitable) that a multitude (viz. of the Jew- 
ish Christians) should come together, i. e. around Paul as he ap- 
peared in their public assemblies, in the temple and elsewhere, 
in order to watch liis conduct and see whether their suspicions 
of him were just. It is not meant that the church would assem- 
ble in a body for the purpose of consultation (Calv. Grot.); for 
with that idea we should have had ro before irXySo's (comp. 4, 32 ; 
15, 12. 30). Nor does the language intimate that Paul's advisers 
apprehended any violent outbreak on the part of the Jewish 
Christians ( Kuin.) ; the subsequent riot which led to his appre- 
hension originated not with them, but with the unbelieving Jews 
(comp. V. 27). 

V. 23. o croL X4yofj(,ev, which we say to thee, viz. James and the el- 
ders ; for the subject of this verb must be the same as that of elirov 
in V. 20. The narrative does not allow us to separate James from 
the others ; as if he merely acquiesced in the proposal wliile the 
responsibility of suggesting it lay wholly with them (against 
Hws.), — The avSpe<; reWa/aes were certainly Jews, and may be 
supposed from the relation implied in elalv rjfuv to have been also 
Jewish believers. — evxrjv exovT€<; e^' kavroiv, having a vow upon 
themselves, which as appears from every circumstance of the de- 
scription, must have been a Nazarite vow. This vow bound those 
who assumed it to let the hair grow, to abstain from intoxicating 
drink, and in other respects to maintain a life of ascetic rigor 
(Numb. 6, 2 sq.). It was left to their option how long they con- 
tinued such a vow; though it seems to have been customary 
among the Jews of this period to extend it at least to thirty days 
(Jos. Bell. Jud. 2. 15. 1). " When the time specified in the vow 
was completed, the Nazarite offered a ram of a year old for a 
burnt-offering, a sheep of the same age for a sin-offering, a ram 
for a thank-offering, a basket of unleavened cakes, an,d a hbation 
of wine. His hair was shaven off at the gate of the sanctuary, 
and cast into the fire where the thank-offering was burning. He 
offered as a wave-offering to God, the shoulders of the thank- 
offering and two cakes, which were both given to the priest." 
Jahn's ArchseoL k 395. 

V. 24. rovTov<5 -rrapaXa^uyv, these taking ivith thyself, as associates 
in the vow. — ayvlo-^-qTi avv avrois, purify thyself with them ; enter 
upon the same course of abstinence and rehgious consecration. 
Howson understands ayi/to-^T^rt of the ordinary ablutions before 
entering the temple ; but in that case o-vv avroh loses its signifi- 

45 



354 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXI, 25. 26. 



cance, since the apostle's purification would have no more relation 
to them than to any other Jews. — koI SaTrdvrjcrov lir avroh, and 
spend upon them, incur expense on their account. " As, in some 
instances, the Nazarites had not sufficient property to enable them 
to meet the whole expense of the offerings, other persons who 
possessed more defrayed the expense for them, or shared it with 
them, and in this way were made parties to the vow." The 
Jews looked upon it as an act of special merit to assist a Naza- 
rite in this manner. Josephus relates (Antt. 19. 6. 1) that Agrippa 
the First, on his arrival at Jerusalem after having obtained the 
sovereignty of Palestine, paid the expense of numerous indigent 
Nazarites who were waiting to be released from their vows. He 
intended it as a thank-offering for his good fortune. — koL yvw- 
crovrai vravrcs, and all shall know by this act. yvoio-i and yv(i)a-<x)VTai, 
all may know (E. V.), are grammatical corrections, founded on the 
false view that this clause depends on tva. — koL avros, also thyself, 
as well as other Jews. 

V. 25. irepl Se rCjv TrcTncrTevKOTOiv IS^voiV, But (as we are both 
aware) in regard to the Gentiles who have believed, etc. — i7/x€t9, we, 
i. e. the apostles and Christians at Jerusalem; for the adoption 
of the decree was properly their act (comp. 15, 22), and not that 
of Paul and the other delegates from Antioch who submitted to 
them the question which the decree settled (15, 1). The object 
of the reminiscent remark in this verse was to obviate any scru- 
ple that Paul might feel, lest the proposed measure should inter- 
fere with the liberty of the Gentile converts. — d fir] </)vAao-o-eo-^at, 
K. T. X. See the note on 15, 20. 

V. 26. TvapaXa^oiv refers to his connecting himself with the 
men (v. 24), while dyvio-'^eis defines the nature of the connection. 
— TT7 ixofxevy rjixepa, on the following day after his interview with 
James, and the third since his arrival at Jerusalem (v. 18). — crw 
avTots belongs certainly to ayi/io-«^cts (see v. 24) and perhaps to 
ct(7i7€i; not, in the latter case, necessarily because he now took 
them to the temple in order to absolve them at once from their 
vow (Hws.), but because it may have been important that they 
should be present when he declared his intention to assume their 
expenses. — SiayyeA.A.(ov .... dyvtcr/xoi), announcing, viz. to the priests 
(ets TO tepdi/ suggests the persons) the completion filling out) 
of the days of the purification ; in other words, making known 
the interval (viz. seven days) between this declaration and the 
end of the vow and the bringing of the necessary offerings. So 
essentially Stier, Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, Wordsworth, and 
others, rov before dyvior/xov defines the purification as that referred 



Chap. XXI, 26. 27, 



COMMENTARY. 



355 



to in avv avToh dyvio-^^ets ; heiice that of those associated in the 
act, not that of the men merely and not that of Paul merely 
(both, mistakes have been made). The convenience of the priests 
may have required this notification to enable them to prepare for 
the concluding ceremony at the temple. Others (as Wiesl.) ex- 
plain iKirXripwo-Lv of the actual expiration of the days during which 
the men's vow was to continue. Such a view leaves no time for 
the apostle's partnership with them, and thus conflicts both with 
avv avTots ayi/tcx-Jet?, and with evpov /jlc rjyviorfxivov iv ro) tepio in 24, 18. 
The apostle's arrest (v. 27) was subsequent to his present appear- 
ance in the temple, and at the time of the arrest, as we see from 
the w^ords just quoted, he was still observing his part of the vow. 
— ecos ov, K. T. A.., until the offering (known as necessary) was 
brought. This clanse depends naturally on StayyeAAcov, k. t. A., and 
as it formed a part of the notice which Paul gave in the temple 
(hence oratio directa) would have naturally the subjunctive {until 
it should he brought, as in 23, 12. 21 ; 25, 21), instead of the indica- 
tive. It may be an instance, as Meyer suggests, in which the direct 
form of the announcement glides over into the past of the narra- 
tive. See K. Ausfh. Gr. § 846. Some carry back the clause to 
eio-r/et et? to lepov as elliptical : went into the temple and staid there 
until the offering was brought. In that case we must pass over 
the nearer point of connection for a remoter one, and must even 
insert the w^ord in the text which renders that connection possi- 
ble. Further, it is improbable that Paul lodged two or three days 
in the temple ; and yet as he speaks of himself as there on the 
day of the riot, in order to bring the final ofierings (24, 18), it 
would follow on this view of the subject that he had remained 
there from his first repairing to the temple till that time. The 
true emphasis of virlp iv6<s eKaaTov lies in the fact that Paul was 
to be answerable for the expenses of the offering of each one ; 
not (as Hws.) that he would remain in the temple until each one^s 
offering was presented. 



Verses 27-30. Paul is seized by the Jews, and dragged from the 

Temple. 

V. 27. u)5 Se 'ifxeXXov, k. t. X., Noiv as the seven days were about 
to he completed, i. e. in all probability the seven days announced 
to the priests as the limit to which the vow of the Nazarites 
would extend, and as the period also of the apostle's partnership 
in that consecration. This is the readiest explanation and the 
one to which most critics assent (Bng. Kuin. Olsh. Mey. De "Wet. 



356 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXI, 27. 28. 



Alf.). Neander's idea is that their vow embraced only seven 
days in all, and that Paul joined them on the last of these 
days. Against that construction stands the inference from 
evxrjy €xovTe<s icf) iavTwv in V. 23, that the VOW had been resting on 
them for a considerable time before the apostle's connection with 
them, and, also, that Iva ^prjcrwvTaL rrjv K€(f)aX-qv (v. 24) would sig- 
nify very little if the ceremony was to take place at the expira- 
tion of a single week. — Wieseler (p. 105) has revived the opinion 
of some of the older interpreters, viz. that the seven days were 
those observed as the feast of Pentecost. His arguments are 
mainly two: first, as obviating an objection, that this meaning 
suggests itself readily enough after the information (20, 16) that 
Paul was hastening to keep the Pentecost at Jerusalem; and, 
secondly, that the reckoning of the twelve days between his 
arrival there and his subsequent trial at Caesarea demands this 
explanation. Howson adopts the same view. But the article 
before eTrra rjixipai recalls quite irresistibly the days of the puri- 
fication just spoken of, and the twelve days mentioned in 24, 11 
may be computed in different ways (see note there), and hence 
though compatible with that theory do not establish it. Above 
all, the assumption that the Jews observed Pentecost as a heb- 
domadal festival is too uncertain to be made the basis of an ex- 
planation. The law of its institution prescribed but one day 
though the later Jews, it would seem, added a second. Win. 
Realw. I. p. 243. — ol airo Trj<; 'Ao-ias "IovSolol, the Jews from Asia, 
i. e. the province of that name where Paul had resided so long 
(20, 31). Some of them may have been from Ephesus, who 
would recognize Trophimus (v. 29) as a fellow-townsman. The 
Jews here, the authors of this riot, were not believers and hence 
not of the class of Jews whom the apostle expected to conciliate. 

V. 28. (3or]d€iTe, help, i. e. to apprehend him, or to wreak ven- 
geance on him, — eVt re Kai, and further also; comp. 2, 26. It is 
one of Luke's peculiar phrases. — "EXA-T/vas may be the plural of 
the class or category, because what Paul had done in the case of 
one, he might be said in point of principle to have done for 
many ; or it may have been an exaggeration for the purpose of 
increasing the tumult. — cts to Upov, into the temple, i. e. the part 
of it interdicted to foreigners. The outer court or inclosure was 
called the court of the Gentiles, and could be entered by them 
without profanation. The second court, or that of the Israelites, 
was surrounded with marble pillars, on which, as Philo states, 
was inscribed in Latin and Greek : " On penalty of death let no 
foreigner go further." 



Chap. XXI, 29-31. 



COMMENTARY. 



357 



V. 29. rjoav TTpoeoypaKOTcs, had seen before, on some previous oc- 
casion ; or possibly, had seen aivay, at a distance (Mey.). In this 
compound the preposition refers elsewhere to the future (out of 
question here) or to space, not to past time (R. and P. Lex.). 
The retrospective sense lies so near to the use of Trpo, and occurs 
so readily here, that we need not scruple to admit it. — For Tro- 
phimus, see on 20, 4. He was a foreigner ('Ec^eVtov), and not a 
Jew from Ephesus. — ov kvointpv, k. -r. A.., whom they were supposing, 
etc. They had seen Trophimus in the city with him, and from 
that rushed to the conclusion that he had brought Greeks into-the 
temple. " IL^XoX'se, putantes',' says Bengel, ssepe errant." 

V. 30. ^iKkov .... tepoi), they dragged him out of the temple, so 
as not to pollute it with blood (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.). They had 
detei'mined already to kill him. Bengel conjectures (whom Bmg. 
follows) that they wished to prevent him from taking refage at 
the altar. But the Mosaic law restricted the right of asylum to 
those who had been guilty of accidental murder; see Ex. 21, 13. 
14. — iK\eL(r^r)crav at S^vpaiy the doors (of the second court) were 
closed, probably by the Levites, who had the care of the temple ; 
see the note on 4, 1. They may have feared that the crowd 
would return, or some new disturbance arise. 

Verses 31-40. The Roman Commander rescues Paul from the 
Hands of the Jews. 

V. 31. lr}TovvTO)v Se avrov aTTOKxetvai, JVow while they are seeking 
to kill him; they were beating him for that purpose (see v. 32). 
But as the onset had been sudden, and they were not furnished 
with weapons, some delay intervened. It was nothing in all hu- 
man appearance but that momentary delay, that saved now the 
life of the apostle. The Roman officer had time to appear and 
snatch him from impending death. — avi/Srj, k. t. X., a report went 
up to the chiliarch of the cohort; see his name in 23, 26. It was 
but the work of a moment to convey to him the information. He 
had his station in the castle of Antonia, which was on a rock or 
hill at the northwest angle of the temple-area. The tower at the 
southeast corner of the castle "was seventy cubits high, and 
overlooked the whole temple with its courts. The fortress com- 
municated with the northern and western porticos of the temple- 
area, and had flights of stairs descending into both ; by which 
the garrison could at any time enter the court of the temple and 
prevent tumults." Bibl. Res. 1. p. 432. During the festivals i^ 
was customary to keep the troops in readiness to suppress the 



358 



C M M E N T A R Y . 



Chap. XXI, 32-37. 



riots which were so liable to occur at such times (comp. on 10, 
37). See Jos. Antt. 20. 5. 3; Bell. Jud. 5. 5. 8. — The Turkish 
garrison stands at present very nearly on the site of the old 
castle. The traveller obtains his best view of the court of the 
Haram or mosque of Omar, the ancient temple-area, from the 
roof of this garrison. 

V. 32. iKarovrdpxovs, centurions, each with his proper comple- 
ment of men. The chiliarch ordered out a force sufficiently large 
to intimidate all opposition. — KariSpaixev iir avrovs, ran doivn upon 
them. To that despatch Paul was indebted for his escape ; note 
also iiavrrj^. This verb corresponds to ave/Sr) in v. 31 — ot 8e tSoV- 
r€s, K. r. A., Nbiv when they saw the chiliarch, etc. They knew the 
consequences too well to run the risk of a colhsion with the Ro- 
man troops. See on 19, 2-1. 

V. 33. h^^rjvai aXvG-eo-L Svctl, to be bound tuith two chains, i. e. to 
have his arms fastened to two soldiers, one on each side of him. 
The mode was described in the note on 12, 6. — rts av etrj, ivho he 
might be, since his name and rank were uncertain. — kox rt Ian 
TTCTTotT^Kto?, aud ivhat he has done. The form of the inquiry presup- 
poses that he had committed some crime. W. Hi. 4. c. He put 
the question to the crowd, as the responsive clamor shows in the 
next verse. 

V. 34. CIS ryjv Trapeix^oXyjv, into the garrison or barracks ; not the 
castle as a whole (E. V.), but the part of it assigned to the sol- 
diers. 

V. 35. cTTt Tov<; ava/3aS^fjiovs, upon the stairs which led up to the 
castle. On arriving here, the crowd pressed on Paul so as to 
awaken the fear of some outrage or treachery. Some think that 
Jie was lifted off his feet by the throng, and then taken and 
carried up the stairs. — avvk^t], k. r. A., it happened that he ivas 
borne (in their arms or on their shoulders) by the soldiers. awe/Sr] 
is not superfluous. i/SaaTa^ero alone would have pointed out less 
distinctly the peril of his situation, as evinced by their adopting 
such a precaution. 

V. 36. Now was heard again the shout which thirty years 
before surrounded the prsBtorium of Pilate, " Away with him, 
away with him" (Hws.). olpe is imperative present because 
r)Ko\ov'^eL (imperf.) represents the cry as a continued one; see 22, 
22. Compare apov in John 19, 15, where the aorist precedes. 

V. 37. 'EXXrjvLa-Tv ytvcocr/<ets ; Dost thou know Greek ? The ad- 
verb stands in the place of the object (comp. ovroi in 20, 13), and 
A-aXetv is not to be supplied (Kuin.) ; comp. rovs '^vpto-TL kTria-rajxivov; 
in Xen. Cyr. 7. 5. 31, and in Latin Greece nescire (Mey. De Wet.). 



Chap. XXI, 38. 



COMMENTARY. 



359 



V. 38. ovK apa, K. T. A., Art thou not therefore the Egyptian ? i. e. 
as I supposed, ov indicates an affirmative answer with reference 
to the speaker's former state of mind. W. ^ 57. 3. The com- 
mander, on being addressed in Greek, conchides that he is mis- 
taken; for it was notorious (it would seem) that the Egyptian 
was unable to speak that language. He could not have drawn 
that inference solely from his Egyptian origin, for the Greek was 
now spoken more or less in almost every country. — Of this 
Egyptian impostor, Josephus has given two different accounts 
which need to be reconciled with each other, as well as with 
Luke. Li his Bell. Jud. 2. 13. 5, he relates that a juggler (yoT^s), 
whom he also denominates 6 AlyvTrno'^, having procured for him- 
self the reputation of a prophet, led a great multitude of about 
thirty thousand men out of the desert to the Mount of Olives, 
and promised them that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down 
at his command ; but Felix fell upon them, the Egyptian fled /xer 
oXLywv, with a small number, most of his followers were slain or 
taken prisoners, and the rest of the crowd (to Xolttov TrXyj^o^) dis- 
persed. In his Antt. 20. 7. 6 (he wi'ote this work later than his 
Jewish War), he states that this Egyptian came to Jerusalem, 
that he persuaded the populace to go out with him to the Mount 
of Ohves, where he would exhibit to them the wonder before 
mentioned ; and then he speaks of the attack of Felix, and m 
that connection says merely that four hundred of the Egyptian's 
people were slain, and two hundred were taken captive, without 
any further addition. " Here now," says Tlioluck (Glaubwiirdig- 
keit, p. 169), "Josephus has in all appearance contradicted him- 
self in the most glaring manner ; for in one case the Egyptian 
brings the people from the desert to the Mount of Olives, in the 
other, from Jerusalem ; in the one case the greater part of thirty 
thousand people are slain or taken prisoners ; in the other, the 
number of the slain amounts to only four hundred, that of the 
prisoners to only two hundi'ed. This example serves to illustrate 
an important rule of criticism, so often violated by sceptical waiters 
in relation to the Bible ; and that is, that, if the general credibil- 
ity of an historian be acknowledged, we are bound to reconcile 
an apparent difference by interpretation or combination. The 
apphcation of this principle here enables us to view the matter 
thus. The man had at first a band of sicarii, and a rabble had 
also attached themselves to him ; these people he leaves behind 
on the Mount of Ohves, and leads thither out of Jerusalem an 
additional crowd, so that the entire multitude might amount to 
about thirty thousand men. As usually happens in such cases, 



360 



COMMENTAEY. Chap. XXI, 39. 40. 



curiosity merely had drawn together most of them. Only a smaller 
company belonged to the train of liis followers, and among these 
were the sicarii, the attack of the Romans was directed properly 
against these, of whom Felix slew four hundred, and made two 
hundred prisoners. With a small number, i. e. with the four thou- 
sand of whom Luke speaks, he escaped into the desert ; the re- 
maining mass, i. e. ro ttA^J^s, of which the first passage of Jose- 
phus speaks, dispersed. In this, or in a similar way, the Jewish 
historian may be reconciled with himself, and with the A^niter of 
the Acts." — et? rr]v (.prjjxov, into the desert, viz. between Egypt and 
Palestine, as he came from that direction. — toi;s r^TpaKLa-x^Xiov;, 
the four thousand. The event was so recent that the precise 
number was still known. The same Felix was procurator of 
Judea at tliis time ; see 23, 24. — crtKaptW, assassins, a Latinism. 
They received their name from the Roman sica, a curved dagger 
adapted by its form to be concealed beneath the clothes ; they 
could use it for striking a fatal blow, in a crowd, without being 
observed. 

V. 39. eyo) .... Tapo-evs, as analyzed by Meyer, contains two 
clauses : I am indeed (fj-^v) not the Egyptian, but a Jew from Tar- 
sus. Se below can hardly be antithetic. — KiAtKta? depends' on 
TToAews; not in apposition with an unphed genitive in Tapo-cvs 
(E. v.). — ovK acr-^fjiov, ?iot unnoted; on the contrary, says Josephus 
(Autt. 1. 6. 1), the most important city of all Cilicia. Many of 
the coins of Tarsus bear the title of Auto?iomous and Metropolis. 
See on 9, 30. 

V. 40. IlaSAos ecrrojs, k. t. X. " What nobler spectacle," ex- 
claims Chrysostom, "than that of Paul at this moment ! There 
he stands bound with two chains, ready to make his defence to 
the people. The Roman commander sits by, to enforce order by 
his presence. An enraged populace look up to him from below. 
Yet in the midst of so many dangers, how self-possessed is he, 
how tranquil!" — 'E^patSt haXeKTco, in the Hebrew dialect,!, e. 
in the Syro-Chaldaic or Ai-amsBan, as in John 5, 2; 19, 13. See 
on 6, 1 . In that language, if he was not more intelhgible to most 
of liis hearers, he could at least " speak more directly to the 
hearts of the people." 



Chap. XXli, 1-3. 



COMMENTARY. 



361 



CHAPTEE XXII. 

Verses 1-21. PauVs Speech on the Stairs of the Castle. 

Y. 1. As we examined Luke's account of Paul's conversion 
(9, 1-18) in connection with this address, it will be sufficient for 
the most part to refer the student to the notes there, so far as the 
two narratives comcide. I subjoin Mr. Humphry's mtroductory 
paragraph. " Though the subject-matter of this speech has been 
related before, it assumes here a fresh interest from the manner 
in which it is adapted to the occasion and the audience. The 
apostle is suspected of disaffection to the Mosaic law. In order 
to refute this charge, he addresses them in Hebrew; he dwells on 
his Jewish education, and on liis early zeal for the law ; he shows 
how at his conversion he was guided by Ananias, a man devout 
according to the law, and of good report among the Jews at Da- 
mascus, and how he subsequently worshipped in the temple at 
Jerusalem, So far they hsten to him ; but he no sooner touches 
on the promulgation of the gospel among the heathen (v. 21) 
than he is interrupted, and his fate would probably have been 
the same as Stephen's, had he not been under the protection of 
the Roman captain." — For ahekffiol koI Trarepe?, see on 7, 2. Some 
of the rulers mingled with the crowd, whom Paul knew person- 
ally or recognized by some badge of office. Here too (1, 16) 
av8/oes is complimentary and belongs with that force to both nouns. 

— fxov depends not on aKovo-are (comp. 1, 4), but on dTroAoytas. 

V. 3. The common rule v/ould place fxev after yeyevvrjjxevos. It 
stands out of its place now and then in the best WTiters. W. § 
61. 5. The opposition lies evidently between, Paul's foreign birth 
and his education at Jerusalem. — KiAiKtas depends not on ttoXcl 
understood, but on Tapo-w under the rule of possession. W. ^ 30. 2. 

— Critics point this sentence differently. Many of the older com- 
mentators, whom Meyer foUows, place the comma after Pa/xaXirJA, 
instead of ravTr}, so as to bring a participle at the head of the 
several clauses. This division promotes the rhythm at the ex- 
pense of the sense. The comma should be put undoubtedly 
after Tavrrj (Grsb. Lclim. De Wet.). Tischendorf follows this 
punctuation in his second edition, irapa tov^ TrdSas TaixaXtijX, at 
the feet of Gamaliel^ is appropriate to TrcTratSev/xeVos, but not to dva- 
Tc^pa/A/Aevos ; the latter ha\4ng respect to his physical growth or 
progress to manhood, the former to his professional training, dm- 

46 



362 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXII, 4-7. 



Tc^pa/x/xeVos iv tt] TrdXei ravrrj, having been brought up in this city, 
forbids the supposition that Paul was an adult when he went to 
reside at Jerusalem. Compare, also, 26, 4. He must have re- 
moved thither from Tarsus in his boyhood or early youth. It is 
surprising that Eichhorn and Hemsen should maintain, in opposi- 
tion to such evidence, that Paul did not enter the school of Ga- 
maliel until the thirtieth year of his age. See note on 7, 58. To 
he taught at one's feet was a proverbial expression among the 
Jews, founded on the fact that in their schools the teachers, 
whether they stood or sat, occupied a higher place than the pu- 
pils. Schottg. Hor. Hebr. p. 477. — Kara aKpt/SeLav — Kara rrjv d/cpt- 
^eaTOLTTjv aLpeatv in 26, 5. Paul had been a Pharisee, and in his 
zeal for Judaism had surpassed all the adherents of that sect 
who had been students with him under Gamaliel (see Gal. 1, 
13). — Trarpcoov vo/xov =:z i/o/xov twv TtaripiiiV ; COmp. TOi Trdrpioo) «9ea) 
in 24, 14. — S^€ov is like the genitive in 21, 20. 

V. 4. ravTTjv rrjv oSdv (19, 23), stands concisely for those of this 
way ; comp. 9, 2. — ay^i ^avdrov, unto death, not the aim merely 
(Grot. Mey.), but result of his persecution. The facts in the 
case justify the strongest sense of the expression ; see v. 20 and 
26, 10. — dvhpa^, K. T. A. See on 8, 2. 

V. 5. cos KoL .... fjLoi, as also the high-priest testifies ( = is wit- 
ness) for me ; i. e. the dp)(L^p€v<i at that time (see on 9, 1), who 
was known to be still living. Some construe the verb incorrectly 
as future. — Trpos rovs dSeXc^ous — Trpos ras avvayo)yd<i ill 9, 2 ; i. e. 
unto the Jewish rulers of the synagogue whom Paul recognizes 
as brethren (as in v. 1), to show that he was not hostile to his 
countrymen or alienated from them (21, 28) ; comp, Rom. 9, 1 sq. 
— iTTopivofxrjv, was Journeying ; not went (E. V.). — a^a>v .... oVras, 
in order to hring also those there, lit. thither, because the speaker's 
mind passes from where he is to them ; not the emigrants thither 
(Mey. Alf), since the Jews had resided there too long to be viewed 
in that light. — tVa Ttp^ioprj^ojo-Lv, that they might be punished, viz. by 
imprisonment (v. 4 ; 8, 3), by stripes (v. 19 ; 26, 11), or by death 
(v. 4; 8,1). 

V. 6. e-yeVero, k. t. A., But it happened to me as I journeyed (the 
participle as imperfect) that, etc. — p-oi Tropevoixivio is not an in- 
stance of the dative absolute, but depends on eyeVero ; comp. v. 17. 
W.- § 31. 2. R. 2. — Trepl /A€o->7/x/5/jtav, about mid-day. See on 9, 3. 
That he should have had such a vision (^a>? iKavoV) at such an 
hour made it the more impossible that he should be deceived. — 
For Tre/ot in Treptao-rpdi/zat repeated before Ip-k, see on 3, 2. 

V. 7. eVeo-a, which is changed in some copies to hr^aovy is an 



Chap. XXII, 9-14. 



COMMENTAET. 



363 



Alexandrian form; comp. Gal. 5, 4. W. § 13. 1. a. Transcribers 
have probably altered this termination to the second aorist in 
some other passages, as John 6, 10; Heb. 3, 17; Rev. 7, 11. For 
cTreo-a in the classics, see K. § 154. R. 2; B. § 114. 

V. 9. ol orvv ijJLol ovres = ot avvoScvovres avT(Z in 9, 7 (comp. 26, 
14). So those might be described who happened to be travelling 
with Saul in the same caravan ; but the common view is more 
correct, that they are the men who accompanied liim as his as- 
sistants. He would need the aid of others to enable him to con- 
vey his prisoners in safety to Jerusalem (v. 5). — rrjv Se (fxavrjv ovk 
rjKova-av, hut the voice of him who spoke to me they understood not. 
For thi-s translation, see the remarks on 9, 7. 

V. 11. (1)5 Se OVK IvijSX^Trov, As now I saiv not, i. e. any thing; 
here only without an object. — (xtto ttJs So^t^s tov (/)a)ros Ik^Ivov, from 
the glory, splendor, of that light, which was '* above the brightness 
of the sun;" see 26, 13. "The history (9, 9) mentions simply 
the fact "of his blindness, but the apostle states its cause, as an 
eye-witness would naturally do." Birks, p. 328.^ 

V. 12. €{'o-e/37^s is the authorized word, not €v\a^i^<s. " The his- 
torian (9, 10) calls Ananias a disciple; but the apostle 'a devout 
man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews 
who dwelt there.' Such a description was admirably suited to 
his immediate object, to conciliate his audience in every lawful 
way. How consistent it was with the other account appears 
from 21, 20, in the words of James : ' Thou seest, brother, how 
many thousands of Jews there are who believe, and they are all 
zealous of the laiv!" Birks, p. 329. — KaroiKovvrinv, sc. kv ^afxaaKco. 
— iTnards, standing near, in order to place his hands upon him ; 
comp. 9, 17. — The recapitulation here omits the vision to Ana- 
nias, related so fully in the history (comp. 9, 10 sq.). The cir- 
cumstances of that event were unimportant to the apostle's 
defence, and would have made his commission to the Gentiles 
needlessly prominent at this stage of the address. 

V. 13. avdliX^ipov, look up and see ; and so in the next clause, 
dvi^X&pa ets avrov, I looked up upon him. We are to think of 
Paul as sitting there blind, and Ananias as standing before him 
(Mey). The verb does not vary its meaning, but suggests in 
the fii'st instance what it asserts in the second. The involved 
idea prevails over the direct one in such a use as that in 9, 12. 

V. 14. 6 "^eos ru)v Trarepcov '17/xajv, the God of our fathers, is another of 

* Horje Apostolicse, by the Eev. T. R. Birks, late Fellow of Trinity College, 
Cambiidge (London 1850). 



364 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXII, 15. 16. 



" those conciliatory touches which mark a real discourse." — Trpo- 
cxet/otcraro, k. t.X., appointed (destined, as in 3, 20) thee to knoiu his 
will, not as to the way of saving men (i. e. /SovXi^v in 20, 27), but 
as to what he was to do and suffer in his future sphere of labor ; 
comp. 9, 15. 16. — KoL tSctv. See the last remark on 9, 7. — t6v 
hUaiov, as in 3, 14 ; 7, 52. 

V. 15. on lo-Tj .... av^pomov<;,for thou shalt be a witness for him 
unto all men. Tliis is the reason why Christ had revealed him- 
self to Paul; comp. Gal. ], 16, Trai/ras dv^pcoTrovs takes the place 
of e^i/wv Kat f^aaiXeoyv, vlCjv re 'lapa-^X in 9, 15. The more guarded 
phraseology here evinces the tact of the speaker. Paul would 
keep back for the present the offensive ek e^vrj which when 
uttered at length (v. 21) was the last word that the bigoted Jews 
would bear from him. — The idea of our English " martyr " was 
not attached to fxaprvp or fidpTv? till a later period. We see the 
word in its progress to that signification in v. 20 and Rev. 17, 6. 
Towards the close of the second century it had become^so hon- 
orable a title, that the Christians at Lyons who had been con- 
demned to suffer torture or death, fearful that they might waver 
in the moment of extremity, refused to be called "martyrs." 
" This name," said they, " properly belongs only to the true and 
faithful Witness, the Prince of Life ; or, at least, only to those 
whose testimony Christ has sealed by their constancy to the end. 
We are but poor, humble confessors, i. e. oixoXoyot" (Euseb. 
Hist. 5. 2). — u)v instead of a, which the verb requires, arises from 
the suppressed eKctVcov after fxdpTv<;. 

V. 16. dvaa-rds stands opposed to /xeAXei?, i. e. without delay; 
see on 9, 18. — ^aTrno-ai, he baptized, or, with a stricter adherence 
to the form, have thyself baptized (De Wet.). One of the uses of 
the middle is to express an act which a person procures another 
to perform for him. W. ^ 38. 3 ; K. 250. R. 2. This is the only 
instance in which the verb occurs in this voice, with reference to 
Christian baptism. In the analogous case (1 Cor. 10, 2) the read- 
ing is i^aTTTLcravTO or i/SaTTTLcr^rjcrav. — Kat aTToXovcraL Ta§ ajxapTLag <tov, 
and wash (bathe) awa^ thy sins. This clause states a result of 
the baptism, in language derived from the nature of that ordi- 
nance. It answers to ets a^eo-tv d/xapncov in 2, 38, i. e. submit to 
the rite in order to be forgiven. In both passages baptism is rep- 
resented as having this importance or efficacy, because it is the 
sign of the repentance and faith which are the conditions of salva- 
tion. Compare dTreXovo-ao-^c in 1 Cor. 6, 11. The sort of outward 
washing expressed by this verb has been noticed on 16, 33. 
Hence there can be no question as to the mode of baptism in 



Chap. XXII, 17-21. 



COMMENTAEY. 



365 



this instance ; for if it be maintained that /SaTrrtcrat is uncertain 
in its meaning, a definition is added in airoXovaaL which removes 
the doubt. — iTriKaX^a-aix^vo^ to ovofia avrov suppHes essentially the 
place of €7rt TO) ovo/xart ^lyjaov Xpto-roi) in 2, 38 ; see the note on 
that clause, tov Kvpcov after 6Vo/xa has much less support than 
avTov, The pronoun can refer only to Christ ; comp. on 9, 14. 

V. 17. For this journey to Jerusalem, see on 9, 10. — eyeWo 
governs fxoi as in v. 6. — In Trpocrevxofxivov fxov the construction 
changes to the genitive absolute. On account of this intervening 
clause, fte accompanies yiveo-d^ai, though iyevero has the same log- 
ical subject (see on 15, 23). W. ^ 44. 3. — On eKcrrao-ei, see 10, 
10. Some, as Schott, Wieseler, and others, would identify this 
"ecstasy" with the vision to which Paul alludes in 2 Cor. 12, 2; 
and would establish by this coincidence the date of the composi- 
tion of that Epistle. But as the apostle had so many similar reve- 
lations in the course of his life, and as the character of this vision 
is so unlike that described in 2 Cor. 12, 2, the conjecture that 
they are the same must be pronounced vague and improbable. 

V. 18. iv ra-x^L, quickly, accords with Gal. 1, 18. On this first 
visit Paul remained at Jerusalem but fifteen days, and received 
this command probably on one of the last of them. In that pas- 
sage of the Epistle the apostle says nothing respecting this vision 
in the temple, as it was sufficient for his object to mention the 
reason for this journey thither and the brevity of his stay. — Stort 
.... Trept kpuov, because they (viz. his unconverted countrymen) will 
not receive thy testimony, i. e. although he should continue to de- 
clare it to them. See the note on 9, 30. 

V. 19. dirov, K. T. X. The apostle states the reason here why 
he supposed Jerusalem to be his proper field of labor. His his- 
tory as a converted blasphemer and persecutor was notorious in 
that city; the testimony of such a man might be expected to have 
more weight among those who had witnessed the change in his 
character, than among those to whom his previous life was un- 
known. 

V. 20. fxaprvpo'^ (TOV, thy ivit?iess, not "martyr" (E. V.) ; see on 
v. 15. — Koi ovTo^, then (see on 1, 10) I myself. — In respect to 
o-wevSoKwv, see the note on 8, 1. -rr^ avaipicreL avrov the critical 
editions of the text omit, or put in brackets. It is probably an 
addition from 8, 1. — On (fivXacro-cDv, k. t. X., see 7, 58. 

V. 21. TTopevov is present, because he was to obey at once. 
He proceeded to Syria and Cilicia (9, 30 and Gal. 1, 21), and 
remained there three or four years before his arrival at Antioch 
(see on >9, 30). As he was ordered to leave Jerusalem because 



366 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXII, 22-24. 



God would send him to the Gentiles, we may infer (though this 
is not the common opinion) that he preached to heathen as well 
as Jews during his sojourn in those regions. See note on 13, 3. 
— " Paul relates this vision to show," as Alford remarks, " that his - 
own inclination and prayer had been, that he might loreach the 
gospel to his own people ; but that it was by the imperative com- 
mand of the Lord himself that he went to the Gentiles." 

Verses 22-29. Paul pleads his Roman Citizenship, and escapes 

the Torture. 

V. 22. yjKovov, continued to hear. — a)(pi tovtov tov \6yov, unto 
this word, viz. that God would send him to the heathen. — atpc is 
present because it was a repeated cry; see on 21, 37. — For rdv 
with Toiovrov, the one such as he, see on 19, 25. — ov yap Ka^rjKev 
avTov t,rjv,for it ivas not Jit he should live ; imperfect because he had 
forfeited life long ago. W. ^41. 2. Meyer refers the past tense 
to the chiliarch's interference ; he ought not to have rescued the 
man, but should have left him to his fate. Some copyists, stum- 
bling apparently at the imperfect, wrote KaS^rjKov or Ka^r/Ku. 

V. 23. pLTTTovvTiov TO. lixoiTLa mcaus, not throwing off their gar- 
ments as a preparation for stoning Paul (Grot. Mey.), for he was 
now in the custody of the Roman captain ; but throwing them up, 
tossing them about, as a manifestation and an effect of their in- 
controllable rage. Their casting dust int/) the air was an act of the 
same character. This mode of demonstrating their feelings was 
suited also to inflame the populace still more, and to impress the 
tribune with the necessity of conceding something to their de- 
mands. Sir John Chardin, as quoted by Harmer,^ says that it is 
common for the peasants in Persia, when they have a complaint 
to lay before their governors, to repair to them by hundreds, or a 
thousand, at once ; they place themselves near the gate of the 
palace, where they suppose they are most likely to be seen and 
heard, and there set up a horrid outcry, rend their garments, and 
throw dust into the air, at the same time demanding justice. 

V. 24. €KeX€v(Tev, k. t. X. It is not surprising that the chiliarcli 
gave this order. He had been unable to follow Paul's address on 
account of his ignorance of the language ; and witnessing now 
this renewed outburst of rage, he concludes that the prisoner 
must have given occasion for it by some flagrant offence, and 
determines, therefore, to extort a confession from him. — etTrwv .... 
avTov, directing that he should he examined by scourges. The plural 

* Observation!, Vol. IV. p. 203. 



Chap. XXII, 25. 26. 



COMMENTARY. 



367 



refers to the blows or lashes of the scourge. It was proposed to 
torture him into an acknowledgment of his supposed crime. — 
iva iwiyvio, that he might ascertain. — ovto)<; i-Trecfioivovv avrw, ivere so 
crying out against him; not cried out (E. V.). 

V. 25. d)s 8e TTpoereivav avrov tols lixacnv has received two differ- 
ent explanations. Some, as De Wette, Meyer, Robinson, render : 
Sict as they (sc. the soldiers, see on v. 29) stretched him forth for 
the thongs, i. e. for the scourge, which consisted sometimes of two 
or more lashes or cords. They placed the apostle in an upright 
posture, so as to expose him more fully to the blows, or caused 
him to lean forward in order to receive them more effectually. 
The stripes, it will be remembered, were inflicted on the naked 
back (see 16, 22). Others translate, they stretched him forth ivith 
the thongs, against a block or pillar, i. e. bound him to it with 
them, preparatory to his being scourged. The article in this case 
would designate the thongs as those which it was customary to 
use on such occasions. Bottger (Schauplatz, p. 84), who advo- 
cates the view last stated, deduces a strong confirmation of it 
from V. 29. It is said that the chiliarch feared when he ascer- 
tained that Paul was a Roman citizen, because he had hound him; 
but that fear could not relate to the command in 21, 33, for he 
kept Paul in chains until the next day (v. 30), and Felix left him 
still in that condition at the expiration of his term of office (24, 
27). It was not contrary to the Roman laws for a magistrate to 
bind a criminal or suspected person for safe-keeping, although he 
was known to be a Roman citizen ; and hence it is difficult to 
see what can be meant by SeSeKws in v. 29, unless it be the bind- 
ing connected with the scourging to which the commander had 
ordered Paul to be subjected. That was an outrage which was 
not to come near the person of a Roman even after condemna- 
tion ; the infliction of it on the part of a judge or magistrate ex- 
posed him to the severest penalty. ( Wdsth. concurs in this view.) 
Several critics (e. g. Kuin. Olsh.) render TrpoeVetmv, delivered, con- 
signed, i. e. to the scourge, which is too vague for so specific a 
term. — Trpos tov kcrr^ra iKarovrap^ov, unto the centm'ion standing 
there, having charge of the inquisition. It was the custom of the 
Romans to commit the execution of such punishments to that 
class of officers; comp. Mark 15, 39. — koX aKaraKpirov, and (that 
too) uncondemned, without previous trial; see on 16, 37. 

V. 26. opa, rendered take heed in the Enghsh version, Gries- 
bach and others omit, after decisive authorities. It was added 
apparently to give more point to the caution. — 6 yap, k. t. A., for 
this man is a Roman. It may excite surprise that the centurion 



368 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXII, 27. 28. 



believed Paul's word so readily. We have the explanation of 
this in the fact, that a false claim of this nature was easily ex- 
posed, and liable to be punished with death. (Suet. Claud, c. 25.) 
It was almost an unprecedented thing that any one was so fool- 
hardy as to assert the privilege without being entitled to it. 

V. 27. Aeye jxoL, k. t. A. He asks the question, not from any 
doubt of Paul's veracity, but in order to have the report confirmed 
from his own lips, and at the same time to elicit an explanation 
of so unexpected a fact. The inquiry indicates his surprise that 
a man in Paul's situation should possess a privilege which he 
himself had procured at such expense. 

V. 28. TToXkov KccfiaXaLov, /or a great sum. It has been inferred 
from this circumstance, and from his name, that Lysias was a 
Greek. It was very common under the emperors to obtain the 
rights of citizenship in this way. Havercamp says in a note on 
Josephus (Antt. 1. p. 712), that a great many Jews in Asia Minor 
were Koman citizens at this time, who had purchased that rank. 
It did not always require great wealth to procure it. A few years 
earlier than this, in the reign of Claudius, " the rights of Roman 
citizenship were sold by Messallina and the freedmen, with 
shameless inditFerence, to any purchaser, and it was currently 
said that the Roman civitas (Diet, of Antt. s. v.) might be pur- 
chased for two cracked drinking-cups." — Kal, also, connects the 
fact of his freedom with its origin. — yeyivvrjfxaL, sc. 'Pw/xatos, i.e. 
he had inherited his rights as a Roman citizen. In what way the 
family of Paul acquired this distinction is unknown. Many of 
the older commentators assert that Tarsus enjoyed the full privi- 
leges of citizenship, and that Paul possessed them as a native 
of Tarsus. But that opinion (advanced still in some recent 
works) is certainly erroneous. The passages in the ancient wri- 
ters which were supposed to confirm it are found to be inconclu- 
sive ; they prove that the Romans freed the inhabitants of Tarsus 
from taxation, allowed them to use their own laws, and declared 
their city the metropolis of Cilicia ; but ■ they atford no proof that 
the Romans conferred on them the birthright of Roman citizen- 
ship. Indeed, the opinion to that effect, could it be established, 
so far from supporting Luke's credibility, would bring it into 
question ; for it is difiicult to believe that the chiliarch, after be- 
ing told that Paul was a citizen of Tarsus (21, 39), would have 
ordered him to be scourged, without any further inquiiy as to his 
rank. It only remains, therefore, that Paul's father, or some 6ne 
of his ancestors, must have obtained Roman citizenship in some 
one of the different ways in wliich foreigners could obtain that 



Chap. XXII, 29. 30. 



COMMENTARY. 



369 



privilege. It was conferred often as a reward for fidelity to the 
Roman interest, or for distinguished military services ; it could be 
purchased, as was mentioned above ; or it could be acquired by 
manumission, which, when executed with certain forms, secured 
the full immunities of freedom to the emancipated. In which 
of these modes the family of Paul became free can only be con- 
jectured. Some adopt one supposition, some another. Nothing 
is certain beyond the fact that Paul inherited his citizenship. 

V. 29. ol ixiXXovT€<s are soldiers who aided the centurion (v. 25). 
Luke does not mention the command of Lysias, which caused 
them to desist so promptly. — i7nyvov<s on 'Pco/xatos eo-rt, having 
ascertained that he is a Roman. " Ilia vox et imploratio, ' Civis 
Romanus sum,' quae ssepe multis, in ultimis terris, opem inter 
barbaros et salutem tuht," ^ proved itself effectual, also, in this 
instance. — ort .... SeScKW'?, because he had bound him. Those who 
understand this of his having ordered him to be chained in 21, 33, 
must suppose that his present fear was very transient. 'iXvo-ev 
in V. 30 shows that Paul was kept in chains during the night. 

Verse 30. Paul is examined before the Sanhedrim. 

V. 30. For the use of to before the interrogative clause, see 
on V. 21. — ri KarrjyopGiTaL Trapa twv 'lovSatW, why he is accused on 
the part of the Jews, not directly or formally, but, in point of fact, 
by their persecution of him, their clamor for his death. Trapa is a 
more exact preposition for this sense (W. k 47. p. 327) than wo, 
which has taken its place in some manuscripts. Some have 
joined Trapo, twi/ 'lovSatW with yvwvai to acrcf)aXi?, as if it could not 
follow a passive verb. — a.7r6 twv 8eo-ju,cov after cAvo-ev expands the 
idea, and was added to the text probably for that purpose. It is 
destitute of critical support. — Karayayoyv t6v IlaGAov, having brought 
doivn Paul from his prison in the castle (see on 21, 31) to the 
lower place where the Sanhedrim assembled. According to Jew- 
ish tradition, that body transferred their sittings at length from 
Gazith, an apartment in the inner temple (see on 6, 13), to a 
room on Mount Zion, near the bridge over the Tyropceon. It 
was here probably that the council met at this time ; for Lysias 
and his soldiers would not have presumed to enter the sacred 
part of the temple. The Romans conceded to the Jews the right 
of putting any foreigner to death who passed the forbidden limits ; 
comp. on 21, 28. See Lewin, 11. p. 672.^ 

' Cic. in Verr. Act. 2. 5. 57 

^ The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, by Thomas Lewin of Trinity College, 
Oxford (1851). 

47 



370 



COMMENTAKY. Chap. XXm, 1. 2. 



CHAPTEK XXIII. 

Verses 1-10. PauVs Speech before the Jewish Council. * 

V. 1, Trda-T) (Tvv€LBy](TeL dya^^, with all good conscience ; or, more 
strictly, consciousness, i. e. of integrity and sincerity. See on 20, 
21. — TTerrokiTevixai tw «9^e(3, 1 have lived unto God, i. e. for his service 
and gloiy; dative of the object (see Rom. 14, 18; Gal. 2, 19). 
The verb refers to his conduct in all respects ; not specially to 
his political or civil relations. Compare d^tcus rov ^vayy^klov ttoXl- 
revcaS^e in Phil. 1, 27. — a^c Tav-rq<5 rrjs rj/xipa?, unto this daij, from 
the time that he became a Christian. As his conduct before his 
defection from Judaism was not in question now, he had no oc- 
casion to speak of that part of his hfe, though he could claim in 
some sense to have acted conscientiously even then (see 26, 9). 

V. 2. 6 apxLepevs 'Avavtas. Tliis Ananias is to be distinguished 
from the Annas, or Ananus, of whom we read in 4, 6 ; Luke 3, 2, 
and John 18, 13. He is unquestionably, says Winer (Realw. I. p. 
57), the son of Nebedseus, who obtained the office of liigh -priest 
under the procurator Tiberius Alexander, in the year A. D. 48, and 
was the immediate successor of Camydus or Camithus (Jos. Antt. 
20. 5. 2). He filled this office also under the procurator Cumanus, 
but, having been implicated in a dispute between the Jews and 
the Samaritans, he was sent by the Syrian proprastor to Rome, 
in A. D. 52, in order to defend himself before the Emperor Clau- 
dius. The subsequent history of Ananias is obscure. He either 
lost his office in consequence of this journey, or, which is more 
probable (Jos. Antt. 20. 6. 3), he was acquitted, and contmued to 
officiate as high-priest until he was superseded by Ismael, son of 
Phabi, just before the departure of Felix from Judea. In the 
latter case, says the same writer, he was the actual high-priest at 
the time of the occurrence related here, and is called apxi^p^vs on 
that account, and not because he had formerly held the office, or 
because he occupied it during a vacancy. — rots irapecrro^cnv avr(o, 
those who stood near to him ; not members of the council, or spec- 
tators, but the vTrrjpirai, the Servants in attendance ; see on 4, 1. 
— TVTTT^iv avTov TO (TTo/xa, to strilcc Ms mouth. The mouth must be 
shut that uttered such a declaration. It was not to be endured 
that a man arraigned there as an apostate from the religion of his 
fathers should assert his innocence. This mode of enjoining 



Chap. XXIII, 3-5. 



COMMENTARY. 



371 



silence is practised in the East at the present day. As soon as 
the ambassador came," says a traveller in Persia, " he pnnished 
the principal offenders by causing them to be beaten before him ; 
and those who had spoken their minds too freely, he smote upon 
the mouth with a shoe." He relates another instance : " ' Call 
the Ferasches,' exclaimed the king ; ' Idt them beat the culprits 
until they die.' The Ferasches appeared and beat them violent- 
ly ; and when they attempted to say anything in their defence, 
they were struck on the mouth." i 

V. 3. TVTTTCLv .... 6 ^eo?, God skall smite thee. The apostle 
declares in terms suggested by the outrage that God would punish 
the author of the brutal insult ; he does not imprecate vengeance 
on liim, or predict that he would die by violence. As Ananias 
was killed by an assassin (Jos. Bell.Jud. 2. 17. 9), some have sup- 
posed Paul's language to prefigure such an end. — toTx^ KeKovtafxeve, 
thou ichited ivall, i. e. hypocrite, because, as stated in the next 
clause, he did one thing while he professed another. For the 
origin of the expression, see Matt. 23, 27. The Jews painted 
then* sepulchres wliite, so as not to defile themselves by coming 
unexpectedly in contact ^vith them; hence they were fair to the 
eye while they were full of inward corruption. Jahn's ArcliEeol. 
k 207. — KoX (TV KOL^r], And dost thou sit ? etc. The verb is a later 
form for Ka^rjcrai. Lob. ad Phiyn. p. 358. Kat conforms here to 
its use in questions designed to bring out the inconsistency of 
another's ^iews or conduct. Compare Mark 4, 13; Luke 10, 29. 
K. ^ 321. R. 1. — Kpivoyv jxe Kara rov v6\xov, judgiyig me according to 
the law, states what was true of him in theoiy, TrapavofjLojv, trans- 
gressing the law, what was true in point of fact. 

V. 5. ovK yjSeiv, I did not know at the moment, bear in mind 
(Eng. Wetst. Kuin. Olsh. Wdsth.), Compare the use of this 
verb in Eph. 6, 8 ; Col. 3, 24. Some understand that Paul did 
7iot know, was ignorant, that Ananias was now the liigh-priest ; a 
possible ignorance, certainly, since he had been absent from the 
country so long, and the high-priest was changed so frequently 
at that period. On the contrary, if the liigh-priest presided on 
such occasions or wore an official dress, Paul could tell at a glance 
who that dignitary was, from his position or his costume. But 
this view is hable to another objection; it renders the apostle's 
apology for his remark irrelevant, since he must have perceived 
from the presence of Ananias that he was at least one of the 
rulers of the people, and entitled to respect on account of his 

^ Morier's Second Joui-nej through Persia, pp. 8, 94. 



372 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XXIII, 6. 7. 



station. Others think that Paul spoke ironically, meaning that 
he did not know or acknowledge such a man as high-priest (Mey. 
Bmg.). The sarcasm so covertly expressed would not have been 
readily understood, and the appeal to Scripture in that state of 
mind, becomes unmeaning, not to say irreverent. — yap yeypaTrrat 
connects itself with an implied thought : Otherwise I should not 
have so spoken ; for it is ivritten, viz. in Ex. 22, 28. The passage 
applies to any civil magistrate, as well as to the high-priest. Paul 
admits that he had been tln'own off his guard ; the insult had 
touched him to the quick, and he had spoken rashly. But what 
can surpass the grace with which he recovered his self-possession, 
the frankness with which he acknowledged his error? If his 
conduct in yielding to the momentary impulse was not that of 
Christ himself under a similar provocation (John 18, 22. 23), 
certainly the manner in which he atoned for his fault was Christ- 
like. 

V. 6. yvovs Se, K. T. X. Neander : " In order to secure the voice 
of the majority among his judges, Paul availed himself of a meas- 
ure for promoting the triumph of the truth which has been oftener 
employed against it, — the divide et impera in a good sense ; in 
order to produce a division in the assembly, he addressed himself 
to the interest for the truth which a great part of his judges ac- 
knowledged, and by which they really approached nearer to him 
than the smaller number of those who denied it. He could say 
with truth that he stood there on trial because he had testified 
of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead ; for he 
had preached Jesus as the one through whom this hope was to 
be fulfilled. This declaration had the effect of uniting the Phar- 
isees present in his favor, and of involving them in a violent dis- 
pute with the Sadducees. The former could find no fault with 
him. If he said that the spirit of a deceased person, or that 
an angel, had appeared to him, no one could impute that to him 
as a crime ; what he meant by this, and whether what he alleged 
was true or not, they did not trouble themselves to decide." — 
TT^pi iXTTiSos, K. T. X.., for hope's sake and (that) a resurrection of the 
dead (Mey. De Wet.), i. e. by hendiadys, the hope of the resurrec- 
tion (Kuin. Olsh.). The first mode of stating it analyzes the 
grammatical figure. 

V. 7. eyevcTo crraaiq, there arose a dissention, difference of views 
respecting Paul's case ; see on 15, 2. — As the effect of this dif- 
ference, kfjyid^'q TO 7rXrj%s, the multitude %vas divided, took oj)posite 
sides. 

V. 8. [jJt] etvat .... Trvev/xa, that there is no resurrection, nor 



Chap. XXIII, 8-10. 



COMMENTARY. 



373 



angel of spirit. See Mark 12, 18. /^TySe adds a second denial to 
the first, while /x^Jre expands this denial into its parts. See W. k 
55. 6. Joseplius confirms this statement as to the belief of the 
Sadducees. In one place (Bell. Jud. 2. 8. 14) he says, that " the 
Sadducees reject the permanence or existence of the soul after 
death, and the rewards and punishments of an invisible world;" 
and in another place (Antt. 18. 1.4), that "the Sadducees hold 
that the souls of men perish with their bodies." The Talmudists 
and other Jewish writers make the same representation. — ra 
afji<f>6T€pa, both, i. e. according to the above analysis, a resurrection 
and the reality of spiritual existences, whether angels or the 
souls of the departed. Josephus belonged to the sect of the 
Pharisees, and he represents their opinion to have been, " that 
souls have an immortal vigor, and are destined to be rewarded or 
punished in another state according to the life here, as it has 
been one of virtue or vice ; that the good will be permitted to 
live again (i. e. in another body on the earth), and that the wicked 
win be consigned to an eternal prison." (Antt. 18. 1. 3.) "There 
was a variety of opinions concerning the resurrection," says Bis- 
coe, " among the Pharisees, or traditionary Jews. In this account 
of it, which resembles the heathen idea of transmigration, Jose- 
phus, as I apprehend, has given us that which comes nearest to 
his own belief, or which he was inchned to have the Greek phi- 
losophers understand to be his own. For he is accused by learned 
men, and certainly not without reason, of sometimes accommo- 
dating the Jewish revelation to the sentiments of the heathen, 
or bringing it as near to what was taught by them as might be." 

V. 9. ot ypa/x/xaret?, k. t. X., the scribes of the party of the Phari- 
sees contended, disputed violently. They appear as the champions 
of their party, because they were the men of learning, and ac- 
customed to such debates. — d 7rvev/xa, K. T. \., but if a spirit 

spoke to him, or an angel ; undoubtedly, a designed apo- 

siopesis. A significant gesture or look towards the Sadducees 
expressed what was left unsaid : that is not an impossible thing, 
the matter then assumes importance, or something to that effect. 
See W. ^ 64. II. For other examples of aposiopesis, see Luke 
19, 42 and 22, 42. Some maintain that the sentence is incom- 
plete, because the remainder was unheard amid the tumult that 
now ensued. The common text supplies />t>) S^eofiax^ofJiev as the 
apodosis; but the testimonies require us to reject that addition. 
It was suggested, probably, by S^eofxaxoi in 5, 39. 

V. 10. [Mr) SiacrTracr^rj 6 UavXos vtv avrcov, lest PomI should be 
pulled in pieces by them, as the parties struggled to obtain posses- 



374 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXHI, 11-15. 



sion of liim; their object being on the one side to protect liim, 
and on the other to maltreat or kill him. — to o-rpdrevixa, the sol- 
dier?/, some of the troops stationed in the castle ; see v. 27. — Ob- 
serve the collateral re after ayetv, since the rescue and the con- 
veyance to the garrison are parts of the same order. 

Verses 11-15. A Consinracy of the Jews to slay Paul. 

V. 11. 6 Kvpios,\. e. Christ. — S-dpcreL, he courageous still. The 
tense is present. Though he had not begun to despond, he was 
on the eve of trials which would expose him to that danger. — 
naT}A.e in the T. E,., which the E. V. retams, is to be struck out. 
— €is 'Iepovcro.Xyix and et? 'Fwixrjv involve an ellipsis like that noticed 
on 8, 40. — Set, is necessary, because such was the purpose of God ; 
comp. 27, 24. Paul had long cherished a desire to see Rome 
(19, 21; Rom. 1, 13); but as far as we know, he was now as- 
sured for the &st time that such was to be his destiny 

V. 12. TTotT^cravres (Tvcrrpo<^r}v, luiving formed a combination (Mey. 
Rob.), which o-wco/xoo-tai/ in v. 13 defines more precisely. — ol 'Iol- 
haloL, the Jews, since this party of them manifested the Jewish 
spirit; see the last remark on 4, 1. Tivh rZsv 'louSatW is an unap- 
proved reading. 

V. 14. rots a.p-^i^p^<ji Kttt Tots 7rp€a^vTepoL<5, the chief-priests and 
the elders, i. e. those of these classes who were hostile to Paul, 
the Sadducee members of the council (Mey. De Wet). This 
limitation suggests itself without remark, after the occurrence 
which has just been related. — dj/e^e/xartcra/xej/ kavrov<i, tee cursed 
ourselves. The expression points to some definite ratification of 
the atrocious oath. The reflexive of the tlmd person (see v. 12) 
may follow a subject of the fijst or second person. K. ^ 303. 8; 
B. § 127. n. 5. 

V. 15. (7VV T(3 onveSptw, ivith the Sanhedrim, i. e. in the name 
of that body, as if it was their united request. — avpiov has been 
added to the text in some copies, because it occurs in v. 20. — 
aKpifSearepov, 7nore exactly th^n on the former trial. — irpb rov iyyiaai 
avTov, before he has come near, i. e. to the place of assembly. Their 
plan was to kill him on the way; see v. 21. — rov dveXdv depends 
on €TOiixoL as a genitive construction. W. § 44. 4. — It would be 
difiicult to credit the account of such a proceeding, had Luke 
related it of any other people than the Jews. Here, as Lardiier 
suggests (Credibility, I. p. 224), are more than forty men who 
enter into a conspiracy to take away Paul's hfe in a clandestine 
manner; and they make no scruple to declare it to the council, 



Chap. XXIII, 16-21. 



COMMENTARY. 



375 



relying upon tlieii* approbation. It is clearly implied that these 
teachers of religion, these professed guardians of the law, gave 
their assent to the proposal ; they had nothing to object, either to 
so infamous a design, or to the use of such means for accomplish- 
ing it. But, out of place as such a passage would be in any 
other history, it relates a transaction in perfect harmony with the 
Jewish opinions and practices of that age. A single testimony 
will illustrate this. Philo, in speaking of the course to be pur- 
sued towards a Jew who forsakes the worship of the true God, 
lays down the following principle : " It is highly proper that all 
who have a zeal for virtue should have a right to punish with 
their own hands, without delay, those who are guilty of this crime ; 
not carrying them before a court of judicature, or the council, 
or, in short, before any magistrate ; but they should indulge the 
abhorrence of evil, the love of God, which they entertain, by 
inflicting immediate punishment on such unpious apostates, re- 
garding themselves for the time as all things, senators, judges, 
praetors, sergeants, accusers, witnesses, the laws, the people ; 
so that, hindered by nothing, they may without fear, and with aU 
promptitude, espouse the cause of piety." Josephus mentions a 
similar combination against the life of Herod into which a party 
of the Jews entered on account of the religious innovations wliich 
they charged him with introducing. (Antt. 15. 8. 1-4.) 

Verses 16-22. The Plot is disclosed to the Roman Commander. 

V. 16. 6 t»to9 T^s dSeX^T^s, the son of his sister. Whether the 
family of this sister resided at Jerusalem, or the nephew only, 
does not appear from the narrative. His anxiety for the safety of 
Paul may have arisen from a stronger interest than that prompted 
by their relationship to each other. See the note on 9, 30. He 
was not a bigoted Jew at ah. events ; for in that case he would 
have allowed no tie of blood, no natural alFection to mterfere 
with the supposed claims of his religion. — daeX^hv, k. t. A,., hav- 
ing entered into the castle, whence it appears that his friends, as 
afterward at Csesarea (24, 23), had free access to him. Lysias 
may have been the more indulgent, because he would atone for 
his fault in having bound a Roman citizen. — t^v iviSpav, the am- 
bush which the Jews were preparing. 

V. 18. 6 SeV/Atos shows that Paul was still bound, i. e. by a 
chain to the arm of a soldier. — e;(ovTa n XaXyjcrat ctol, since he has 
something to say to thee ; comp. 'ix^t yap, k, t. A., in v. 17. 

V. 21. ivcSpevovcTi, lie in ivait, wliich they were doing inasmuch 



376 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXIII, 22-24. 



as their plot was already so mature ; comp, h/iSpav Trotowres in 25, 3. 
— reaa-apaKovTa, SC. dvSpiov, as in V. 13. — IroLixoL elai, SC. rov avcX^iv 
avTov; comp. V. 15. — irpoah^-^^oixevoL rrjv Sltto crov eTrayyeXt'ttv, aivaiting 
the (expected) promise from thee. eTrayyeXta has this constant 
sense in the New Testament. 

V. 22. Note the change to the direct style in on ravra ivetfidvi- 
o-a? Trpos fxe. W. § 63. II. ] . Compare Luke 5, .14. The opposite 
change occurs in v. 24. 

Verses 23-30. The Letter of Lysias to Felix. 

V. 23. Svo Ttvas rwv iKarovTapxoiv, some tivo or three of the centu- 
rions ; not one or two (Hws.), from the nature of the expression 
and because less than two would be an inadequate command 
for so large a force. Though it is not said expressly, the infer- 
ence is that these officers were to take charge of the expedition, 
as well as prepare for it. rl? joined with numerals renders them 
indefinite; comp. hvo rtva? tcov fxa^rjTiov in Luke 7, 19. W. § 25. 
2. b ; K. $ 303. 4. — a-TparL0ira<5, soldiers, who, as they are distin- 
guished from the other two classes named, must be the ordinaiy, 
heavy-armed legionaries. — Se^LoXd/Sov^ occurs only here and in 
two obscure writers of the iron age. " Its meaning," says De 
"Wette, "is a riddle." The proposed explanations are these: Trapa- 
cfivXaKcs, military lictors who guarded prisoners, so called from 
their taking the right-hand side (Suid. Bez. Kuin.); lancers (Vulg. 
E. V.) ; a species of light-armed troops (Mey.), since they are 
mentioned once in comiection with archers and peltasts. Codex 
A reads Se^Lo/SoXov;, jaculantes dextra (Syr.). See De Wette's 
note here. — d-Ko rplrr]? o)pa<5,from the third hour, i. e. nine o'clock 
with us ; it being imphed that they were to march at that hour 
as well as be ready. 

V. 24. KT-rjvr] T€ TrapacTTrjcraL, and that they should provide beasts 
of burden, as two or more would be needed for relays, or for the 
transportation of baggage. The discourse changes at this point 
from the direct to the indirect ; comp. on 19, 27. — ha iTri^i/Sda-av- 
r€9, K. T. X., that having m^ounted Paul (on one of them) they might 
convey him in safety unto Felix, hid in the verb refers to the in- 
termediate space, not to the dangers through which they were to 
pass ; comp. 18, 27 ; 27, 44 ; 1 Pet. 3, 20. — Felix was the procu- 
rator of Judea, having received this oflice from the Emperor 
Claudius, probably in the autumn of A. D. 52 (Win. Aug. Mey.). 
He was originally a slave, was a man of energy and talents, but 
avaricious, cruel, and hcentious. Tacitus (Hist. 5. 9) has drawn 



Chap. XXIIT, 25-29. 



COMMENTARY. 



377 



his character in a single Hne: "Per omnem ssevitiam ac hbidinem 
jus regium sei-vih ingenio exercnit." See furtlier, on 24, 3. 24. 

V. 25. ypdif/a<s belongs to the subject of etTrev in v. 23. — Trcpie- 
■)(ov(Tav Tov TVTTov TovTov, Containing this outline, draught, i. e, a let- 
ter to this etfect. The Roman law required that a subordinate 
officer, in sending a prisoner to the proper magistrate for trial, 
should draw up a Avritten statement of the case. The technical 
name of such a communication was ehgium. 

V. 26. KpaTLo-Tto is an honorary epithet; see on 1, 1. — rjycfxovi 
stands in the New Testament for the more specific iTrirpoiro? 
(comp. Matt. 27, 2). — x^^P^^^' Compare the last remark on 15, 
23. 

V. 27. TOV avSpa is the object of i^etXofnjv, which avrov repeats 
on account of the distance of the noun from the verb ; comp. 
rovTOJv in 1, 22. — jxeXXovra dvatpctcr-^at, on the point of being killed; 
not should have been (E. V.). — crvv t(3 o-rpaTevixarL, with the military 
(see V. 10). — fxa^o)v on 'Pco/xatos kcrri, having learned that he is a 
Roman, wliich is stated as a reason why Lysias was so prompt 
to rescue liuii. It was not until after he had taken Paul into his 
custody that he ascertained his rank ; but, as was not unnatural, 
he wished to gain as much credit as possible in the eyes of his 
superior. Tliis deviation from truth, says Meyer, testifies to the 
genuineness of the letter. Some resolve /xa^cov into koI e/xa^ov, 
as if he learned the fact that Paul was a Homan citizen after his 
apprehension. The Greek of the New Testament affords no in- 
stance of such a use of the participle. See W. k 46. 2. Luke 
with his inquisitive habits (see his Gospel 1, 1) would find an 
opportunity to copy the letter during his abode of two years at 
Caisarea. 

V. 28. /8ovXo/>t€vo5, K. T. A,., Wishing to knoiv or ascertain (yvoivat 
and €7rtyvcoi/at are both found) the crime (not charge'), of which at 
this stage of the afiair Paul was supposed to be guilty. The 
weaker sense of amav (Hws.) makes kveKoXow repetitious. — ht 

K. T. \., on account ofivhich they were accusing him, not fonnally, 
but by their continued outcry, as Luke has related. — Karriyayov 
avTov, I brought him doivn in person, as he must be present to 
gain the desired information ; see on 22, 30. 

V. 29. Trept ^rjrrjfidTOiv rov vojxov avrcov, concerning questions of 
their laiv. See the note on 18, 15. — As Bavdrov and Seo-fxwv de- 
noted the highest and lowest penalties of the law, the idea is 
that Paul had no crime alleged against him that required his 
detention or punislunent (Bottg.). Every Roman magistrate be- 
fore whom the apostle is brought declares him innocent. 

48 



378 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXin, 30. 31. 



y. 30. The wi-iter falls out of his construction here. He says 
lx7}vv3^€L(Tr]<; at the beginning of the sentence, as if he would have 
added -n}? fxeXXovar]^ ; but in the progress of the thought adds 
/xeAXeiv, as if he had commenced with fxrjwadvToiv .... i7n(SovXr]Vy 
K. T. A. The idea of the thing disclosed gives place to that of the 
persons who disclose it. W. § 63. I. — vtto twv 'lovSatW after co-co-- 
S^aL the recent editors omit (Tsch. De Wet. Mey.). — eTrc/xi/^a, I 
sent ; since the future act would be past on the reception of the 
letter (comp. Phil. 2, 28; Philem, 11). W. ^ 41. 5. 2. — cttI crov, 
before thee. 

Verses 31-35. Paul is sent to Felix at CcEsarea, 

V. 31. dvaXa^oVres, having taken up, answers to cTrt^i^ao-avrcs 
in V. 24. — 8ia r^? wkto^, during the night, which would include the 
hours from nine o'clock, P. M. (v. 23) to six, A. M. — cts r-^v 'Avrt- 
TrarptSa, unto Antipatris, which was about thirty-eight miles from 
Jerusalem, on the route to Csesarea. It was built by Herod the 
Great, on the site of a place called Caphar Saba, and was named 
by him Antipatris, in honor of his father Antipater. See Jos. 
Antt. 16. 5. 2; Bell. Jud. 1. 21. 9. The modern Kefr Saba, about 
ten miles from Lud, the ancient Lydda, stands no doubt on the 
same spot.-^ It is an instance, like Ptolemais (21, 7), in wliich the 
original name regained its sway, on the decline of the power 
which imposed the foreign name. The Romans had two mihtary 
roads from Jerusalem to Antipatris ; a more southerly one by the 
way of Gibeon and Beth-horon, and a more northerly one by 
way of Gophna. Bibl. Res. II. p. 138. If Paul's escort took 
the latter as the more direct course, they would arrive at Gophna 
about midnight, and at day-break would reach the last line of 
hills which overlooked the plain of Sharon. Antipatris lay on a 
slight eminence, at a little distance from the base of these hills. 
To perform this journey in the time allowed, would require them 

1 See the account of a visit to Kefr S^ba by the late Dr. Smith, in the Biblio- 
theca Sacra, 1843, p. 478 sq. "It is a Muslim village, of considerable size, and 
wholly like the most common villages of the plain, being built entirely of mua. 
We saw but one stone building, which was apparently a mosque, but without a 
minaret. No old ruins, nor the least relic of antiquity, did we anywhere discover. 
A well by which we stopped, a few rods east of the houses, exhibits more signs 
of careful workmanship than anything else. It is walled with hewn stone, and is 
fifty-seven feet deep to the water. The village stands upon a slight circular emi- 
nence, near the western hills, from which it is actually separated, howevei*, by a 
branch of the plain." Kaumer (Palastina, p. 132, 3d ed.) and Ritter (Erdkunde, 
XVI. p. .571) suppose Antipatris to have been at this place. 



Chap. XXIII, 31-35. 



COMMENTAEY. 



379 



to proceed at the rate of about four miles an hour. As those who 
conducted Paul had a good road (traces of the old Roman pave- 
ment are still visible), they could accomplish a forced march of 
that extent, in nine hours. Strabo says that an army, under or- 
dinary circumstances, could march from two hundred and fifty to 
three hundred stadia in a day, i. e. an average of about thirty 
miles. Forbiger (Handb. der Geog. p. 551) gives a table of the 
various distances of a day's journey among the ancients. Some 
understand rjyayov Sea T^s wKTos to mean that they brought him by 
night, in distmction from the day ; in wliich case they could have 
occupied two nights on the road. It is suggested that the escort 
may have proceeded to Mcopolis the first night, which was 
twenty-two Roman miles from Jerusalem, and, remaining there 
the next day, have arrived at Antipatris the night following. Bis- 
coe, Meyer,^ Kuinoel, and others, adopt this opinion. In this case 
i-rravpLov ill V. 32 must denote the morroiv after the arrival at 
Antipatris on the second night, instead of the morroiv after leav- 
ing Jerusalem, as the text would more obviously suggest. If it 
be thought necessary, we may consider Sta t-^s vuktos as applying 
only to the greater part of the journey. It would be correct to 
speak of the journey, in general terms, as a journey by night, 
although it occupied two or three hours of the following day. 
Tliis view, which Winer maintains (Realw. I. p. 65), allows us 
to assign twelve hours to the march, and the rate of travelling 
would then be a little more than three miles the hour. 

V. 32. eao-avre?, k. t. X. The remaining distance to CaBsarea 
was not more than twenty-five miles. They were now so far 
from the scene of danger that they could with safety reduce the 
escort. Whether they had orders to do tliis or acted on their 
own discretion, we are not told. They commenced their return 
to Jerusalem on the morrow, but after so hurried a march would 
travel leisurely, and may have occupied two days on the way. 

Y. 34. 6 r}y€ixu)v appears in the common text, without sufficient 
reason — eTrepcorTycras, k. t. A., having asked from ivhat provi7ice he is. 
He makes the inquiry, perhaps, because the letter stated that 
Paul was a Roman citizen. 

V. 35. SLaKovaofxaL aov, I ivill hear thee fully. Observe the com- 
pound. The expression exhibits a singular conformity to the 
processes of Roman law. The rule was, Qui cum elogio (see on 

1 J. A. G. Meyer in his Versuch einer Vertheicligung tind Erlauterung der 
Geschichte Jesu und der Apostel aus Griechischen und Romischen Profauscriben- 
ten (p. 461). 



380 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XXIV, 1. 



V. 25) mittuntiir, ex integro audiendi sunt. The governor of a 
province was not to give implicit credit to the document with 
which a prisoner was sent to him; he must institute an independ- 
ent examination of the case for himself See Bottger, Beitrage, 
u. s. w., II. p. 8. — ev Tw Trpaircopt'o) tov 'HpwSoi;, in the prcetorimn of 
Herod, i. e. in the palace built by him at Csesarea, and now occu- 
pied as the residence of the Roman procurators. Paul was con- 
fined in some apartment of tkis edifice, or within its precincts. 
See Win. Eealw. 11. p. 324. 



CHAPTER XXIY. 

Verses 1-9. Tertullus accuses Paul before Felix. 

V. 1. As to Ananias, see on 23, 2. — /xcra Se TreWe ly/xepa?, Now 
after five days, i. e. in popular usage, on the fifth since Paul's de- 
parture from Jerusalem (Kuin. Mey. De Wet.) ; not since his 
capture there, or since his arrival at Csesarea. The escape from 
the Jewish conspiracy is nearest to the mind here after what has 
been related ; and further, according to Roman usage, a case re- 
ferred like this should be tried on the third day, or as soon after 
that as might be possible (comp. 25, 17). See Bottger, II. p. 9. 
The reckoning in v. 11 admits of this decision. — /xcro, rcov Trpeo-- 
/Svripojv, ivith the elders, i. e. the Sanhedrists, represented by some 
of their number, nvoiv is a gloss. — p-qropos TeprvWov. As the 
people in the provinces were not acquainted with the forms of 
Roman law, they employed advocates to plead for them before 
the public tribunals. Tertullus was one of this class of men, and 
may have been a Roman or a Greek. It is not certain, that "the 
proceedings before Felix were conducted in Latin. In ancient 
times the Romans had attempted to enforce the use of Latin in 
all law courts, but the experiment failed. Under tlie Emperors 
trials were permitted in Greek, even in Rome itself, as well in 
the senate as in the forum, and it is unlikely that greater strict- 
ness should have been observed in a distant province." Lewin, 
II. p. 684. — ive(}idvi(rav, k. t. A., informed the governor against Paul, 
lodged their complaint. " The beginning of any judicial action," 
says Geib, " consisted in the formal declaration on the part of the 
accuser, that he wished to prosecute a particular person on ac- 
count of a certain crime." ^ 

1 Geschichte des Romischen Criminal-processes, p. 115. 



Chap. XXIV, 2-5. 



COMMENTARY. 



381 



V. 2. KXr)d^ivro<; avrov, he having been called, after information of 
the case had been given (ev€</)avio-av), but before the charges 
against Mm were produced. The Roman law secured that 
privilege to the accused ; see 25, 16. Nothing could be more 
unstudied than this conformity to the judicial rule. — rjpiaro 
KarrjyopeLv, proceeded to accuse. TertuUus insisted on three 
charges ; viz. sedition (Kivovvra ardaLv), heresy (TrpoiToa-rar-qv rcov 
Na^wpatW), and profanation of the temple (os koL, k. t. A.); see 
on V. 5. 6. 

y. 3. In this verse the participial clause forms the object of 
aiToSe'^ojxe&a ; comp. cv^aptcrTco t(3 S^€(2 iravroiv vfxu)v ixaXXov yXtocrcrai? 
XaXu>v in 1 Cor, 14, 18. W. § 46. 1. a. Translate, That ive enjoif 
much peace through thee, and (the benefit 43f) many (sc. ttoXXwv) 
excellent deeds performed for this nation by thy prudence, ive ac- 
knowledge, ivith all gratitude. Most critics transfer the idea of 
7roXXrj<i to KaTopS^cDfxaTOiv (De Wet. Mey. Rob.), which term refers 
to the general measures of his administration. The speaker 
employs the first person plural, because he identifies himself with 
his clients. — TrdvTrj re Koi iravra^ov some join with ytvo/xevcov : both 
in every loay and everywhere (Rob.) ; others with d-rro^exoix^^a, and 
render, both always and everywhere ; not merely now and here 
(De Wet. Mey.). The first is the surer sense of TTavr-q. The 
best editors write this word without iota subscript. W. § 5. 4. e. 

— The language of TertuUus is that of gross flattery. History 
ascribes to Felix a very different character. Both Josephus and 
Tacitus represent him as one of the most corrupt and oppressive 
rulers ever sent by the Romans into Judea. He deserved some 
praise for the vigor with which he suppressed the bands of rob- 
bers by which "the country had been infested. The compliment 
had that basis, but no more. 

V. 4. iva . . . . eyKOTTTO), But that I may not hinder, weary, thee too 
much, I will be brief, i. e. in what he proposes to advance, hrl 
izXCiov refers, not to the few words of his preamble (Mey.), as if 
that was beginning to be tedious, but to his subsequent plea. — 
aKovcrat t^/^cov (rwTOftw?, to hear us briefly, where the adverb qualifies 
the verb. It is unnecessary to supply Ae^oVrcov after y]\u^v. 

V. 5. The sentence is irregular. We should have expected 
iKpar-^aafxev avrov at the beginning of the apodosis ; but instead of 
that the writer says ov Kal, influenced apparently by o? /cat in the 
clause which precedes. W. § 46. 2. — ydp, namely : the case is 
as follows (comp. 1, 20). — Xot/xdv, pest, like our use of the word. 

— KLvovvra .... 'lovSatois, exciting disturbance mito all the Jews, i. e. 
among them and to their detriment. The latter idea occasions 



382 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXIV, 6-10. 



the use of the dative. The charge is, that he set the Jews at 
variance with one another ; not that he excited them to rebel 
against the Romans. — Na^wpatW occurs here only as a term of 
reproach (Olsh.) ; see on 2, 22. 

V. 6. OS ... . /Se/^TyAcoo-ai, ivho also attempted, etc. See 21, 28. 
— The entire passage Kal Kara . . . . k-rrl o-e (v. 6-8) is of doubtful 
authority. It is rejected by Griesbach, Bengel, Mill, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, De Wette, and others. Manuscripts of the first 
class omit the words, and others contain them with different vari- 
ations. " If they are genuine," says Meyer, " it is difficult to see 
why any one should have left them out ; for Kara rov rjfxirepov 
vofxov rj^^eXyjcra/jLev KpLvetv would be no more offensive in the mouth 
of the advocate who speaks in the name of his chent, than tlie 
preceding iKpaTi]crafjL€v. The indirect compJaint against Lysias in 
V. 7 was entirely natural to the relation of the Jews to this tri- 
bune, who had twice protected Paul against them." It is urged 
for the words that their insertion answers no apparent object, and 
that they may have been dropped accidentally (Wdsth.). — rj^cX- 
yja-afxev, k. t. A.., ive wished to judge, etc. We obtain a very differ- 
ent view of their design from 21, 31 ; 26, 21. 

V. 7. In /x€Ta TToXXyj^ /?ias, with much violence. TertuUus mis- 
states the fact. The Jews released Paul without any struggle, 
on the appearance of Lysias ; see 21, 32. — iirl o-e, before thee. 

V. 8. Trap' ov would refer to Paul, if we exclude the uncertain 
text which precedes ; but more naturally to Lysias, if we re- 
tain it (comp. V. 22). — avaKpLva<; may be used of any judicial 
examination. It is impossible to think here of a trial by tor- 
ture, since both Paul and Lysias were exempt from it in 
virtue of their rank as Roman citizens. It was illegal at aU 
events to have recourse to this measure. See Howson's note, 
11. p. 322. 

V. 9. avveiriS^vTo, k. t. X., And the Jeivs also assailed him at the 
same time, viz. by asserting that the charges were true. This is 
a better reading than (rvviSevro, assented, agreed, though we have 
that word in 23, 20. 

Vee.se s 10-21. Paul's Defence before Felix. 

V. 10. Ik ttoXXojv Irwv, since many years. As Felix became 
procurator probably in A. D. 52 (see on v. 24), he had been in 
office six or seven years, which was comparatively a long time, 
at this period when the provincial magistrates were changed so 
rapidly. Some of them exceeded that term of service, but a 



Chap. XXIV, 11. COMMENTAKY. 



383 



greater number of them fell short of it. Before his own appoint- 
ment as procurator, he had also governed Samaria for some years, 
imder Cumanus, his predecessor. See Hertz. Encycl. IV. p. 354. 
— e^m depends on Kplr-qv as dat. comm., judge for this nation, 
since the relation existed ideally for their benefit. B. ^ 133. 2. h ; 
W. $ 31. 2, Paul avoids the usual Xao? and says IS^vos, because 
he is speaking to a foreigner ; see, also, v. 17. — evS^vfxoTepov, more 
^cheerfully (T. R.) ; or cu-^v/x,a)s, cheerfully (Tsch.) ; the former more 
correct since the comparative as less obvious was liable to be dis- 
placed. 

V. 11. Savafxivov crov yvtomt, since yoii are able to know, i. e. by 
inquiry; or, i-myvwvaL (Tsch.), to ascertain. Paul adds this as an- 
other reason why he was encouraged to reply. The subject lay 
within a narrow compass. Felix could easily ascertain how the 
prisoner had been employed during the time in which he was 
said to have committed the crimes laid to his charge. — The com- 
mon text inserts ^ before SeKahvo, which the later editions omit. 
See on 4, 22. The best mode of reckoning the tioelve clays is the 
following: First, the day of the arrival at Jerusalem (21, 17); 
second, the interview with James (21, 18) ; third, the assumption 
of the vow (21, 26) ; fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh, the vow 
continued, which was to have been kept seven days (being inter- 
rupted on the fifth) ; eighth, Paul before the Sanhedrim (22, 30 ; 
23, 1-10) ; ninth, the plot of the Jews and the journey by night 
to Antipatris (23, 12. 31) ; tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth, 
the days at CsBsarea (24, 1), on the last of which the trial was 
then taking place. The number of complete days, therefore, 
would be twelve ; the day in progress at the time of speaking 
not being counted. The five days mentioned in v. 1 above agree 
with this computation, if, as suggested there, we reckon the day 
of leaving Jerusalem as the first of the five, and that of the amv- 
al at CsBsarea as the last. So essentially W^etstein, Anger, Meyer, 
De Wette, and others. Some, as Kuinoel, Olshausen, would ex- 
clude the days spent at Csisarea, and extend the time assigned 
to the continuation of the vow. But eto-i /xoi (note the tense) 
evidently represents the days as reaching up to the present time. 
According to Wieseler's hypothesis, that Paul was apprehended 
on the second day of the vow, the at eTrra rj/xipaL in 21, 27 form no 
part of the series. He distributes the time as follows : two days 
on the journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem (21, 15) ; third, inter- 
view with James ; fourth (TrevTrjKoaTi]), seizure of Paul in the 
temple ; fifth, the session of the Sanhedrim ; sixth, the departure 
by night to Csesarea; seventh, the arrival at Caesarea; twelfth 



\ 



3S4 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXIV, 12-15. 

(five days after that), the journey of Ananias from Jerusalem 
(24, 1) ; and thirteentli, his amval at Csesarea, and the trial of 
Paul. — a(f) rjs is abbreviated for dirb r^s -^s. — Trpoa-KWTjcroiv, 

in order to loorship, i. e. in the temple; which was an object en- 
tirely different from that imputed to him. For tliis use of the 
future participle, see B. § 144. 3. 

V. 12. The grammatical analysis here requires attention. The 
first ovre extends to o)^ol, and rj, or (not 7ior), connects merely the 
participial clauses, not evpov expressed with that verb repeated. 
Before the second and third o^re we are to insert again evpov .... 
oyXov ; so that both acts, the having disputed and th e having ex- 
cited a tumult, are denied Avith reference to the temple, the syna- 
gogues, and the city. — The SiaXeyo/xevov was not in itself censur- 
able, but in this instance he could urge that he had not even had 
any religions discussion during the few days in question. — kv rah 
(Tvi/aycDyats, in the synagogues at Jerusalem, where they were nu- 
merous ; see on 6, 9. — Kara r^v irokiv, throughout the city, up and 
down the streets (Alf ) ; not excluding StaXeyo/xevov, but refering 
especially to iTnavaraaLV. ■ 

V. 14. Having repHed to what was falsely alleged, he stales 
now (§e adversative) what was true in the case. — on Kara rrjv 68ov, 
K. T. X., that according to (those of) the way (9, 2 ; 19, 9, etc.) which 
(not in ivhich) they call a sect (alpea-Lv, with a shade of reproach) 
so (i. e. after their mode) I ivorship, etc. This appears to me 
more simple than to make ourw prospective : so, viz. by believing all 
things, etc. (Mey. De Wet.). — Kara tov vo/x,ov, throughout the law, 
in all the books of Moses; see on 13, 15. 

V. 15. eXTTtSa .... ^edv, having a hope in reference to God, 1. e. 
founded on him, since his word and his promise furnish the only 
basis of such a hope, koX, k. t. X., which also these themselves 
entertain, that it is appointed there shall be (see on 10, 28) a resur- 
rection of the dead, etc. avrol ovtol are the Jews present, viewed 
as representatives of tHe nation. Hence most of his accusers 
here were Pharisees, and the breach between them and the 
Sadducees (23, 7) had been speedily repaired. vcKpCjv in T. R. 
lacks the requisite support (Lchm. Tsch.). — 8t/caiW re kol ahUoiv, 
not only of the just (those accepted as such by faith), but of the 
unjust. The resurrection of the wicked in order to be punished 
is as clearly taught here, as that of the righteous to be rewarded. 
The apostle represents this hope as the prevalent Jewish faith. 
Comp. 26, 7. " The Sadducees," says Biscoe, (p. 68) "Avere so few 
•in number, that they were not worthy of his notice by way of ex- 
ception. Josephus expressly tells us, ' that they were a few men 



Chap. XXIV, 16-18. 



COMMENTAKY. 



385 



only of the chief of the nation' (Antt. 18. 1. 4); that they pre- 
vailed only with the rich to embrace their sentiments, and that 
the common people were all on the siie of the Pharisees (lb. 13. 
10. 6)." 

v. 16. iv TovTw, therefore (comp. John 16, 30), i. e. in anticipa- 
tion of such a day. — /<at arros, aho I myself, as well as others 
who exemplify the proper eifect of this doctrine. It is impossi- 
ble, the apostle would argue, that he should entertain such a per- 
suasion, and yet be guilty of the crimes imputed to him. — ao-mi, 
I strive, exert myself — aTTpoa-KOTrov, blameless, lit. not made to 
stumble, preserv^ed from it, and hence unofFended. The term is 
passive here, as in Phil. 1, 10, but active in 1 Cor. 10, 32. 

V. 17. The defence here (Se metabatic) goes back to the spe- 
cification in V. 6. — St' eroji/ irXuovoiv, after several years, i. e. of ab- 
sence. It was now A. D. 58 or 59. He had made his last visit 
to Jerusalem in the year A. D. 54 or 55, — eAe-^/xoo-vVas ttoit^o-wv, in 
order to bring alms wliich he had collected in the churches of 
Macedonia and Achaia, for the relief of the behevers at Jerusa- 
lem ; see Rom. 15, 25. 26; 1 Cor. 16, 1-4; 2 Cor. 8, 1-4. This 
allusion is very abrupt. It is the &st and only intimation con- 
tained in the Acts, that Paul had been taking up contributions on 
so extensive a plan. The manner in which the Epistles supply 
this deficiency, as Paley has shown, furnishes an incontestable 
proof of the credibihty of the New Testament wi-iters. — irpocr- 
^opas depends loosely on iroiricroiv : and wliile there I was making 
or would have made, offerings : which after the information in 
21, 26 we naturally understand of those that he engaged to bring 
in behalf of the Nazarites. They are not the oblations which 
were made during the feast of Pentecost ; since no connection 
woidd exist then between 7rpocr<^opa<? and the purification spoken 
of in the next verse. 

V. 18. kv oh, in which, the business of the offerings. For this 
use of the pronoun, comp. 26, 12. — eC'pov . . . . ei/ rw tepoi, they, sc. 
the Jews, found me purified as a ISfazarite in the temple, yjyvia-fxi' 
vov must have this sense here, since it points back so evidently 
to 21, 24. 26. — ov fiera ox^ov, not ivith a mob, as Tertullus had 
given out (v. 5), but conducting himself altogether peaceably. — 
He now retorts this charge of a riot upon the true authors of it. 
Tives Se (XTTo ttJs 'Ao-ias 'louSatoi, but certain Jews from Asia — it is they 
who excited a tumult, not I. The verb could be omitted (a true 
picture of the speaker's earnestness) because it suggests itself 
so readily from %pv^ov, and because the details of the affair have 
been related at such length (21, 27). The common text omits Se 

49 



386 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXIV, 19-22. 



and makes tlvcs the subject of evpov. This is incorrect, as Si must 
be retained. Our EngHsh translation is founded on the omission 
of this particle. 

V. 19. ovg eSet, ivJtom it became to he present; imperfect because 
they should have been there already (comp. Ka^-J^Kcv in 22, 22). 
The instigators of the riot were the persons to testify how it 
arose. — d n ex^tev, if they might have anything ; a possibility 
purely subjective, and hence optative. 

V. 20. rj avToi ovtol, or (since the proper witnesses are not 
here) let these themselves (see v. 1. 15) say what crime they found. 
With et in the T. K we must read if they found any, etc. (E. V.); 
but et is unauthorized. 

V. 21. r] Trept /xtas raTmy? ^wv^s. No other offence than (that) con- 
cerning this one expression. The sentence is framed as if rl aXXo 
aSiKrjfxa had preceded (Mey. De Wet.). The Sadducees might 
object to his avowal of a belief in the resurrection, but the rest 
of his countrymen would esteem that a merit and not a crime. — 

€Kpa^a, ivhich I cried ; an attracted genitive, instead of the ac- 
cusative, which this verb would properly take as having a kin- 
dred sense. In Matt. 27, 50, and Mark 1, 26, cjnavri after the same 
verb denotes the instrument of speech, not, as here, what was 
spoken. See W. ^ 24. 1. 

V. 22. avTot's, them, viz. both parties like v/>tas just below.-— 
oLKpLf^io-Tepov €iSa>s TO, Trept r^s oSov, knowing the things in regard to 
the ivay (the Christian sect) more accurately, i. e. than to give a 
decision against Paul (comp. 25, 10), or than the complaint against 
liim had taken for granted. " Since Felix," says Meyer, " had 
been already procurator more than six years, and Christianity had 
spread itself, not only in all parts of Judea, but in Caesarea itself, 
it is natural that he should have had a more correct knowledge 
of this religion than the Sanhedrists on this occasion had sought 
to give him ; hence he did not condemn the accused, but left the 
matter in suspense." Other explanations of the comparative are 
the following : knowing the case more accurately, i, e. as the result 
of the present trial (wliich would have been a reason for decid- 
ing it, instead of deferring it) ; knowing it more accurately than to 
postpone it, i. e. (a remark of Luke) Felix should have acquitted 
Paul at once (which brings a severe reflection on his conduct 
into too close connection with the accouut of his lenity in the 
next verse) ; and, finally, knowing the case more exactly, i. e. 
(joined with what follows) when I thus know it, after hearing 
the testimony of Lysias, judgment shall be given. This last 
sense is out of the question, because it disregards utterly the 



Chap. XXIV, 23. 24. COMMENTARY. 



3S7 



order of the words, as well as the proper meaning of Stayvwo-o/xac, 
I will know fully, not icill decide. 

V. 23. The t(o before eKarovrdfixo, designates the centurion as 
the one who had charge of Paul, and perhaps other prisoners (see 
27, 1 ; 28, 16) ; whether he belonged to Csesarea or had come from 
Jerusalem. This officer is not necessarily the one who had con- 
ducted the troops from Antipatris (23, 32) in distinction from the 
one who returned, since rw admits of the other explanation, and 
since hvo rtvas in 23, 23 leaves the number indefinite. Hence as 
the article does not identify the centurion, the inference to that 
effect (Bliintji p. 323 and Birks, p. 344) is not to be urged as a 
■proof of the verity of the history. — Trjpela^aL avrov, not middle, 
to keep him (E. V.), but that he should be kej^t as a prisoner, be 
guarded. — 9(€tv re ov^o-lv, and should have respite or alleviation, i. e. 
be treated with indulgence, and not subjected to a severe captiv- 
ity. One of the favors which he received is mentioned in the 
next clause. — The grammatical subject changes before kwAlW 
of which Kttt (note re between the other verbs) admonishes the 
reader. — vTr-qperelv, serve /^m, minister to his wants. — rj irpoaif - 
X^a-^oLL is doubtful, and may be borrowed from 10, 28. 

Verses 24-27. Paid testifies before Felix and Drmilla. 

V. 24. 7rapayevo/x€vo9, having come, not to Csesarea, after a tem- 
porary absence, but to the place of audience ; comp. 5, 21 ; 25, 23. 
— (Tvv Apov(jtXXr] .... 'louSata, ivith Drusilla, his ivife, being a 
Jewess, Avhich would imply that she still adhered to the Jewish 
religion. This. Drusilla was a younger daughter of Agrippa the 
First, who was mentioned in 12, 1 sq., and a sister of Agrippa the 
Second, who is mentioned in 25, 13. We turn to Josephus (Antt. 
20. 7. 1 sq.) and read the following account of her : " Agrippa 
gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of the Eme- 
senes, who had consented to be circumcised for the sake of the 
alhance. But this marriage of Drusilla with Azizus was dis- 
solved in a short time after this manner. When Felix ivas pro- 
curator for Judea, he saw her, and, being captivated by her beauty, 
persuaded her to desert her husband, transgress the laws of her 
country, and marry himself." " Here," as PaJey observes, " the 
public station of Felix, the name of his wife, and the circum- 
stance of her rehgion, all appear in perfect conformity "vvith the 

1 Undesigned Coincidences in the Writings of the Old and ISTew Testaments 
by Ilev. J. J. Blunt, London 1847. 



388 C M M E N T AE Y . Chap. XXIY, 25-27. 

sacred wn-iter." The fate of this woman was singular. She liad 
a son by Fehx, and both the mother and the son were among 
those who lost their lives by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, 
in A. D. 79. — Luke does not inform us wh}^ Felix summoned 
Paul to this conference. We may infer from the presence of 
Drusilla, that it was on her account. In all probability it was to 
afford her an opportunity to see and hear so noted a leader of the 
Christian sect. 

V. 25. Trepl SiKaLoavvr]';, concerning justice, which the conduct 
of Felix had so outraged. Tacitus (Ann. 12. 54) draws this pic- 
ture of him as a magistrate : " Relying upon the influence of his 
brother at court, the infamous Pallas, this man acted as if he had 
a license to commit every crime with impunity." — koI iyKparcias, 
and self-control, especially continence, chastity. Here we have 
another and double proof of the apostle's courage. At the side 
of Felix was sitting a victim of his libertinism, an adultress, as 
Paul discoursed of immorality and a judgment to come. The wo- 
man's resentment was to be feared as well as that of the man. 
It was the implacable Herodias and not Herod, who demanded 
the head of John the Baptist. — eix<j>o^os ycvo/xevos, having become 
alarmed. — to vvv e^ov, as to what is 7ioiv, for the present (Kyp, 
De Wet. Mey.). The construction is that of an adverbial accu- 
sative. K. § 279. R. 10. — Place a comma or colon, not a period, 
at the end of the verse. 

y. 26. a/xa Kol eATTt^cov, at the same time also (that he gave this 
answer) hoping. The participle connects itself with aTr^Kpi^rj 
(comp. 23, 25), and is not to be taken as a finite verb. — on ypri- 
fxara, k. t. A., that 7noney ivill he given to him by Paul, i. e. as an 
inducement to release him. — oVcos Xvo-rj avrov (T. K.), that he 
anight loose him (E. V.), suggests a correct idea, but is not genu- 
ine. Felix had conceived the hope that his prisoner would pay 
liberally for his freedom. He may have supposed him to have 
ample resources at his command. He knew that his friends 
were numerous, and had been informed (see v. 17) that they 
were not too poor or too selfish to assist one another. 

V. 27. Stertas 8e 7rXr]po)^€tcrr]<s, Two years now having been com- 
pleted, i. e. since Paul's imprisonment at Csesarea. — eA.a/5e Sta8oxov 
6 ^TjXi^ TLopKiov <^crrov, Felix received Porcius Festus as successor. 
Luke wrote first, or we might suspect him of having copied Jose- 
phus who says, ILopKiov ^-fjo-TOv 8ta8o;>(oi> $r^At/ct 7r€ix(f>3^ivTO^ (Antt. 
20. 8. 9). As to the year in which this change in the procurator- 
ship took place, see Introd. § 6. 4. — S^iXwv .... tois 'lovSaiot?, and 
wishing to lay up favor for himself ivith the Jews, to make himself 



Chap. XXV, 1. 2. 



COMMENTAEY. 



389 



popular among them ; wliich was the more important at tliis time, 
as they had a right to follow him to Rome, and complain of liis 
administration if they were dissatisfied with it. His policy was 
unsuccessful ; see Introd. § 6. 4. An act like this, on leaving 
such an office, was not uncommon. Thus Albinus, another cor- 
rupt procurator of Judea, having heard that Gessius Florus had 
been appointed to succeed him, hberated most of the state pris- 
oners at Jerusalem, in order to conciliate the Jews. — KareAtTre, 
K. T. X., left Paul behind chained, still a prisoner, instead of setting 
him at liberty. I coiTect my former note here in view of Mr. 
Howson's suggestion. As we are not to mfer from aveo-tv in 24, 
23 that Paul was freed from his chains, SeSe^evov does not mean 
that he was rebound after a temporary release. Wieseler (p. 380) 
has showTi that the custodia libera was granted only to persons of 
rank, and hence Paul could not have enjoyed that favor, as is 
proved, also, by his subjection to the surveillance of the centu- 
rion. Meyer has changed the note in his last edition to agree 
with this view. According to De Wette, Felix loaded Paul again 
with the chains which he had removed. Lange (II. p. 326), 
speaks of the custodia libera as exchanged now for the custodia 
militaris. 



CHAPTER XXY. 

Verses 1-5. Festus refuses to bring Paul to Jemsalem. 

V. 1 . ovv, therefore, since he was the successor of Felix. — " The 
new procurator," says Mr. Lewin (II. p. 699), "had a straight- 
forAvard honesty about him, which forms a strong contrast to the 
mean rascahty of his predecessor. He certainly did not do all 
the justice that he might have done ; but allowing somewhat for 
the natural desire to ingratiate himself with the people of his 
government, his conduct, on the whole, was exemplary, and his 
firmness in resisting the unjust demands of the Jews cannot fail 
to elicit our admiration." — /xera rpet? rjixipas, after three days, i. e. 
on the third, wliich allows iiim one day for rest between his ar- 
rival at Ctesarea and liis departure for Jerusalem. 

V. 2. If 6 apx^cpei;? (T. R.) be correct, this high-priest must 
have been Ismael, son of Phabi, who succeeded Ananias (Jos. 
Antt. 20. 8. 8). Two years have elapsed since the trial before 
Felix (24, 1 sq.), at which Ananias was so active. Instead of 



390 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXV, 2-6. 



the singular, some read ol d/oxtepas (Lchm. Tsch.), which was in- 
troduced probably to agree with v. 15 (De Wet. Alf.). — ol Trpwrot, 
the Jr.rst men, are the chief-priests and the elders in v. 15, except 
that the ap-^i^p^m mentioned separately here would be one of the 
apxi^pd<i there. — irapeKoXow, as imperfect, shows their impor- 
tunity. 

V. 3. alTovjxevoL x^P^^i t- CLsking for themselves a favor against 
him, Yiz. that he ivould send for him, etc. — Ivihpav 7rotovvT€<5, mak- 
ing an ambush, arranging for it; see 23, 21. They anticipated 
no obstacle to their plan, and may have already hired their as- 
sassins and pointed out to them the cave or rock whence they 
were to rush forth upon their victim. jCompare the note on 
V. 16. 

V. 4. aTT^KplS^-q, answered, viz. to their second request (see note 
on V. 16). — TrjpeiorS^aL, k. t. A., that Paid iv as kept as a i^risoner at 
(lit. unto) Ccesarea, as the Jews were aware ; and hence as the 
governor was about to proceed thither, it would be more conven- 
ient to have the trial at that place. The English version, viz. 
that Paid should he kept, conveys the idea of a too peremptory re- 
fusal. So decided a tone would have given needless offence. 
TrjpeiaSai announces a fact rather than a purpose. — ek Katcrdpetav 
(more correct than iv with the dative) opposes tacitly his being 
kept back unto CcBsarea to his removal thence ; not unhke ets 
'Ao-iW in 19, 22. 

Y. 5. ol SvvaroL iv vfuv, the poioerful among you, your chief men ; 
not those who are able, who may find it easy or possible to perform 
the journey (Calv. Grot. E. V.). Their attendance at the trial 
was imperative, and the magistrate would not speak as if they 
were to consult their convenience merely in such a matter. 
Kuinoel has shown that 'Ioi;8atW ol Swaroi was common among 
the Jews as a designation of their rulers ; see Jos. BeU. Jud. 1. 
12. 4 ; 2. 14. 8 and elsewhere. Compare, also, 1 Cor. 1, 26 and 
Rev. 6, 15. Howson, after Meyer, renders those ivho are compe- 
tent, are authorized to act as prosecutors, but without offering any 
proof of that absolute use of the term. — ^rjal should stand be- 
fore iv vpZv, not after it (T. R.). 

Verses 6-12. Paul appeals from Festus to Ccesar. 

V. 6. SLaTpi\jya<5, k. t. X., Having now spent not more than eight 
or ten days, i. e. having returned speedily, as he had intimated 
{iv TOLx^L in V. 4). Instead of ov irXuavg Sktoj rj SeKa (Grsb. Tsch. 
Mey.) as above, the received text (and so E. V.) reads TrAetws rj 



Chap. XXV, 7-11. 



COMMENTAKY. 



391 



ScKtt, more than ten days, as if Festns (Se, adversative, hut) had 
not fulfilled his word (v. 4). — irravpLov z= rfj c|^s in v. 17. 

V. 7. TTepLiaT7](rav, stood around him, not the tribunal (Kuin.) ; 
cpmp. 7r€pi ov (rra&ivTes in v. 18. — Most manuscripts omit Kara rov 
IlavAov after (f>€povT€<s. Tischendorf writes KaTa(f)€povT€<5 ; but others 
defend the simple participle. — The heavy charges {jiapia ain- 
w/xara) as the defence of the apostle shows (v. 8), were heresy, 
impiety, and treason ; comp. 24, 5. 6. 

V. 9. eK€t . . . . ctt' ifjiov, there to be judged (viz. by the Sanhe- 
drim) before me, i. e. in his presence, while he should preside 
(Mey. De Wet. WiesL), and perhaps confirm or reject the decis- 
ion. There are two views as to the import of this proposal. One 
is, that Festus intended merely to transfer the trial from Csesarea 
to Jerusalem ; and the other is, that he wished to change the 
jurisdiction in the case, to suiTender Paul to the Jews, and allow 
them to decide whether he was innocent or guilty. The expla- 
nation last stated agrees best with the intimations of the context. 
The reply of the apostle (iin tov l3rjfjiaTo<s .... KpLveaSat in v. 10), 
and the fact that he proceeds at once to place himself beyond 
the power of Festus, would appear to show that he regarded the 
question (^e'Aets, k. t. X.) as tantamount to being deprived of his 
rights as a Roman citizen. 

V. 10. cTTt TOV /3r)iJiaTo<s, K. T. X., before the tribunal of Ccesar am 1 
standings am under Roman jurisdiction since Festus was the rep- 
resentative of the emperor. The answer of Festus, unto CcBsar 
hast thou apj^ealed, unto C<xsar shalt thou go (v. 11), is founded on 
the apostle's subsequent Kato-apa k-KiKoXovp-ai, and is not proof 
( Wdsth.) that Paul viewed himself as " aheady standing in his 
own resolve before CcBsar's judgment-seat." — ov .... Kpiv^a-^ai, 
where I ought to be judged (present), to be having my trial ; as 
matter of right (Set), not because it is God's will (comp. v. 24 
and 24, 19). — tos koI av kolXXlov tTriytvwo-Kct?, as also thou 2^sf'ceivest 
better, i. e. than to make such a proposal ; comp. 24, 22. "W. ^ 
35. 4. Such a comparative is very convenient as suggesting 
something which it might be less courteous to express (Wdsth). 
After hearing the charges against Paul, and his reply to them, 
Festus knew that the prisoner was entitled to be set free, instead 
of giving him up to a tribunal where his accusers were to be his 
judges. The temporizing Roman confesses in v. 18 that Paul 
was right in imputing to liim such a violation of liis convic- 
tions. 

V. 11. et ovv olSlkQ), if therefore I am unjust, guilty, i. e. in conse- 
quence of past wrong-doing. The verb expresses here the result 



392 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXV, 12. 13. 



of an act, instead of the act itself. See W. § 40. 2. c. ydp in the 
common text (fo?- in E. V.) is incorrect. The clause is illative 
^\dth reference to the assumption (v. 9) that the Jews might find 
him guilty. Some combine the present and past in olSlkQ), and 
render if I have done and am doing icrong. See K. k 255. R. 1. — 
Kttt a$Lov . . . . TL defines the degree of guilt. If it was such that 
he deserved to die, he was willmg to die. — et ov^iv Icmv Siv = el 

OvSeV i(TTL TOVT0)V a. 

V. 12. criAXaX-^o-as /xera tov (rvfJijSovXLOV, having spoken ivith the 
council, i. e. the assessors or judges (irapSpoi, consiliarii) who as- 
sisted him at the trial. It was customary for the proconsul, or his 
substitute, to choose a number of men whose office it was to aid 
him in the administration of justice. The proconsul liimself pre- 
sided, but was bound to consult his assessors, and to decide in 
accordance with the views of the majority. See Geib's Ge- 
schichte, p. 243 sq. The subject of consultation in this instance, 
doubtless, was whether the appeal should be allowed or refused. 
Writers on Roman law infonn us that the provincial magistrates 
had a certain discretionary power in tliis respect. An appeal to 
the emperor was not granted in eveiy case. It was necessary to 
consider the nature of the accusation, and also the amount of 
evidence wliich supported it. Some ofiences were held to be so 
enormous as to exclude the exercise of this right ; and when the 
crime was not of tliis character, the evidence of guilt might be 
so palpable as to' demand an immediate and final decision. — 
Kato-apa eTrtKCKXi^a-at is declarative (not a question as in E. V.) aifd 
repeats Paul's last word before the consultation, for the purpose 
of attaching to it the verdict. — lirl Kato-apa Tropevarj, unto Ccesar 
shalt thou go, be sent, announces the ready conclusion in regard 
to the present appeal. I perceive no severity in this answer 
(Eng.), beyond that of the abrupt official form. The prisoner is 
told that the government would carry out his appeal, and take 
measures to convey him to Rome ; see on 27, 1. 



Verses 13-22. Festus confers with Agrippa concerning Paul, 

V. 13. r)fji€pMv, K. T. \., certain days being past since the appeal. 
— ^'AyptTTTTtts 6 /Saa-iXevs. This Agrippa was a son of the Agrippa 
whose tragical end has been related in 12, 20-24. At his father's 
death, as he was considered too young to succeed him on the 
throne, Judea was committed again to the government of procu- 
rators. He passed his early hfe at Rome. In A. D. 50, on the 
death of Herod, his uncle, he received the sovereignty of Chalcis, 



Chap. XXV, 15. 16. 



COMMENTAEY. 



393 



and in A. D. 53 the dominions of Pliilip, and Lysanias (Luke 
3, 1), at which time he assumed the title of king. In the yeai 
A. D. 55 Nero added to his possessions a part of Gahlea and 
Perea. He died, after a reign of nearly fifty years, in A. D. 100. 
It will be observed that, although Luke in this passage styles 
Agrippa a king, he does not style him king of Judea ; whereas, 
in speaking of his father (12, 1 sq.), he not only applies to him 
tliis title, but mentions an instance of his exercise of the regal 
power at Jerusalem. The facts stated above show how perfectly 
this distinction conforms to the circumstances of the case. — 
BepvLKT]. Bernice was the eldest daughter of Agrippa the First, 
and a sister of Drusilla (24, 24). She was noted for her beauty 
and her profligacy. Luke's accuracy in introducmg her at this 
stage of the history is worthy of remark. After a brief marriage 
with her first husband, she became the wife of Herod, her uncle, 
king of Chalcis, and on his death remained for a time with Agrip- 
pa her brother. She was suspected of hving with him in a crim- 
inal manner. Her third marriage with Polemon, king of Cilicia, 
she soon dissolved, and returned to her brother, not long before 
the death of the Emperor Claudius. She could have been with 
Agrippa, therefore, in the time of Festus, as Luke represents in 
our narrative. Her subsequent connection Avith Vespasian and 
Titus made her name familiar to the Roman writers. Several 
of them, as Tacitus, Suetonius, and Juvenal, either mention her 
expressly or allude to her. — do-Traa-o/xevot rov ^o-tov, in order to 
salute Festus. It was their visit of congratulation. Agrippa, 
being a vassal of the Romans, came to pay his respects to this 
new representative of the power on wliich he was dependent. 

V. 15. iv€(f)avLcrav, informed, i. e. judicially, brought accusation ; 
comp. V. 2; 24, 1. — atrov/^evot .... Slktjv, asking for themselves 
justice against liim. The idea of condemnation hes in Kar avrov, 
not in hUrjv. Tischendorf decides against KaTaSU-qv. 

V. 16. In V. 3 the request of the Jews was that Paul might 
be brought to Jerusalem ; and in that case the accusers and the 
accused would have met face to face. Hence the reply of Fes- 
tus here, in order to warrant liis objection, must relate to a differ- 
ent proposal, viz. that he woidd condemn Paul at once (see v. 
24) and in his absence. On his declaring that as a Roman mag- 
istrate he could not be guilty of such injustice, the Jews, as it 
would seem, changed their tactics. If it was so that the parties 
mast confront each other, they asked then that he would sum- 
mon the prisoner to Jerusalem and have him tried there. But 
this second request was a mere pretence. They knew the weak- 

50 



394 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XXV, 18-21. 



ness of their cause too well to await the result of a trial, and 
wanted only to secure an opportunity to waylay and kill the apos- 
tle on the road. The two proposals may have been made at dif- 
ferent times; so that in the interval they could have begun the 
ambuscade (as intimated in v. 3), believing that though baffled 
in their first attempt they could not fail in the second. — on 
.... 'Pw/x-atots, that it is not a custom for Romans, if it was for 
Jews. The article (E. V.) obscures the opposition. — av^pw-rrov 
(as generic) declares the rule to be universal. The claim to this 
impartiality was a human right in the eye of the Roman law. — 
CIS aTTwA-etav after avS^pioTTov (T. R. and hence E. V.) is unapproved. 

V, 18. Trept ov, around ivhom, belongs to o-ra-^eVres (comp. v. 7), 
not to kirifjiepov, against ivhom (E. V.). The antecedent of ov is 
avSpa, not the remoter /^vj/xaros. — atnaj/, sc. rovTO}v. — <Sv (=: a by 
attraction) vTrevoow, ivhich I luas suspecting, i. e. some capital of- 
fence, as treason, murder, or the like. 

V. 1 9. rrepX rrj? iStas SetcrtSat/xovta?, concerning their oivn religion ; 
not superstition. Compare the note on Scto-tSat/xoj/eo-repovs in 17, 
22. Agrippa was known to be a zealous Jew, and Festus would 
not have been so uncourteous as to describe his faith by an offen- 
sive term. t8ias refers not to the subordinate ov, his oivn, viz. 
Paul's, but to KaryyopoL, the leading subject. — Trept rtvos 'Irjaov, 
K. T. A., concerning a certain Jesus, etc. As to Luke's candor in 
recording this contemptuous remark, see note on 18, 15. 

V. 20. aTTopou/xei/o?, perplexed, uncertain, as Festus may have 
said with truth, but could not honestly assign as the motive for 
his proposal; see v. 9 above. — ets r^v Trept tovtov ^t^ttjo-lv, in regard 
to the dispute concerning this one, viz. Jesns (v. 19) ; not this mat- 
ter ; as if it were neuter. But the best reading is Trepi rovTiDVy 
concerning these things, viz. in relation to then* religion and the 
resurrection of Jesus. 

V. 21. Tov Se IlaGAoti, k. t. A., But Paul havivg appealed (and so 
demanded) that he should he kept in Roman custody, instead of 
being tried at Jerusalem. — eis r^v tov ^e/Sao-rov SidyvwaLv, icith a 
view to the examination of Avgustus. The Senate confeiTed this 
title on Octavius in the first instance ; but it was given also to 
his successors. — iKeXevo-a .... avTov, I commanded that he should 
still be kept (infinitive present) at Csesarea. In TTjprjS^rjvaL just 
before, the time is entirely subordinate to the act. — ew? ov Trifjuf/o) 
avTov, until I shall send him ( T. R.) ; but the surer word is dva- 
Tre/Ai/^cD, shall send up (Lchm. Tsch. Mey.) ; comp. Luke 23, 7. 11. 
Festus would intimate that he was waiting only until a vessel 
should sail for Italy. 



Chap. XXV, 22-26. 



COMMENTARY. 



395 



V. 22. i/SovXofxrjv Kol ovt6<s, I myself also could wish, i. e. were 
it possible. The Greeks employed the imperfect indicative to 
express a present wish which the speaker regarded, or out of 
courtesy affected to regard, as one that could not be realized. 
Compare Rom. 9, 3; Gal. 4, 20. W. Ml. 2; S. ^ 138. 3; K. ^ 
259. R. 6. It is less correct to understand the wish as one long 
entertained. 

Verses 23-27. Paul is hi'ought before Agrippa. 

V. 23. /xero, -rroXkri^ (fiavraaLas, with much pomp, display, which 
consisted partly in their personal decorations (comp. 12, 21), and 
partly in the retinue which attended them. — etg to aKpoarripiov, 
unto the place of audience, which, the article represents as the cus- 
tomary one (Olsh.), or as the one to which they repaired on this 
occasion (Mey.). — avv rots ^^'^'■^^^(ots, ivith the chiliarchs, the com- 
manders of the cohorts stationed at Caesarea, which were five 
in number (Jos. Bell. Jud. 3. 4. 2). Compare the note on 27, 1. 

V. 24. The procurator could say irav to 7rXrj%g rwv 'lonSatW, all 
the midtitude of the Jeivs, because he had reason to know that the 
Jewish rulers (v. 2. 15) who had demanded the death of Paul 
represented the popular feeling. Meyer suggests that a crowd 
may have gone with them to the procurator and enforced their * 
application by clamoring for the same object. — Ivirv^ov ixot, inter- 
ceded (in its bad sense here) tvith me, against him. A genitive 
or dative may follow this verb. — Some manuscripts read ^tjv 
avTov, and others avrov lyjv ; and so, in" the next verse, some read 
%.vdTov avrov, and Others avrov S^avdrov. Such transpositions, 
%vhich have no effect on the sense, show how unimportant are 
many of the various readings of the sacred text. — ctti/^ocovtc?, 
crying against him, etc.; see on v. 15. — fjLrjKin. A qualification 
like this in a negative sentence requires a compound, containing 
the fi-q or ovK which precedes. K. § 318. 6 ; B. ^ 148. 6. — eKpiva, 
I decided, viz. at the time of the trial when he appealed. The 
perfect (E. V.) is less accurate than the aorist. 

V. 26. Trept ov, K. T. A., Concerning ivhom I have nothing sure, 
definite, to write to the sovereign. In such cases of appeal it was 
necessary to transmit to the emperor a written account of the 
offence charged as having been committed, and also of all the 
judicial proceedings that may have taken place in relation to it. 
Documents of this description were called apostoli, or literce dimis- 
soricB. — /cupto) is the Greek for dominus. The writer's accuracy 
should be remarked here. It would have been a mistake to have 



396 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XXVI, 1. 



applied this term to the emperor a few years earUer than this. 
Neither Augustus iior Tiberius would allow himself to be called 
dominus, because it implied the relation of master and slave. 
The appellation had now come into use as one of the imperial 
titles. — cr)(pi TL ypdxj/o), may have ichat (future) I shall write ; not 
TL ypd\J/aL (T. R.), what to lurite (E. V.). Some repeat d<T<^a\U 
after n (Mey.), which is not necessary. Meyer leaves out the 
ellipsis in his new edition. 

V. 27. akoyov yap (xoi SoKel, For it appears to me absurd. It 
was illegal, too ; but Festus thinks of the act as being a violation, 
not so much of the law, as of the propriety which dictated the 
law. — TrifXTTovTa, SC. Ttva, k. t. X., that amj one (De Wet.) sending a 
prisoner should not also signify the charges (not crimes) against 
him. Some would make TrifXTrovra the subject of o-iy/xSmt, without 
any elHpsis. K. § 238, K 2. e. Some supply i/xe as the subject. 
It is more forcible in such a case to state the general rule or prin- 
ciple which controls the particular instance. — Josephus (Bell. Jud. 
2. 14. 1) describes Festus as a reasonable man, who was not des- 
titute of a regard for justice and the laws, and who approved him- 
self to such of the Jews as were willing to submit to any foreign 
rule. What Luke relates of him shows him to be worthy of this 
encomium. 



CHAPTEK XXYI. 

Verses 1-23. Paul's Speech before Agrippa. 

, V. 1. This speech of the apostle is similar to that which he 
delivered on the stairs of the castle (22, 1 sq.). The main topic 
is the same in each, viz. the wonderful circumstances of his con- 
version ; but in this instance he recounts them, not so much for 
the purpose of asserting his personal innocence, as of vindicating 
the divine origin of liis commission, and the truth of the message 
proclaimed by him. So far from admitting that he had been un- 
faithful to Judaism, he claims that his Christian faith realized the 
true idea of the religion taught in tlje Old Testament. On the 
former occasion, " he addressed the infuriated populace, and made 
his defence against the charges with which he was hotly pressed, 
of profaning the temple and apostatizing from the Mosaic law. 
He now passes by these accusations, and, addressing himself 



I 



Chap. XXVI, 2. 3. 



COMMENTARY. 



397 



to a more intelligent and dispassionate hearer, he takes the 
highest gromid, and holds himself up as the apostle and messen- 
ger of God. With this view, therefore, he paints in more strik- 
ing colors the awful scene of his conversion, and repeats more 
minutely that heavenly call which was impossible for him to dis- 
obey (v, 19), and in obeying which, though he incurred the dis- 
pleasure of his countrymen (v. 21), he continued to receive the 
divine support (v. 22)." Humphry, p. 192. — kTrirpkirerai . . . . 
\iy€iv. It is Agrippa who gives the permission to speak, because 
as he was the guest on this occasion and a king, he presides by 
right of courtesy ; comp. 21, 40. — eKretVas Tr]v x^^pa, having stretched 
forth the hand, is the same as Karaa€Lcra<; Kupi in 13, 16 (comp. 21, 
40), and Karacreto-as r^v x^'^^P^ '^^^ gesture was the more 

courteous, because the attention asked for was certain from the 
known curiosity of the hearers. On the arm which Paul raised 
hung one of the chains, to which he alludes in v. 29. 

V. 2. vTvo 'lovhaiuiv, by Jews, without the article (comp. 22, 30) 
because he would represent the accusation as purely Jewish in its 
character. The best manuscripts omit tcuv before the proper 
name. — ^aa-ikev. For Agrippa's claim to the title, see on 25, 13. 
— Some copies place kiri <jov after jxaKapiov, others after aTroXoyeto-- 
.^at. The first is the best position, because it secures a stronger 
emphasis to the pronoun (Grsb. Tsch.). — The object of y-yrjixat is 
the same as the subject, but the latter, which is more prominent, 
controls the case of /xeAAcov. This verb is perfect, have thought ; 
not think (E. V.). Paul distinguishes the tenses in Phil. 3, 
7. 8. 

V. 3. fxaXcorra, especially, rendered namely in the older versions 
(Tynd. Cran. Gen.) states why Paul was so eminently fortunate ; 
not how much Agrippa knew. — yvwa-rrjv ovra o-e, since thou art 
expert, lit. a knower. The accusative is anacoluthic, instead of 
the genitive (Mey. Win. Rob.). W. ^ 32. 7. Some explain it as 
an instance of the accusative absolute ; but we have no clear 
example of that construction in the New Testament. o^^aX/xoiJs 
in Eph. 1, 18, has been cited as an example of it, but stands 
really in apposition with Trvev/xa, or depends on Siorj. Beza's un- 
authorized ctSto? (whence " knowing " in E. V.) obviates the irreg- 
ularity. The Rabbinic writers ' speak of Agrippa as having ex- 
celled in a knowledge of the law. As the tradition which they 
follow could not have flowed from this passage, it confirais the 
representation here by an unexpected agreement. — Kara 'lovSal- 



1 Sepp gives the testimonies in his Das Leben Christi, Vol. IV. p. 138. 



398 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVI. 4-6. 



ovs, among Jews, of whom we are led to think as existing in dif- 
ferent places. W. ^ 53. d. — 8to, therefore. In the presence of 
such a judge, he proposes to speak at length, and requests a 
patient hearing. 

V. 4. ow, therefore, i. e. encouraged thus he will proceed. The 
apostle enters here on his defence — Ik veor-qro'i, f rom youth. See 
on 22, 3. — a-K apy^<i,from the beginning, refers to the same period 
of his life, but marks it more strongly as an early period. It will 
be observed that, while the apostle repeats this idea in the suc- 
cessive clauses, he brings forward in each case a new circum- 
stance in connection with it. He states, first, hoiv long the Jews 
had known him ; secondly, where they had known him so long 
{kv T(3 l^vu fjiov iv 'l€poao\vfJiOL<;) ; and, thirdly, what {otl Kara rrjv 
aKpif^ea-rdr-qv alpccnv, k. t. X.) they had known of him so long and 
in that place. 

V. 5. TrpoyLvoia-KovrU knowing me before (i. e. the present 
time). — lav S^iXoiCTL ixaprvpelv, if they would be willing to testify, as 
he had not the confidence in their honesty to expect. — on Kara 
Trjv aKpi/3ea-T0iTr]v atpeortv, that according to the strictest sect in regard 
both to doctrine and manner of life. See 22, 3. Josephus de- 
scribes this peculiarity of the Pharisees in similar language : 
evcre(3i(Trepov etvat tC>v aWoiv koI toi»9 vo/xods aKpi/Seo-Tepov acfirjyeLo-S^aL 
(Bell. Jud. 1. 5. 2). on reaches back to lo-ao-t. 

V. 6. Koi vvv, and noiv, compares his present with ^;Lis former 
position. If his rigor as a Pharisee had been a merit in the eyes 
of the Jews, his hope as a Christian was merely that of the true 
Israel, and should as little be imputed to him as a crime. — rijs 
7rpo9 Tov? Trarepas y]pxov k7rayyekLa<5 yevojxevrj^:, of the promise (i. e. of a 
Messiah) made unto our fathers (Kuin. Olsh. De Wet. Mey.). 
The same expression occurs in Paul's discourse at Antioch (13, 
32), where it is said that God fulfilled the ijromise, or showed it to 
be fulfilled, by raising up Jesus from the dead. See the note on 
that passage. Compare 28, 20. — a? yiv, unto which, viz. the prom- 
ise, its accomplishment. This is the natural antecedent and not 
the remoter eXTrtSi. — 8(jo8eKa<^vA.oi/ {=:. raL<s BoiScKa cf>vXai's in James 
1, 1) exists only here, but is formed after the analogy of other 
compounds from SwSeKa. The Jewish nation consisted of those 
who were descended from the twelve tribes ; which fact justifies 
the expression historically, though the twelve tribes had now lost 
their separate existence. — iv e/cTcveta, ivith earnestness. See on 
eKrev>7? in 12, 5. The noun is a later Grecism.. Lob. Phryn. p. 311. 
Such forms help us to fix the age of the New Testament writings. 
— vvKra Koi yjfxipav Xarpevov, worshipping night and day. This was 



Chap. XXVI, 7-9. 



COMMENTARY. 



399 



a phrase which denoted habitual worship, especially as connected 
with fasting and prayer. See Luke 1, 75; 2, 37 ; 18, 1 ; 1 Thess. 
5, 17 ; 1 Tim. 5, 5. 

V. 7. Trepi yj<; eA.7rt8o? iyKaXovfxaL, concerning ivhich hope I am ac- 
cused. The apostle means to say, that he was accused of main- 
taining that this hope of a Messiah had been accomplished in 
Jesus, and had been accomplished in him because God raised him 
from the dead. The presence of the latter idea in the mind of 
the apostle leads to the interrogation in the next verse. — 'AyptTTTra 
after (3a(nX€v has decisive evidence against it — vtto ^lovSaLwv, by 
Jews, is reserved to the end of the sentence, in order to state ^ 
more strongly the inconsistency of such an accusation from such 
a source. Here, too, the article (E. V.) weakens the sense, and 
is incorrect. 

Y. 8. Tt is printed in some editions as a separate question : 
What ? Is it judged incredible ? Other editions connect rt with 
the verb : Why is it judged incredible ? Griesbach, Kuinoel, De 
Wette, Howson, and others, prefer the first mode ; Knapp, Hahn, 
Meyer, Tischendorf, and others, prefer the second mode. The 
latter appears to me more agreeable to the calm energy of the 
apostle's manner. " It is decisive against the other view," says 
Meyer in his last edition, " that rt alone was not so used; the ex- 
pression would be Tt yap, tl ovv, or rt 8e." The examples of rt as 
interrogative in Rom. 3, 3. 9; 6, 15 and Phil. 1, 18 agree with this 
criticism. — vfxiv extends the inquiry to all who were present. 
The speaker uses the singular number when he addresses Agrip- 
pa personally; see v. 2. 3. 27. — d 6 ■^eos, k. t. A., if God raises the 
dead; where d is not for on, but presents the assertion as one 
that the sceptic might controvert. — lydpci is present because it 
expresses a characteristic act. The resurrection of Jesus was 
past, but illustrated a permanent attribute or power on the part 
of God. 

V. 9. This verse is illative, with reference to the preceding 
question, eyw fxkv ovv, I indeed, therefore, i. e. in consequence of 
a spirit of incredulity, like that of others. — eSo^a e/xauTo), I seemed 
to myself, thought. The pronoun opposes his own to another and 
higher judgment. This same act in which Paul gloried at the 
time, appeared to him as the crime of his life after he became a 
Christian. In 1 Cor. 15, 9 he declares that he " was the least of 
the apostles, that he was not meet to be called an apostle, be- 
cause he persecuted the church of God." — tt/oo? to ovo^xa 'l-qa-ov, 
against the name of Jesus ; comp. tt^os in Luke 23, 12. — rroXXd ivav- 
Tia, many things hostile. 



400 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap, XXVI, 10. 11. 



V. 10. o refers to the collective idea in -rroXXa Ivavria. — Koi 
connects liroi-qaa with eSo^a. — koX TroXkovs, k. r. X., adds the facts 
in illustration of what was stated in general terms. — rtov dytW, 
the saints, is no doubt a chosen word here. It does not occur in 
Luke's account of the apostle's conversion (9, 1 sq.). Paul him- 
self avoids it in his speech to the Jews (22, 4 sq.) who were so 
sensitive in regard to any claim of merit in behalf of the Chris- 
tians. " But here before Agrippa, where there was no such need 
of caution, the apostle indulges his own feelings, by giving them 
a title of honor which aggravates his own guilt." Birks, p. 327. 
— eyoj, emphatic. The imprisoning was the speaker's act. — The 
common text omits iv before cfivXaKois, I shut up unto priso?is, 
which would be an instance of the local dative sometimes found 
after verbs compounded with Kara. See Bernh. Synt. p. 2i3. 
But Griesbach, Tischendorf, and others, allege good authority for 
reading ev (j^vXaKals, which would be the ordinary construction ; 
comp. Luke 3, 20. — Trapa twv d/);(tepeW. See the note on 9, 2. — 
avaLpovjxevojv .... \prjcf)ov, and OS they (which refers to ayiinv as a 
class, not to all those imprisoned) were put to death, I brought or 
cast my vote against tJiem, i. e. encouraged, approved the act (Bng. 
Kuin. De Wet. Mey.) ; comp. o-wevSoKOJv in 22, 20. Some insist 
on the literal sense of the phrase, and infer from it that Paul was 
a member of the Sanhedrim, and voted with the other judges to 
put the Christians to death. But the Jews required, as a general 
rule, that those who held this office should be men of years ; and 
Paul at the time of Stephen's martyrdom, could hardl}^ have at- 
tained the proper age. It is said, too, on the authority of the 
later Jewish wiiters, that one of the necessary qualifications for 
being chosen into the Sanhedrim was that a man should be the 
father of a family, because he who is a parent may be expected 
to be merciful ; a relation wliich, from the absence of any allusion 
to it in the apostle's writings, we have every reason to beheve 
that he never sustained. The expression itself affords but shght 
proof that Paul was a voter in the Sanhedrim, i/^^c^os, a stone 
used as a ballot, like our " suffi-age," signified also opinion, assent, 
and accompanied various verbs, as rt^evai and Kara^epeiv, as mean- 
ing to think, judge, sanction, with a figurative allusion only to the 
act of voting. Plato uses the term often in that sense. See R. 
and P. Lex., p. 2576. — aurcov agrees with the intimation of other 
passages (8, 3 ; 9, 1 ; 22, 4), that Stephen was not the only vic- 
tim whose blood was shed at this time. 

V. 11. Koi Kara 7rdo-a?, k. t. A., and punishing them often through- 
out all the synagogues in the different places where he pursued 



Chap. XXYI, 11-U. 



COMMENTARY. 



401 



his work of persecution. See 22, 19. " The chief rulers of the 
synagogues," sa^'s Biscoe (p. 81), "being also the judges of the 
people m many cases, especially those which regarded religion 
(comp. on 9, 2), chose to give sentence against offenders, and see 
their sentence executed in the synagogue. Persons were always 
scourged in the presence of the judges (Vitr. de Synag. Vett. p. 
177). For punishment being designed 'in terrorem,' what more 
likely to strike the mind ^^ith awe, and deter men from falhng 
into the like errors, than to have it executed in their religious as- 
sembhes, and in the face of the congregation ? Our Lord fore- 
told that liis disciples should be scourged in the synagogues 
(Matt. 10, 17 ; 23, 34), and we learn here that Paul was an in- 
strument in fulfillmg this prediction, having beaten them that 
beheved in eveiy" synagogue." — rjvdyHia^ov ^Xao-t^iqjxdv, I icas con- 
straining them (i. e. urged them by threats and torture) to blas- 
pheme, Yiz. Jesus, or the gospel; comp. 13, 45; James 2, 7. Tlie 
imperfect states the object, not the result of the act. That, 
among the many who suffered this violence, every one preserved 
his fidelity, it would be unreasonable to affirm. We learn from 
Pliny's letter to Trajan (Lib. X. 97), that heathen persecutors 
applied the same test wliich Saul adopted, for the purpose of as- 
certaining who were truly Clnistians. " Propositus est hbellus 
sine auctore, multorum nomina continens ; qui negarent se esse 
Christianos aut fuisse, quum praeeunte me deos appellarent et 
imagini tus (quam propter hoc jusseram cum shnulacris numi- 
num adfeni) thure ac vino supphcarent, prseterea maledicerent 
Christo ; quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur qui sunt rev era Chris- 
tianiy — ecus kox ck ras e^co TroXet?, as far as even imto foreign cities, 
as those would be called wliich were out of Judea. Among these 
Luke and Paul single out Damascus, because a tram of such 
events followed the apostle's expedition to that city. 

V. 12. kv 019 Kat, in which also, while intent on tliis object; 
comp. ev oh in 24, 18. KaL, so common in Luke after the rela- 
tive, some of the best copies omit here. — iiovcrtas and iTTLrpoTrrj's 
sti-engthen each other ; he had ample power to execute liis com- 
mission. 

V. 13. rjixepas fjiecrrjs, at midday. " fxicrr] rjjxipa, ipm meridie com- 
munis dialecti est, at fxiaov r]ixipa^, aut ix^crqix^pCa (22, 6) elegan- 
tiora." See Lob. ad Pln*yn. p. 55. — Kara rr/v oSoV, along the luay 
(Mey. Rob.); not on the ivay (De Wet). — For /x-e after TreptAa/^- 
x^/av, see on 9, 3. — For rovs (tvv i/xol irop^voiJikvovq, those journeying 
with me, see on 22, 9. 

V. 14 TTa.vT(}iv . ... els rr^v yrjv, And ive all having fallen down 

51 



402 



COMMENTAEY. Chap. XXVI, 15-17. 



upon the earth, from the effect of terror, not as an act of rever- 
ence ; comp. 9, 4 ; 22, 17. In regard to the alleged inconsistency 
between this statement and elaTriKuaav in 9, 7, see the note on 
that passage. — crKkrjpov o-ol tt/oo? Kcvrpa XaKTi^eiv, It is hard for thee 
to kick against goads. The meaning is, that his opposition to the 
cause and will of Christ must be unavailing; the continuance of 
it would only bring injury and ruin on himself. Wetstein has 
produced examples of tliis proverb from both Greek and Latin 
writers. Euripides (Bacch. v. 791) applies it as here : Svixov- 
lxevo<5 Tvpbs Kevrpa XaKTtt,oifxL, ^vv^ro? u)v ^ew. Terence (Phorm. 1. 2. 
27) employs it thus : " Num quss inscitia est, Advorsum stimu- 
lum calces ?" Plautus (4. 2. 55) has it in this form : " Si stimulos 
pugnis csedis, manibus plus dolet." The Schohast on Pind. Pyth. 
2. 173 explains the origin of the expression : rj 8c Tpoirr] oltto twv 
ySocov • Twv yap oi araKTOL Kara rrjv yecjopyiav Kevrpi^ofJievoL vtto tov apovv- 
Tos, XaKTL^ovcTL TO KevTpov KoL fxoXXov TrAr^TTOVTat. The same or a 
similar proverb must have been current among the Hebrews, 
though this is the only instance of it found in the Scriptures. 
The common plough in the East at present has but one handle. 
The same person, armed with a goad six or eight feet long, holds 
the plough and drives his team at the same time. As the driver 
follows the oxen, therefore, instead of being at their side as with 
us, and applies the goad from that position, a refractory animal of 
course would kick against the sharp iron when pierced with it. 
In early times the Greeks and Romans used a plough of the hke 
construction. 

V. 16. €ts TovTo prepares the mind for what follows ; see on 
9, 21. — yap shows that the command to arise was equivalent to 
assuring him that he had no occasion for such alarm (v. 14) ; the 
object of the vision was to summon him to a new and exalted 
sphere of effort. — Trpox^tplaacr^al 0-6 vTT7}peTr]v, to appoint thee as a 
mhiister, call him to his destined work. The antecedent purpose 
must be sought in the nature of the act, rather than in the verb. 
See on 3, 20. — Understand tovtihv after fxaprupa as the attracting 
antecedent of u>v. — wvrc ocfiS^-qaroixai o-ol is an unusual construction. 
The best solution is, that wv stands for a, as a sort of explanatory 
accusative (K. § 279. 7) - cis to which, or = Si a, on account of which 
(Mey.), I will appear unto thee. See W. ^ 39. 3. 1. Many com- 
mentators assign an active sense to 6^-^?jo-o/xat : which I will cause 
thee to see or know. This use of the verb has no warrant either 
in classic or Hellenistic Greek. 

V. 17. i^aLpovixevos .... l%oiv, delivering thee from the people ^ 
i. e. of the Jews (see on 10, 2), and the heathen. For this sense 



Chap. XXVI, 18. 19. COM M E N T A R Y . 



403 



of tlie participle, see 7, 10 ; 12, 11 ; 23, 27. Such a promise was 
conditional from the nature of the case. It pledged to him the 
security which he needed for the accomplishment of his work 
until his work was done. Some render e^atpov/x,€vos o-e, selecting 
thee, so as to find here the idea of crKeSos iKXoyr}<s in 9, 15 (Kuin. 
Hnr. Rob. Hws.). This interpretation would suit tov Xaov, but, as 
De Wette and Meyer remark, it is inappropriate to twv i^vayv. 
Paul was not one of the heathen, and could not be said to be 
chosen from them. — els ovs, unto whom, refers to both the nouns, 
which precede. — The correct text inserts eyw before ere, and 
omits vvv. — aTrodriXkoi is present, I send, because his ministry 
is to begin at once. 

V. 18. It is important to obseve the relation of the different 
clauses to each other, avol^ai ocfi^aXfiov? avruiv, to ojpen their eyes, 
states the object of a-TtocxrkWui. — tgv eTnarpiij/ai, that they may turn, 
derives its subject from avrwv. The verb is intransitive (see v. 
20 ; 14, 15) ; not active, in order to turn them (E. V.). This clause 
states the designed effect of the illumination which they should 
receive. — tov XaySetv, k. t. X., that they may obtain forgiveness of 
sins, expresses the direct object of the sepond infinitive and the 
ultimate obj ect of the first. — For KXrjpov ku tols rjyiacrixivois, an in- 
heritance among the sanctified, see the note on 20, 32. — Trtaret 
et? e/xe, hy faith on me, our English translators and some others 
join mth T/ytacr/xevot9 ; but the words specify evidently the condi- 
tion by which believers obtain the pardon of sin and an interest 
in the heavenly inheritance. rjytaa-fxevoLs is added merely to in- 
dicate the spiritual nature of the KXrjpov. 

Y. 19. o-^ev, ivhence, accordingly, i. e. having been so instructed, 
and in such a manner. — ovk iy^vofx-qv SlttuS^t^s, I proved not disobe- 
dient, afiirms the alacrity of his response to the call more strongly 
than if the mode of expression had been positive, instead of neg- 
ative. (XTret^Tys attaches itself to the personal idea of oTrracrta, and 
demands that element in the meaning of the word. The service 
required of him and so promptly rendered evidently was that he 
should preach the gospel to Jews and Gentiles (v. 17). It is im- 
possible to reconcile such intimations with the idea that the 
apostle after this remained for years inactive in Arabia, or spent 
the time there in silent meditation and the gradual enlargment 
of his views of the Christian system. I cannot agree with Dr. 
Davidson, that " Paul was not a preacher of the gospel in Arabia, 
but went through a process of training there, for the purpose of 
preaching it." See his Introduction, II. p. 80. — ovpavC^o o-rrra- 
crta, the heavenly vision, manifestation of the Saviour's person ; 



404 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVI, 20-22. 



comp. Luke 1, 22 ; 24, 23 ; 2 Cor. 12, 1. See the note on 
9, 7. 

V. 20. rot? €v Aa/xacTKw TrpojTov, to those in Damascus first, as 
stated in 9, 20, and implied in Gal. 1, 17. — 'lepocroAv/xots with kv 
repeated, in Jerusalem; hardly u7ito as a dhect dative (Mey.). — 
ets irao-av, k. t. X., and unto (i. e. with a union of the local idea 
with the personal, the inhabitants of) all the region of Judea ; 
comp. airrf^yeikav ets rrjv ttoXlv in Luke 8, 34. Meyer extends rois 
from the other clause into tliis : atid unto those throughout all the 
region. But in his last edition he gives up tliis analysis and ap- 
proves the other. — The apostle during liis labors in Syria and 
Cilicia, after his fu'st visit to Jerusalem, was as yet unknown in 
person to the churches of Judea. See Gal. 1, 22. Hence he 
must have preached there, as intimated in this passage, at a later 
period. He could have done so when he went tliither at the 
time of the famine (see on 11, 30) or while he was at Jerusalem 
between his fii'st and second mission to the heathen (18, 22). — 
a^ia Trjs /^eravotas epya, deeds worthy of repentance.^ such as showed 
that they were changed in heart and life. Zeller charges that 
Paul would not have spoken so, because his doctrine was that of 
justification by faith alone. The answer is that in Paul's sys- 
tem good works are the necessary evidence of such faith, and 
further, that Trtcrret riy et? k\xk above (v. 18) shows that he adhered 
fully on this occasion to his well-known doctrinal view. — Trpacr- 
crovras deserts the case of e^catv and agrees with avTovs as the 
suppressed subject of the verbs. 

y. 22. iTTiKovpLas .... ^eov, Having therefore obtained assistance 
from God; since exposed to such dangers in the fulfilment of 
his ministry (eTretpcovro Siaxeipto-acrSai in V. 21) he must other^dse 
have perished. The assistance was an inference (ovv) from liis 
present safety. — jxapTvpoixevos puKpio re koL /xeyaAw, testifying to both 
small and great (Rev. 11, 18; 13, 16; 19, 5); not young and old 
(8, 10). The phrase admits either sense, but the more obvious 
distinction here is that of rank, not of age. The grace of God 
is impartial ; the apostle declared it without respect of persons. 
It is uncertain whether this is the coiTect participal or the re- 
ceived fxapTvpovfX€vos. The latter would mean attested, approved, 
both by small and great (Bretsch. Mey.) ; comp. 6, 3 ; 10, 22 ; 16, 2. 
It is objected that the sense \vith the latter reading is impossi- 
ble, because Paul was so notoriously despised and persecuted by 
Jews and heathen (Alf). But the meaning might be that though 
not openly approved he had received that verdict at the bar of 
their consciences ; he had not failed to commend himself and liis 



Chap. XXVI, 23. 24. COMMENTARY. 



405 



doctrine to every man's better judgment. The avowal would 
imply no more than Paul affirms to be true of all who preach 
faithfully the system of truth which he preached ; see 2 Cor. 4, 2. 
Some render iJLapTvpovjxevos as middle, bearing ivitness, instead 
of passive ; but confessedly without any example of that use. 
Knapp, Hahn, Tischendorf, Baumgarten, and others, approve of 
fjiaprvpofievos. It has no less support than the other word, and 
affords an easier explanation. 

V. 23. This part of the sentence attaches itself to Xeycov rather 
than to pLcXkovTOiv yivea-^ai. — et 7ra^7]To<i 6 XptcTTo?, if the Messiah 
can suffer (passihilis in Vulg.), not so much as a possibility of his 
nature, as one of the conditions of his office, i. e. would be ap- 
pointed or allowed to suffer, and so could be subject to infirmity, 
pain, death. Verbals in ros express possibility and correspond to 
Latin adjectives in ilis. B. § 103. N. 2. The apostle, as I under- 
stand, approaches the question on the Jewish side of it, not on 
the Chi'istian ; and that was, whether the Messiah, being such as 
many of the Jews expected, could suffer; not whether he must 
suffer, in order to fulfil the Scriptures, et presents the points as 
questions wliich he was wont to discuss. Many of the Jews 
overlooked or denied the suffering character of the Messiah, and 
stumbled fatally at the gospel because (their o-KavSaXov) it re- 
quired them to accept a crucified Redeemer. Some make ei=: 
oVi, that, i. e. the sign of a moderated assertion. — 6 Xpto-ro?, the 
Messiah as such ; not a personal name here. — irpwros dvaa-Td- 
o-etos v€Kp<i)V = irpuyTOTOKO^ Ik tojv v^Kpwv in Col. 1, 18. If MoseS 
and the prophets foretold that the Messiah would suffer, die, and 
rise from the dead, it followed that Jesus was the promised Sav- 
iour of men, and the author of eternal hfe to those who believe 
on him. The apodosis (fxiXXu KarayyiXkeLv, K. T. A.) depends log- 
ically on the protasis (et Tra-S^iyros, et TTpcuTos, K. T. X.). 

Verses 24-29. The answer of Paul to Festus. 

V. 24 ravTa refers more especially to the words last spoken 
(Mey.), and not in the same degree to the entire speech (De 
Vt^et.). The idea of a resurrection, which excited the ridicule 
of the Athenians (17, 32), appeared equally absurd to the Roman 
Festus, and he could listen with patience no longer. It is evi- 
dent that rovrwv in v. 26 has reference to di/ao-rao-eoj? v^Kpiidv in 
V. 23, and the intermediate ravra would not be likely to turn the 
mind to a different subject. — d-rroXoyovfxivov may be present, be- 
cause Festus interposed before Paul had finished his defence 



406 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVI, 25-27. 



(Mey.). — fxeydXr] (f)0)vfj. See on 14, 10. The "loud voice" 
was the effect of his surprise and astonishment. — ixaivr], thou art 
mad, which he says earnestly, not in jest (Olsh.), because it real- 
ly appeared to him that Paul was acting under an infatuation 
which could spring only from insanity (Neand. Mey. De Wet.). 
Bengel : " Videbat Festus, naturam non agere in Paulo ; gratiam 
non vidit." — to, ttoXXcl ypa/^^ara admits of two senses : the many 
writings which thou readest (Kuin. Mey. Hws.), or the much learn- 
ing which thou hast or art reputed to have (Neand. De Wet. 
Alf). The latter is the more natural idea (as Meyer now holds), 
and may have been suggested to the mind of Festus from his 
having heard that Paul was distinguished among the Jews for 
his scholarship. It is less probable that he was led to make the 
remark because he was struck with the evidence of superior 
knowledge evinced in Paul's address. It was able and eloquent, 
but would not be characterized as learned in any very strict sense 
of the term. 

V. 25. o{i /xatVo/xai, k. r. A,., I am not mad, etc. This reply of 
Paul is unsurpassed as a model of Christian courtesy and self- 
command. Doddridge takes occasion to say here, that, " if great 
and good men who meet with rude and insolent treatment in the 
defence of the gospel would learn to behave with such modera- 
tion, it would be a great accession of strength to the Christian 
cause." — KpoLTtcTTe, most excellent, as in 23, 26. — aXrj3^eLa<;, of truth, 
as opposed, not to falsehood (his veracity was not impeached), 
but to the fancies, hallucinations, of a disordered intellect. — 
cro)cl)pocrvvr]<; is the opposite of fxavta, i. e. a sound mind. 

V. 26. hricrrarai .... 6 fSacrtXev^, For the king knows well con- 
cerning these things, viz. the death and resurrection of Christ. 
The apostle is assured that Agiippa has heard of the events con- 
nected with the origin of Christianity, and could not deny that 
they were supported by evidence too credible to make it reproach- 
ful to a man's understanding to admit the reality of the facts. — 
7rpo5 ov Koi TrappT/a-ta^o/xej/os XaXu), unto whom also (i. e. while he has 
this knowledge and on that account) I speak boldly, without fear 
of contradiction. — iv ymvia, in a corner, secretly (litotes) ; on the 
contrary, at Jerusalem, the capital of the nation. The expression 
was current in this sense (Wetst). — rouro r^zrovrcoi/ just before. 
The plural views the circumstances in detail, the singular as a 
whole. See the note on 5, 5. 

V. 27. Trto-TeiJetg, k. t. X. As Agrippa professed to believe the 
Scriptures, which foretold that the Messiah would rise from the 
dead, he was bound to admit that there was nothing irrational or 



Chap. XXVI, 28. 29. COMMENTARY. 



407 



improbable in the apostle's testimony concerning an event which 
accomplished that prophecy. 

V. 28. iv oAtyo) (sc. XP'^^V) • • • • yevea-^at, In a little time (at 
this rate) you persuade me to hecome a Christian (Wetst. Raph. 
Kuin. Neand. De Wet. Rob.). It was not uncommon in Greek 
to omit yfiovo^ after this adjective. Wetstein, Raphel (Anott. II. 
p. 188), and others, have produced decisive examples of this ellip- 
sis. By taking kv oXiyio as quantitative, instead of temporal, 
Meyer brings out this sense from the expression : With little, i. e. 
trouble, effort, you persuade me to become a Christian ; in other 
words (said sarcastically), You appeal to me as if you thought 
me an easy convert to your faith. This would be, no doubt, the 
correct explanation, if, with Meyer, Tischendorf, and others, we 
adopt ev jxeydXto as the correct reading in Paul's reply, instead of 
iv 7roX\(2 ; but the testimony for the common text outweighs that 
against it (Neand. De Wet.). It is held, at present, to be unphi- 
lological to translate iv oAiyw, almost (Bez. Grot. E. V.). The 
Greek for that sense would have been oXlyov, oXiyov Set, or -n-ap' 
oXiyov. The translation of the common version appears fii'st in 
the Geneva version. Tyndale and Cranmer render : " Somewhat 
thou bringest me in mind for to become a Christian." Agrippa 
appears to have been moved by the apostle's earnest manner, 
but attempts to conceal his emotion under the form of a jest. 

V. 29. ev^aifjL-qv av Tio ^ew, I could pray to God, i. e. if I obeyed 
the impulse of my own heart, though it may be unavailing. For 
av with the optative, see W. k 41. 1. b ; B. § 139. m. 15. — Kat iv 
oXiyo) Koi iv 7roXX(2, both in a little and in much time. We may 
paraphrase the idea thus : " I could wish that you might become 
a Clnistian in a short time, as you say ; and if not in a short time, 
in a long time. I should rejoice in such an event, could it ever 
take place, whether it were sooner or later." If we read iv 
fxeydXio, the words would then mean, whether by little effort or by 
great ; whether he was to be converted with ease or difficulty. — 
TrapeKTos roov Secr/xcov TovT(ji)v, except these chains, which were hanging 
upon Iris arms as he made his defence. See note on 12, 6. 
Though separated from his keepers, he must wear still the 
badges of his condition. Hess writes (II. p. 459) as if the sol- 
diers were present and Paul was bound to them. Some have 
taken the language as figurative : except this state of captivity. 
The literal sense is not inconsistent with an occasional Roman 
u.sage. Tacitus mentions the following scene as having occurred 
in the Roman Senate (Ann. 4. 28) : " Reus pater, accusator filius 
(nomen utrique Vibius Serenus) in senatum inducti sunt. Ab 



408 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVII, 1. 



exilio retractus et turn catena vinctus, orante filio. At contra reus 
nihil infracto animo, obversus in filium quatere vincla, vocare ul- 
tores deos," etc. 

Verses 30-32. Agri'ppa proTWunces Paul innocent. 

V. 30. The best authorities read avea-TT} tc without koI ravra 
ctTTovTos avTov. — 6 is rcpcatcd before /Jao-tXevs and yye/xoyv, because 
they are the titles of different persons. — ot a-vyKaS^T^/xevoL avrols, 
those who sat with them, are the military officers and magistrates 
who were mentioned in 25, 23. The parties are named as rising 
and leaving the hall in the order of their rank. 

V. 31. dmxo)p>i<rai/Te9, having retired, withrawn from the place 
of audience (see 25, 23) ; not apart simply in the same room. — 
IXoXovv Trpbs aXXi^Xov<s, talked with one another. The object of the 
conference was to ascertain Agrippa's opinion in regard to the 
merits of the case. For ovhlv ^avarov a^iov rj SeaixCjv, nothing wor- 
thy of death, etc., see on 23, 29. — ov'^h/ irpaa-crei, does nothing in 
that he holds such opinions, pursues such a course. See W. 
$ 40. 2. c. It is not an instance of the present for the perfect 
(Kuin.). 

V. 32. d7roAeA.7;cr^at Ihvvaro, could have heen (not could be) re- 
leased, i. e. at any previous time since his apprehension, before 
his appeal to Csesar. It will be seen that both verbs are in the 
past tense. As the appeal had been accepted, it could not be 
withdrawn, even with the consent of the parties. The procura- 
tor had now lost the control of the case, and had no more power 
to acquit the prisoner than to condemn him (Bottg. Grot.). — One 
effect of Agrippa's decision may have been that Festus modified 
his report, commended Paul to the clemency of the court at 
Eome, See on 28, 16. 



CHAPTER XXYII. 

Verses 1-5. Paul embarks at Caesar ea for Pome, and proceeds as 
far as Myra. 

V. 1. ws, as, presents iKpiS^y] as immediately antecedent to 
TrapeStSow. — iKpi^-q relates to the time of departure, not to the 
original purpose that Paul should be sent; see 25, 21. — rov aTrotr- 
Xdv is a lax use of the telic infinitive ; the conception being that 



Chap. XXVII, 1. 



COMMENTAEY. 



409 



the decision took place with a view to the saiHng. W. ^ 44. 4. b. 
— rjfxas, us, includes the historian as one of the party; last used 
in 21, 18. — TvapSihovv, proceeded to deliver (imperfect as related to 
iKpcSt]), or, delivered, as a series of acts. The plural subject of 
the verb refers to those who acted in this case under the com- 
mand of the procurator. — eripov<;, other, i. e. additional, prisoners, 
not different in character from Paul, viz. heathen, as Meyer sup- 
poses. Luke uses that term and aAXos indiscriminately; see 15, 
35 ; 1 7, 34. — The statement here, that not only Paul, but certain 
other prisoners, were sent by the same ship into Italy, implies, as 
Paley remarks after Lardner, that the sending of persons from 
Judea to be tried at Rome was a common practice. Josephus 
confirms this intimation by a variety of instances. Among others, 
he mentions the following, which is the more pertinent as it took 
place about this time. "Felix," he says (Life, § 3), "for some 
slight offence, hound and sent to Rome several priests of his ac- 
quaintance, honorable and good men, to answer for themselves 
to Caesar." — o-Tretp-jys ^ciSao-rT}?, of the Augustan cohort. It is well 
established that several legions in the Roman army, certainly 
the 2d, 3d, and 8th, bore the above designation. No ancient wri- 
ter, however, mentions that any one of these was stationed in the 
East. Some critics suppose, notwithstanding the absence of any 
notice to this effect, that such may have been the fact, and that 
one of the cohorts belonging to this legion, and distinguished by 
the same name, had its quarters at CsBsarea. The more approved 
opinion is, that it was an independent cohort, assigned to that 
particular service, and known as the Augustan or imperial, be- 
cause, with reference to its relation to the procurator, it corres- 
ponded in some sense to the emperor's life-guard at Rome.^ It 
may have taken the place of the Italian cohort, which was men- 
tioned in 10, 1 ; or, very possibly, as Meyer suggests, may have 
been identical with it. The two names are not inconsistent with 
this latter opinion. Augustan may have been the honorary ap- 
pellation of the cohort, while it was called Italian by the people, 
because it consisted chiefly of Italians or Romans. The other 
four cohorts at Csesarea, as stated by Josephus (Antt. 20. 8. 7 ; 
19. 9. 2), were composed principally of Csesareans, or Samaritans. 
Hence, again, some explain (y-ndpi]^ '^e/Saa-Trj^ as meaning Sebas- 

1 Such exceptions to the general system occur under every military establish- 
ment. Speaking of that of England at a certain period, Mr. Macaulay says that 
" a troop of dragoons, which did not form part of any regiment, was stationed 
near Berwick, for the purpose of keeping the peace among the moss-troopers of 
the border." 

52 



410 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVII, 2. 



tenean or Samaritan cohort, since the city of Samaria . bore also 
the Greek name '^^j^ao-T-q in honor of the Emperor Augustus. 
But in that case, as Winer (Realw. 11. p. 338), De Wette, Meyer, 
and others decide, we should have expected 'X^^aaTrjvojv, instead 
of ScjSao-n}?, or an adjective equivalent in sense, formed like 
'IraXtKT/ in 10, 1. Wieseler (p. 391) has proposed another view 
of the expression. It appears that Nero organized a body-guard, 
which he denominated Augustani ( Suet. Ner. 20. 25) or Augus- 
tiani (Tac. Ann. 14. 1^). The critic just named tliinks that Ju- 
lius may have been a centurion in that cohort, whose station of 
course was at Rome ; and that, having been sent to the East for 
the execution of some pubhc service, he was now returning to 
Italy with these prisoners under his charge. But that guard, as 
Wieseler himself mentions, was organized in the year A. D. 60 ; 
and, according to his own plan of clnronology in the Acts, it was 
in that very year that Paul was sent from Csesarea to Rome. 
This coincidence in point of time leaves room for a possibility 
that the centurion may have left his post of duty thus early, but 
encumbers the supposition with a strong improbability. Mr. How- 
son admits the force of this objection. The Roman discipline, 
says Meyer, would have given the procurator no claim to the 
service of such an officer. 

V. 2. ttXolo) 'ASpafxvTTrjv<2, a vessel of Adrajnyttmm, which was 
a seaport of Mysia, on the eastern shore of the ^Egean Sea, op- 
posite to Lesbos. It was on a bay of the same name, and was 
then a flourishing city. Pliny speaks of it as one of the most 
considerable towns in that vicinity. No antiquities have been 
found here except a few coins. — Some critics prefer jxiXkovrL to 
the common /xeAAoj/res (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.), though it is doubtful 
whether the latter should be relinquished (De Wet.). — TrXetv rov<s 
Kara rr]v 'Aaiav tgttov?, to sail the places along (the coast of) Asia, 
i. e. touch at them here and there on the way to their port. This 
intransitive verb may govern an accusative, after the analogy of 
TTopeveaSaL oSoV and the like. K. 279. R. 5. See Ki-iig. Gr. § 46. 
6. 3. Some regard toVovs as the place ivhither (Win. De Wet.), 
which confounds the incidental delays -wiXh the end of the voy- 
age. A few copies have ds after ttXClv, which was inserted, no 
doubt, to render the construction easier. As Myra was one of 
the places where the ship stopped, Asia here may denote Asia 
Minor. Luke's prevalent use of the term restricts it to the west- 
ern countries washed by the ^gean. — It would appear that they 
embarked in this Adramyttian ship because they had no oppor- 
tunity at this time to sail directly from Csesarea to Italy. " The 



Chap XXVII, 2. 3. COMMENTARY. 



411 



vessel was evidently bound for her own port, and her course from 
CsBsarea tliither necessarily led her close past the principal sea- 
ports of Asia. Now, this is also the course which a ship would 
take in making a voyage from Syria to Italy ; they would, there- 
fore, be so far on their voyage when they reached the coast of 
Asia, and in the great commercial marts on that coast they could 
not fail to find an opportunity for proceeding to their ulterior des- 
tination." ^ The opportunity wliich they expected presented itself 
at Myi-a (v. 6). — 'ApLardpxov. This is the Aristarchus named in 
19, 29 ; 20, 4. Our English transla,tors speak of him, very strange- 
ly, as ''one Aiistarchus," as if he were otherwise unknown. That 
he accompanied Paul to Rome appears also from Philem. 24 ; 
Col. 4, 10 ; wliich Epistles the apostle wi'ote while in that city. 
Li the latter passage he terms Aristarchus crwat;(/taAarro9, wliich, 
if taken literally, would lead us to suppose that he too had been 
apprehended and was now sent as a prisoner to Rome. But in 
Philem. 24 he is called merely o-we/ayos, and hence it is more prob- 
able that he went with the apostle of his own accord, and that 
he received the other appellation merely as a commendatory one, 
because by such devotion to him he had thus made Paul's cap- 
tivity as it were liis own. This is the general opinion of critics. 
We have every reason to suppose that Luke also went as the 
voluntary companion of the apostle, 

V. 3. KaTrix^rjfxev ct? StScova, ive landed at Sidon, the modem 
Saida. This city had anciently one of the finest harbors in 
the East, and was celebrated at this time for its wealth and 
commerce. It was the rival of Tyre ; see 21,3. The vessel 
stopped here perhaps for purposes of trade. They must have 
sailed quite near to the shore, and the views on land wlfich 
passed under their notice were, first, the mountains of Samaria in 
the background, then the bold front of Carmel, the city of Ptole- 
mais with the adjacent plain of Esdrselon, the hills about Naza- 

' " The Voyage and ShipAvreck of St. Paul," etc. By James Smith., Esq., of 
Jordanhill, E. E. S., etc. London, 1848 and 1856, I have availed myself freely 
of the illusti-ations of this valuable treatise in the commentary on this chapter and 
the next. No Avork has appeared for a long time that has thrown so much light upon 
any equal portion of the Scriptures. The author is entu'ely justified in expressing his 
belief, that the searching examination to which he has subjected the nan'ative has 
furnished a new and distinct argument for establishing the authenticity of the Acts. 
It would occasion too much repetition to quote this work in a formal manner, I 
am indebted to Mr, Smith for nearly all the quotations fi-om English travellers 
and for most of the explanations which involve a knowledge of nautical mat- 
ters. 



412 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXYII, 3. 4. 



rethji and perhaps tlie heads of Gilboa and Tabor, the white chffs 
of Cape Blanco or Ras el-Abiad, Tyre with its crowded port, and 
the southern ridges of Lebanon. — Saida is now the seat of a 
flourishing mission from this country, with an outpost at Has- 
beiya near the foot of Mount Hermon. — The distance from 
Caesarea to Sidon was sixty-seven geographical miles. As they 
performed the voyage in a single day, they must have had a fa- 
vorable wind. The prevailing winds now in that part of the 
Mediterranean, at the period of the year then arrived, are the 
westerly;^ and such a wind would have served their purpose. 
The coast line between the two places bears N. N. E. The sea- 
son of the year at which Paul commenced the voyage is known 
from V. 9. It must have been near the close of summer, or early 
in September. — cfuXav^pw-n-ws .... xprjaafxeuos. It is interesting 
to obsei-ve that the centurion manifested the same friendly dispo- 
sition towards the apostle throughout the voyage. See v. 43 ; 
28, 16. It is not impossible that he had been present on some 
of the occasions when Paul defended himself before his judges 
(see 24, 1 ; 25, 23), and that he was not only convinced of his 
prisoner's innocence, but had been led to feel a personal interest 
in his character and fortunes. — rov? ^iXovs, the friends, behevers 
in that place. Sidon was a Phoenician city; and, as we leam 
from 11, 19, the gospel had been preached in Phcenicia at an early 
period. See on 21, 4. The narrative presupposes that Paul had 
informed the centurion that there were Christians here. — iropev- 
^eVra agrees with the suppressed subject of ri^^etv; comp. 26, 20. 
K. § 307. R. 2. It is corrected in some manuscripts to Tropev^evrL, 
agreeing with a^rw, imphed after iTrerpeij/e. 

V. 4. ■tiTTCTrXevo-a/Acv, k. t. A., ive sailed under Cyprus hecaiise the 
winds yj&re contrary. It is evident from the next verse that they 
left this island on the left hand and passed to the north of it, in- 
stead of going to the south, which would have been their direct 

1 From Nebj Ismail on the hill hehind Nazareth, I could see distinctly Mount 
Carmel with its foot ninning out into the sea, the entire sweep of the hay from 
Camiel to Akka, the plain of Akka and the town itself, with glimpses of the 
MediteiTanean at other points up and down the coast between the opening hills. It 
is not certain that Tabor can be made out at sea, though the sea can be distin- 
guished as a blue line along the edge of the horizon from the summit of Tabor. 

^ An English naval officer, at sea near Alexandria, under date of July 4tli, 
1798, writes thus : " The Avind continues to the westward. I am sorry to find it 
almost as prevailing as the trade winds." Again, on the 19th of the next month, 
he says : " We have just gained sight of Cypras, nearly the track we followed six 
weeks ago, so invaiiably do the westerly winds prevail at this season." 



Chap. XXIV, 4.5. CO M M E N T A K Y . 



413 



course in proceeding from Sidon to Proconsular Asia. The rea- 
son assigned for this is, that the winds were adverse to them. 
Such would haA^e been the effect of the westerly winds wliich, 
as before stated, prevail on that coast at this season, and which 
had favored their progress hitherto. It may be supposed, there- 
fore, that, these winds still continuing, they kept on their northern 
course after leaving Sidon,. instead of turning towards the west 
or northwest, as they would have done under favorable circum- 
stances. It is entirely consistent with this view that they are 
said to have sailed under Cyprus, if we adopt the meaning of this 
expression which some of the ablest authorities attach to it. 
Wetstein has stated Vvdiat appears to be the true explanation as 
foUows : " Ubi navis vento contrario cogitur a rectu cursu dece- 
dere, ita ut tunc insula sit interposita inter ventum et navem, 
dicitur ferri ijifra insulam." (Nov. Test. II. p. 637.) According 
to this opinion, iiro in the verb affirms merely that the ship was 
on that side of the island from which the wind was blowing, i. e. 
to use a sea phrase, on the lee side. It decides nothing of itself 
with respect to tlieh vicinity to the island ; though, from the na- 
ture of the case, it would not be natural to speak of sailing under 
a land, or being 07i the lee of it, unless the land was somewhere 
near, rather than remote. In this instance they passed within 
sight of Cyprus, since that island was visible from the Syrian 
coast. See the note on 13, 4. Many commentators, on the other 
hand, render vTreTrXevaafxev Tr]v JLvTrpov, ive sailed near Cyprus, as it 
were under its projecting shore. In this case they must have had 
a different wind from that supposed above, in order to enable 
them to cross from the coast of Palestine to that of Cyprus ; but 
having gained that position, they must then have gone around to 
the north of that island, in accordance precisely with the other 
representation. 

V. 5. TO Tre'Aayo? to KOjra rrjv KtXtKtW kol HafXcfivXLav, the sea aJong 
Cilicia and Pamphylia, i. e. the coast of those countries. The 
Cihcian Sea extended so far south as to include even Cyprus. 
That pass the Greeks called also Aulon Cilicium} The Pamphy- 
lian Sea lay directly west of the Cilician. Luke says nothing of 
any delay in these seas, and the presumption is that the voyage 
here was a prosperous one. Tliis agrees perfectly with what 
would be expected under that coast at that season of the year. 
Instead of the westerly winds which had been opposed to them 
since then departure from Sidon, they would be favored now by 



1 Hoffmann's Griechenland und die Griechen, Vol. II. p. 1385. 



414 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVII, 5. 6. 



a land breeze ^ which prevails there during the summer months, 
as well as by a current which constantly runs to the westward 
along the coast of Asia Minor.^ Their object in standing so far 
to the north was no doubt to take advantage of these circum- 
stances, which were well known to ancient mariners. — Mvpa t^<s 
A.vKLa<5. Myra was in the south of Lycia, two or three miles from 
the coast (Forbg. Handb. II. p. 256). The vicinity abounds still 
in magnificent ruins, though some of them, especially the rock 
tombs, denote a later age than that of the apostle.^ The ancient 
port of Myra was Andriaca, which was identified by Captain 
Beaufort at the bay of Andraki, " where the boats trading with 
the district still anchor, or find shelter in a deep river opening 
into it." 

Verses 6-12. Incidents of the Voyage from Myra to Crete. 

V. 6. ttXolov 'AXeiavBpivov irXiov, an Alexandrian ship about 
filing. The participle describes a proximate future, as in 21, 2. 
3, etc. This ship was bound directly for Italy, having a cargo of 
wheat, as we learn from v. 38. See the note there. Egypt at 
this time, it is well known, was one of the granaries of Rome ; 
and the vessels employed for the transportation of corn from that 
country were equal in size to the largest merchant-vessels of 
modern times. Hence this ship was able to accommodate the 
centurion and his numerous party, in addition to its own crew 
and lading. Josephus states (Life, ^ 3) that the ship in which he 

1 M. dc Pages, a Erencli navigator, who was making a voyage from Syria to 
Marseilles, took the same course, for which he assigns also the reason which influ- 
enced probably the commander of Paul's ship. " The winds from the west," he 
savs, " and consequently contrary, which prcA'^ail in these places in the summer, 
forced us to run to the north. We made for the coast of Caramania ( Cilicia) in 
order to meet the northerly winds, and which we found accordingly." 

2 "From Syria to the Archipelago, there is a constant current to- the westward." 
— Beaufort's Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, p. 39. Pococke 
found this current running so strong between Ehodes and the continent, that it 
broke into the cabin windows even in calm weather. — Description of the East, 
Vol. II. p. 236. 

3 " The village of Dembra (the Turkish name of the modern Myra) occupies a 
small part of the site of the ancient city of Myra. The acropolis crowns the bold preci- 
pice above. — We commenced the ascent to the acropolis, at first exceedingly dif- 
ficult, until we found an ancient road cut out of the rock, with steps leading to the 
summit. The walls of the acropolis are entirely built of small stones with mortar. 
We saw no remains of any moi'e substantially or solidly built structures ; but it is 
evidently the hill alluded to by Strabo, upon which ' Myra is said to have been 
situated.' " — Spratt and Forbes, Vol. I. p. 132. 



Chap. XXVII, 6. 7. COMMENTAEY. 



415 



was wrecked in his voyage to Italy contain ed six hundred per- 
sons. Myra was almost due north from Alexandria; and it is 
not improbable that the same westerly winds which forced the 
Adramyttian ship to the east of Cyprus drove the Alexandrian 
ship to Myra. The usual course from Alexandria to Italy was 
by the south of Crete ; but when this was impracticable, vessels 
sailing from that port were accustomed to stand to the north till 
they reached the coast of Asia Minor, and then proceed to Italy 
through the southern part of the ^gean. See the proofs of this 
statement in Wetstein. The Alexandrian ship was not, there- 
fore, out of her course at Myra, even if she had no call to touch 
there for the purposes of commerce. It may be added, that "thc- 
land breeze on the Cilician coast appears to be quite local, and 
consequently might enable Paul's ship to reach Myra, although 
the prevalent wind did not admit of the ships in that harbor pro- 
ceeding on their voyage." — This vessel must have reached Myra 
in August or early in September, according to v. 9 below. That 
an Alexandrian wheat ship now should have been here, just at 
this time, suggests a coincidence which may be worth pointing 
out. At the present day, the active shipping season at Alexan- 
dria commences about the first of August. The rise of the Nile 
is then so far advanced that the produce of the interior can be 
brought to that city, where it is shipped at once and sent to dif- 
ferent parts of Europe. At the beginning of August in 1852, as 
I saw it stated in the circular of a commercial house at Alexan- 
dria, there were twelve vessels then taking on board grain car- 
goes, just received from Upper Egypt. Thus it appears that the 
Alexandrian ship mentioned by Luke may have left Egypt not 
only after the grain harvest of the year had been gathered (it is 
ripe at the end of March), but just at the time when cargoes or 
the earliest cargoes of that kind coidd be obtained there ; and, 
further, that the ship would have had, after this, just about the 
time requisite for reaching Myra, when Paul's ship arrived at the 
same place. — h/^j^i^au-cv rjixag 6is avro (a vox nautica), he put us on 
hoard of it. It will be noticed that Luke employs such terms 
with great frequency, and with singular precision. He uses, for 
example, not less than thirteen different verbs which agree in thiS; 
that they mark in some way the progression of the ship, but which 
differ inasmuch as they indicate its distance from the land, rate 
of movement, direction of the wind, or some such circumstance. 
"With the exception of three of them, they are all nautical ex- 
pressions. 

V. 7. Iv tKavat? Se rjixipaiq (SpaSvirXoovvTes. The distance from 



416 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXYII, 7. 



Myra to Cniclns is not more than a hundred and thirty geograph- 
ical miles. They occupied, therefore, " many days " in going a 
distance which with a decidedly fair wind they could have gone 
in a single day. We must conclude from this, that they were re- 
tarded by an unfavorable wind. Such a wind would have been 
one from the northwest, and it is precisely such a wind, as we 
learn from the Sailing Directions for the Mediterranean, that pre- 
vails in that part of the Archipelago during the summer months. 
According to Pliny, it begins in August, and blows for forty days. 
Sailing vessels almost invariably experience more or less delay 
in proceeding to the west in this part of the Mediterranean at 
that season of the year. But with northwest winds, says Mr. 
Smith, the ship could work up from Myra to Cnidus ; because, 
until she reached that point, she had the advantage of a weather 
shore, under the lee of which she would have smooth water, and, 
as formerly mentioned, a westerly current ; but it would be slow- 
ly and with difficulty. fxaXis refers evidently to this laborious 
progress, and not (E. V.) to the fact of their having advanced 
barely so far. — KvlSov. Cnidus was the name both of a penin- 
sula on the Carian coast, between Cos on the north and Rhodes 
on the south, and of a town on the Triopian promontory which 
formed the end of this peninsula. It is the town that is intended 
here. It was situated partly on the mainland, and partly on an 
island, with which it was connected by a causeway, on each side 
of which was an artificial harbor (Forbg. Hand. II. p. 221). "The 
small one," says Captain Beaufort, " has still a narrow entrance 
between high piers, and was evidently a closed basin for triremes. 
The southern and largest port is formed by two transverse moles ; 
these noble works were can-ied into the sea at the depth of near- 
ly a hundred feet. One of them is almost perfect, the other, 
which is more exposed to the southwest swell, can only be seen 
under water." ^ — jXr) Trpoo-ewvros rjfxas rov avifjioVf the wind not per- 
mitting us unto it, i. e. to approach Cnidus, to take shelter in the 
harbor there, which would have been their first preference. They 
adopted, therefore, the only other alternative which was left to 
them. TTpoaedo) does not occur in the classics, irpos cannot well 
mean further, as some allege, since they would have had no mo- 
tive to continue the voyage in that direction, even if the weather 

1 Caramania, or a Brief Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, p. 76. 
" Pew places bear more incontestable proofs of former magnificence. The whole 
area of the city is one promiscuous mass of ruins ; among which may be traced 
streets and gateways, porticos and theatres." 



Chap. XXYII, 7. 8. 



COMMENTAEY. 



417 



had not opposed it.-^ — vircTrXeva-aixev rrjv Kpi^rrjv Kara SaXjacoi/Tyv, we 
sailed under (i. e. to the leeward of) Crete against Salmone, a pro- 
montory which forms the eastern extremity of that island, and 
bears still the same name. An inspection of the map will show 
that their course hither from Cnidus must have been nearly south. 
The wind drove them in this direction. It has been said that 
they avoided the northern side of Crete, because it furnished no 
good ports ; but such is not the fact. Soudra and Longa Spina 
are excellent harbors on that side of the island. Having passed 
around Salmone, they would find a northwest wind as much op- 
posed to them in navigating to the westward as it had been be- 
tween Myra and Cnidus ; but, on the other hand, they would 
have for a time a similar adv^antage : the south side of Crete is 
a weather shore, and with a northwest wind they could advance 
along the coast, until they reached that part of it which turns de- 
cidedly towards the north. Here they would be obHged to seek 
a harbor, and wait until the wind changed. The course of move- 
ment indicated by Luke tallies exactly with these conditions. 

V. 8. /xoAt? re TrapaXeyofxevoi avriyv, and with difficulty coasting 
along it, viz. Crete, not Salmone, since the former, though not so 
near, is the principal word. Besides, Salmone was not so much 
an extended shore as a single point, and at all events did not ex- 
tend so far as the place where they stopped. This participle is 
a nautical word. — towov .... At/xeVas, unto a certain place called 
Fair Havens. No ancient writer mentions this harbor, but no one 
doubts that it is identical with the place known still under the 
same name, on the south of Crete, a few miles to the east of 
Cape Matala. This harbor consists of an open roadstead, or 
rather two roadsteads contiguous to each other, which may ac- 
count for the plural designation. It is adapted, also, by its situa- 
tion, to afford the shelter in northwest winds which the anchorage 
mentioned by Luke afforded to Paul's vessel. Nautical authori- 
ties assure us, that this place is the farthest point to wliich an 
ancient ship could have attained with northwesterly winds, be- 
cause here the land turns suddenly to the north. — u .... Aao-ata, 
near to which was the city Lasc^a. The vicinity of this place ap- 

1 Mr. Smith supposes that the winds did not permit their proceeding on their 
course, and in his second edition (p. 76) urges against me the authority of Admi- 
ral Penrose as maintaining the same view. It is not claimed that the Greek word 
is at all decisive, but that the nautical reason demands their intei-pretation. It does 
not become me to urge my opinion on such a point in opposition to that of expe- 
rienced navigators. One would say as a critic that irpoffeauTos in such proximity 
to Kara ttjv KvlSov v/ould have naturally the same local direction. 

53 



418 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVII, 8. 9. 



pears to be mentioned because it was better known than Fair 
Havens. In the first edition I wrote that all trace of Las sea was 
supposed to be lost. Since then an English traveller in Crete 
reports that the name is applied by the natives to the site of an 
ancient town on the coast, about five miles east of Fair Havens. 
Two white pillars, masses of masonry and other ruins occur on 
the spot.i Here cyyus governs (2 as an adverb, rjv, was, incorpo- 
rates the notice with the history without excluding the present. 
Compare 17, 21. 23. K. § 256. 4. a. 

Y. 9. LKavov Sk ;)(povou Stay evofievov, Nbw a long time having 
elapsed, i. e. since the embarkation at Csesarea. The expression 
is to be taken in a relative sense. On leaving Palestine they 
expected to reach Italy before the arrival of the stormy season, 
and would have accomplished their object had it not been for 
unforeseen delays. — oVros rjhr] cTrto-^aXovg rov ttAoos, the navigation 
being now unsafe, i. e. at tliis particular period of the year. TrXoog 
is a later Greek form for irXov. "W. ^ 8. 2. b ; S. ^ 22. 2. — to 
Kol, K. T. X., because also the fast was now past. Kal adds this clause 
to the one immediately preceding, in order to fix more precisely 
the limits of the -^8?? there, by informing us how far the season 
was advanced. See W. k 53. 3, c. — ryju vqa-rdav denotes the fast 
Kar iioxy^v, which the Jews observed on the great day of expia- 
tion, which fell on the tenth of the month Tisri, about the time 
of the autumnal equinox. See Lev. 16, 29; 23, 27. Jahn's 
ArchsBol. ^ 357. Pliilo also says that no prudent man thought of 
putting to sea after this season of the year. The Greeks and 
Romans considered the period of safe navigation as closing in 
October, and recommencing about the middle of March. Luke's 
familiarity with the Jewish designations of time rendered it en- 
tirely natural for him to describe the progress of the year in this 
manner. It was not on account of the storms merely that an- 
cient mariners dreaded so much a voyage in winter, but because 
the rains, prevailed then, and the clouds obscured the sun and 
stars on which they were so dependent for the direction of their 
course. See the note on v. 20. — TrapyveL, exhorted them, viz. to 
remain here and not continue the voyage. It is not stated in so 
many words that this was his object, but it may be inferred from 
the argument which he employs, and from the representation in 
the next two verses, that they renewed the voyage in opposition 
to his advice. See also v. 21. 

1 Mr. Smith inserts an interesting account of this discovery (p. 262) in his edi- 
tion of 1856. 



Chap. XXVII, 10. 11. 



COMMENTARY. 



419 



V. 10. ^ecopco, I perceive, have reason to think. This verb ex- 
presses a judgment which he had formed in view of what they 
had already experienced, as well as the probabilities of the case, 
looking at the future. The revelation which he afterward re- 
ceived respecting their fate, he announces in very different terms; 
see V. 23. He may be understood as declaring his own personal 
conviction, that, if they now ventured to sea again, the ship would 
certainly be wrecked, and that among so many some of them at 
least would lose their lives. None lost their lives in fact, and 
hence Paul could not speak as a prophet here. The apostles 
were not infallible, except in their sphere as religious teachers. — 
In oTi fjL€Ta. vl3pe(i)<s, K. T. A., we have a union of two different modes 
of expression. The sentence begins as if /xe'A,Aet 6 ttXov^ was to 
follow, but on reaching that verb the construction changes to the 
infinitive with its subject, as if ort had not preceded. See W. ^ 
63. 2. c. Such variations are so common, even in the best writers, 
that they are hardly to be reckoned as anacoluthic. — /xera iJ/Speco? 
KoX TToXXrj^ trjfjLLas, ivith violence (lit. insolence, !, e. of the winds and 
waves) and much loss. The second noun states an effect of the 
first, which is applied here in a sort of poetic way, like our "sport" 
or "riot" of the elements. Kuinoel quotes to t€ Kavfj^a koL rrjv airo 
rwv ofxfSpiov v/SpLv oLTTOfxaxofieva in Jos. Antt. 3. 6. 4, as showing this 
sense. Horace has the same idea in his "ventis debes ludibri- 
um" (Od. 1. 11. 14). To render the words injury and loss does 
violence to the first of them, and makes them tautological. 
Some have relied for this meaning on Pind. Pyth. I. 140 ; but the 
poet is speaking, says Professor Vomel,^ not of a shipwreck, but 
a sea-fight, and i;/5pt? is used there in its strictest sense. Meyer 
understands it of the rashness, the presumption, which they would 
evince in committing themselves again to the deep. If we as- 
sume that meaning here, we are to retain it naturally in v. 21 ; 
and it would be there a term of reproach, which we should not 
expect the apostle to employ in such an address. 

V. 11. eKaroj/rapxiy?. In regard to the termination, see on 10, 
1. — T(3 Kv^epvT^TTj, the steersman, whose authority in ancient ships 
corresponded very nearly with that of the captain in our vessels. 
— rc5 vavKkrjpiji, the oivner, to whom the ship belonged. The pro- 
prietor, instead of chartering his vessel to another, frequently 
went himself in her, and received as his share of the profit the 
money paid for carrying merchandise and passengers. The 

i Of the Gymnasium at Frankfort on the Maine. In his Programme for 1850, 
he inserts a translation of this chapter of the Acts, with some critical remarks. 



420 



COMMENTAKY. 



* Chap. XXVII, 12. 



owners of the cargo hired the captain and the mariners. — rots 
virb Tov UavXov XeyofxivoLq changes the object of the verb {Ittu^cto) 
from that of a person to a thing. Compare 26, 20. 

V. 12. avcv!^iTov, not well situated, inconvenient. The harbor 
deserved its name undoubtedly (see v. 8), for many purposes, but 
in the judgment of those to whose opinion it was most natural 
that the centurion should defer, it was not considered a desirable 
place for wintering (tt^os 7rapa;(et/xa(7tav). The question was not 
whether they should attempt to proceed to Italy during the pres- 
ent season, but whether they should remain here in preference 
to seeking some other harbor where they might hope to be more 
secure. In this choice of evils, the advice of Paul was that they 
should remain here ; and the event justified his discernment.^ — 
01 TrAetotis, the majority. Their situation had become so critical, 
that a general consultation was held as to what should be done. 
— KttKet^^ev, also from there, as they had sailed previously from 
other places, see v. 4. 6; IkCi^^v (Lchm.) is less correct. — eis 
^oLVLKa, unto Phmnix, which must have been a town and harbor 
in the south of Crete, a little to the west of Fair Havens ; comp. 
on V. 13. The palm-trees in that region are supposed to have 
given occasion to the name. Strabo mentions a harbor with this 
name on the south of Crete, and Ptolemy mentions a town called 
Phoenix, with a port which he terms Phoenicus. On the contrary, 
Stephanus Byzantinus calls the town Phoenicus, which Hierocles, 
again, calls Phoenice. See Hofini. Griechenland, II. p. 1334. 
The best way to harmonize these notices is to suppose that the 
difi^erent names were, at times, applied promiscuously to the town 
and the harbor. It is uncertain with what modern port we are to 
identify the ancient Phoenix. Anapolis, Lutro (unless the places 
differ merely as town and harbor), Sphakia, Franco Castello, 
Phineka, have each been supposed to be that port. — etTrws SvvaivTo, 
if by any meafis they might be able, etc. Those who advise the step 
consider it perilous. — Xtfiiva rys KpT^rcs /SXiirovra Kara At)8a ILdpoVy 

1 Paul's dissent from the general opinion has appeared to some verj singular ; 
for the bay at Fair Havens, open to nearly one-half of the compass, was ill adapted, 
it was thought, to furnish a permanent shelter. But recent and more exact obser- 
vations estabUsh the interesting fact that " Fair Havens is so well protected by 
islands and reefs, that though not equal to Lutro,, it must be a very fair winter 
harbor ; and that considering the suddenness, the frequency, and the violence with 
which gales of northerly wind spring up, and the certainty that if such a gale 
sprung up in the passage from Fair Havens to Lutro (Phoenix), the ship must be 
driven off to sea, the prudence of the advice given by the master and owner was 
extremely questionable, and that the advice given by St. Paul may possibly be 
supported even on nautical grounds." Smith, p. 88 (1856). 



Chap. XXVII, 12. 



COMMENTARY. 



421 



a harhor looking toioards Lips and towards Corns, i. e. the points ' 
from which the winds so called blew, viz. the southwest and the 
northwest. The intermediate point between these winds is west ; 
so that the harbor would have faced in that direction, while the 
opposite shores receded from each other towards the south and 
north. This mode of employing the names of the winds is a 
constant usage in the ancient writers to designate, as we say, the 
points of the compass. Such is the general view of the meaning 
of this expression, and there can be no doubt of its correctness. 
— Mr. Smith (p. 80) maintains that the Phcenix of Luke is the 
present Lutro. That harbor, however, opens to the east. To 
reconcile Luke's statement with this circumstance, he under- 
stands Kara A/'/Ja Kat Kara Xxapov to mean according to the direction 
in which those winds blew, and not as is generally supposed, 
whence they blew. " Now this is exactly the description of Lutro, 
which looks or is open to the east ; but having an island in front 
which shelters it, it has two entrances, one looking to the north- 
east, which is Kara At/?a, and the other to the southeast, kara 
Xwpov." But it is unsafe to give up the common interpretation 
for the sake of such a coincidence ; it rests upon a usage of the 
Greek too well established to justify such a departure from it. 
This mode of explaining Kara MjSa involves, I think, two incon- 
gruities : first, it assigns opposite senses to the same term, viz. 
southwest as the name of a wind, and northeast as the name of a 
quarter of the heavens ; and, secondly, it destroys the force of 
^XeVovra, which implies certainly that the wind and the harbor 
confronted each other, and not that they were turned from each^ 
other. Mr. Smith adduces Kara Ku/xa Kat ave/xov from Herod. 4. 
110 ; but the expression is not parallel as regards either the prep- 
osition or the noun. Kara denotes there conformity of motion, 
and not of situation where the objects are at rest, and ave/xos does 
not belong to the class of proper names, like Lips and Corns, 
which the Greeks employed in such geographical designations. 
" There is a passage in Arrian," he says, " still more apposite to 
this point. In his Periplus of the Euxine, he tells us that, when 
navigating the south coast of that sea, towards the east, he ob- 
served during a calm a cloud suddenly arise, which was driven 
before the east wind. Here there can be no mistake ; the cloud i 
must have been driven to the west." But to translate Kar eupov 
in that manner assumes the point in dispute. The context pre- 
sents no reason why we should not adopt the ordinary sense of 
such phrases ; viz. towards the east, i. e. the cloud appeared in 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XXYII, 13. 



that quarter. In tliis expression, therefore, Eurus would denote 
the point from which the east wind blows, and not wliither.^ 

Verses 13-16. A Storm rages, and drives the Vessel to Claude. 

V. 13. vTTOTrveucravTo? Se Norov, Noiv when a south wind blew 
moderately. After passing Cape Matala, the extreme southern 
point of Crete, and only four or five miles to the west of Fair 

1 The writer published some remarks on Mr. Smith's explanation of koto hl^a 
Kol Kara Xcopov in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1850, p. 751. Mr. Smith has had the 
kindness to address to me a letter, stating some additional facts ascertained since 
the publication of his work on " The Voyage and Shipwreck of Paul." In this 
letter he reaffirms his view of the expression referred to, and calls my attention 
again to the passage in Arrian, as conclusive in support of his position. A distin- 
guished Hellenist (Professor Felton of the University at Cambridge) has favored 
me with the following remarks on that passage : — "It is true that the cloud of 
which Arrian speaks was borne towards the west ; but that is not expressed by 
KttT evpov, but must be inferred from the circumstances of the case. The course 
of the voyage they were making was eastward ; after a calm, during which they 
used their oars alone, • suddenly a cloud springing up broke out nearly east of us ' 
[&(puco ve<pe\T] ^TravaffTixaa i^eppdyrj KaT evpou /.idXiara), and brought upon them a 
violent wind. The wind, of course, was an easterly wind, because it made their 
further progress towards the east slow and difficult. But the navigator in the 
phrase kut evpov is speaking of the direction in which he saw the cloud, not in 
which the cloud was moving. If he had been simply describing the direction in 
which the cloud was moving, as Herodotus is describing the motion of the ship 
(and not the direction in which the ship is seen from another point), then kolt 

evpov would mean with the Eurus or before the Eurus If a person is floating 

on the wind, or driven by the wind, if he is in motion according to the wind, 
• then of course his direction is determined by that of the wind. But if he is at 
rest, and looking according to the wind, he is looking where the wind is the most 
prominent object ; that is, he is facing the wind, as Arrian's crew were facing the 
cloud and the wind, and not turning his back upon it." — As this question has 
excited some interest, it may be well to mention how it is viewed in works pub- 
lished since the preceding note was written. Humphi-y (1854) says (p. 202) that 
Mr. Smith's passages are not quite conclusive as to ^x4iTovra Kara Ai^a. He sup- 
poses Phoenix to be the modern Phineka which opens to the west, and thus adopts 
the common explanation of the phrase. Alford (1852) agrees with Smith that 
Kara A'l^a and similar combinations denote whither and not whence the winds blow, 
but intimates a purpose to fortify his ground against objections in a future edi- 
tion. Howson (II. p. 400) would admit an instance of that usage in Jos. Antt. 
15. 9. 6 (sic), but says that the other alleged proofs are untenable or ambiguous. 
He mediates between the two opinions by suggesting that the point of view 
(^XeirovTa) is from the sea and not the land ; so that Kara Ai^a would have its 
usual meaning and yet the harbor open towards the east, like Lutro. Words- 
worth (p. 120) has a copious note on this question. He reviews the arguments on 
both sides, and sums up with the result that we should "not abandon the ancient 
interpretation ; " or, at all events, should " suspend our decision till we have more 
complete topographical details for forming it." 



Chap. XXVII, 13.14. COMMENTARY. 



423 



Havens, the coast turns suddenly to the north ; and hence, for 
the rest of the way up to Phoenix, a south wind was as favorable 
a one as they could desire. — So^avres rrjs Trpo-^eo-eoos K€KpaTr]K€vaL, 
thinking to have gained their purpose, regarding it as already se- 
cured. It was somewhat less than forty miles from Fair Havens 
to Phoenix. With a southern breeze, therefore, they could ex- 
pect to reach their destination in a few hours. — apavres, sc. ras 
ayKvpa<;, having weighed. — aa-aov irapeXiyovro rrjv Kpyjrrjv, they coasted 
along Crete nearer, sc. than usual, i. e. quite near. This clause, 
as we see from the next verse, describes their progress immedi- 
ately after their anchorage at Fair Havens. It applies, therefore, 
to the first few miles of their course. During this distance, as 
has been suggested already, the coast continues to stretch towards 
the west ; and it was not until they had turned Cape Matala tliat 
they would have the full benefit of the southern breeze which 
had sprung up. With such a wind they would be able just to 
weather that point, provided they kept near to the shore. We 
have, therefore, a perfectly natural explanation of their proceed- 
ing in the manner that Luke has stated. 

V. 14. /xer' ov TToXv, After not lo7ig, shortly ; comp. 28, 6. The 
tempest, therefore, came upon them before they had advanced, 
far from their recent anchorage. They were still much nearer to 
that place than they were to Phoenix. It is important to observe 
tliis fact, because it shows what course the ship took in going 
from Crete to Claude. — e)SaXe Kar aiir?}s ai/e/xos Tu</)coi/tK09, a typhonic 
wind struck against it, i. e. the ship, e^SaXe may imply kavrov, or be 
intransitive. Luke employs aiix'^s, because the mental antece- 
dent is vavs, which actually occurs in v. 41, though his ordinary 
word is ttXolov. It would be quite accidental, which of the terms 
would shape the pronoun at this moment, as they were both so 
familiar. See W. § 47. 6. k. Kara takes the genitive, because the 
wind was unfriendly, hostile, as in the Attic phrase Kara Kopp-qq 
TV7TT€Lv. Bcmh. Syut, p. 238. Some critics, as Kuinoel, De Wette, 
Meyer, refer avrrj<5 to KprjTi^v, and render drove us or the ship 
against it. Similar is the Geneva version : " There arose agaynste 
Candie a stormye wynd out of the northeast." But how can we 
understand it in this way, when we are told in the next verse 
that they yielded to the force of the wind, and were driven by it 
towards Claude, which is soutliwest from Fair Havens ? We 
must discard that view, unless we suppose that the wind in the 
course of a few minutes blew from precisely opposite quarters. 
Luther refers avTrj<s to irpoS-ia-eo}^ : struck against it, defeated their 
purpose. Tyndale lived for a time with the German Reformer, 



424 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVII, 14. 



at Wittenberg, and took his translation perhaps from that source : 
" Anone after ther arose agaynste ther purpose a flawe of wynd 
out of the northeaste." The Greek expression is awkward for 
such an idea and is unsupported by proper examples. Some re- 
cent commentators refer avTrj? as before to the island, but vary 
the preposition : struck down from it, viz. Crete, i. e. from its 
mountains, its lofty shores (Alf Hws. Hmph. Wdsth.). Kara ad- 
mits confessedly of this sense ; but does the verb ? Was it used 
of winds unless the object struck was added or implied after it? 
And if the striking was in the writer's mind here and led to the 
choice of this particular verb, how can Kar avxT^s (i. e. the ship) 
fail to be this object? It is questionable whether "to strike 
down " as said of a wind, and " to blow, come, rush down," are 
convertible terms ; and unless they are so, Kajk^t] in Matt. 8, 23, 
iyeucTo in Matt. 7, 24, and ytVerat in Mark 4, 37 do nor bear 
specially on the case. In the Greek Thesaurus (Paris ed., II. 
p. 90) it is said of /SdXXetv : " Feriendi significatione dicitur de sole, 
luce, vento, voce et quovis sonitu ad corpus aliquod accedente" 
'i/SaXXov occurs of winds in II. 23, 217, but with the accusative of 
the object struck.i — TV(f)wvLK6s describes the wind with reference 
to the whirling of the clouds occasioned by the meeting of oppo- 
site currents of the air. Pliny (2. 48), in speaking of sudden 
blasts, says that they cause a vortex which is called " typhoon ; " 
and Aulus Gellius (19. 1) mentions certain figures or appearances 
of the clouds in violent tempests, which it was customary to call 
" typhoons." This term is intended to give us an idea of the fury 
of the gale ; and its name, 'EvpaKv\o)v as the word should most 
probably be written, denotes the point from which it came, i. e. 
Euroaquilo, as in the Vulgate, a northeast wind. This reading 
occurs in A and B, which are two of the oldest manuscripts, and 
in some other authorities. It is approved by Grotius, Mill, Ben- 
gel, Bentley, De Wette, and others. Lachmann inserts it in his 
edition of the text. €vpaKv\(ov, says Green (p. 117), "which simply 
Grecises Euroaquilo, demands the preference among the various 
shapes of the name." The internal evidence favors that form 
of the word. A northeast storm accounts most perfectly for the 
course of the ship, and for the means employed to control it, 
mentioned or intimated in the sequel of the narrative. The other 
principal readings are EvpoKXvSwi/ (T. R., Tsch.), compounded of 
evpos and kXvSwv, Eurus fiuctus excitans, or, as De Wette thinks 

^ This criticism may not be useless if it should serve to elicit further inquiry 
before discarding the common view. My means do not allow me to treat the 
subject more fully at present. 



Chap. XXVII, 15. 16. 



C OMMENT ARY. 



425 



more correct, fluctus Euro excitatus ; and 'EvpvKkv^uiv, from e^ipv? 
and Kkv^oiv, broad wave. It appears, therefore, that the gentle 
southern breeze with which they started changed suddenly to a 
violent north or northeast wind. Such a sudden change is a very 
common occurrence in those seas. An English naval officer, in 
his Remarks on the Archipelago, says : " It is always safe to an- 
chor under the lee of an island with a northern wind, as it dies 
away gradually ; but it would be extremely dangerous with south- 
erly winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent northerly 
wind. 

V. 15. o-wapTrao-^eVro?, being seized, caught by the wind. — dvro- 
^^aXjLtetv, to look in the face, withstand. It is said that the ancients 
often painted an eye on each side of the prow of their ships. It 
may not be easy to determine whether the personification implied 
in this mode of speaking arose from that practice, or whether the 
practice arose from the personification. — cTriSovreg, sc. to irXolovy 
giving up the vessel to the wind. Some supply kavrov^ as the 
object of the participle, in anticipation of the next verb. The 
idea is the same in both cases. — i(fi€p6ix€Sa) we were borne, not 
hither and thither, but at the mercy of the wind, the direction of 
which we know from the next verse. 

V. 16. vrjo-tov . . . . KXavS-qv, Running under a certain small isl- 
and called Claude. This island Ptolemy calls Claudes. It bears 
now the name of Gozzo. As the gale commenced blowing soon 
after the departure from Fair Havens, the ship, in order to reach 
Claude, must have been driven to the southwest. Their course, 
had they been near Phoenix at the commencement of the storm, 
would have been due south. The effect which the wind pro- 
duced shows what the direction of the wind was ; it must have 
been from the north or northeast, which agrees, as we have seen, 
with the probable import of the name which Luke has employed 
to designate the wind. vTroSpa/xoVre? implies, first, that they went 
before the wind (see on 16, 11) ; and secondly, according to the 
view suggested on v. 4, that they passed Claude so as to have 
the wind between them and that island, that is, since the direc- 
tion of the wmd has been already determined, they went to the 
southeast of it instead of the north. That they approached near 
to the island at the same time, may be inferred from their being 
able to accomplish the object mentioned in the next clause. 
Others infer their vicinity to the island from the preposition, 
which they take to mean under the coast ; but as in the other 
case, they suppose that this was the southern coast, from the di- 
rection in which such a wind must have driven the ship. — /;to\ts 

54 



426 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVn, 16. 17. 



.... Trjs cTKa^T^s, we ivere able with difficulty to secure the boat. 
Luke includes himself, perhaps not from sympathy merely, but 
because he took part in this labor. The preservation of the boat 
was important, as affording the last means of escape ; see v. 30. 
They may have begun already to have forebodings of the result. 
Those expert in maritime affairs say, that, wliile a vessel is scud- 
ding before a strong gale, her boat cannot be taken on board or 
lashed to the side of the vessel (see on v. 32) without extreme 
danger. Hence it is probable, that, when on the southern side 
of Claude, they were sheltered sonieAvhat against the storm, and 
were able to arrest the progress of the ship sufficiently to euable 
them to accomplish this object. Yet the sea even here was still 
apparently so tempestuous as to render this a difficult operation. 
It may have added to the difficulty, that the boat, havuig been 
towed more than twenty miles tln-ough a raging sea, could hardly 
fail to have been ffiled with water. Tliey had omitted tliis pre- 
caution at the outset because the weather was mild, and they 
had expected to be at sea but a few hours. It will be obsei-ved 
that Luke has not stated why they found it so difficult to secure 
the boat. We are left to conjecture the reasons. 



Verses 17-20. They undergird and lighten the ship, but despair 

of safety. 

V. 17, ySoTy^etats l)^(hvTo, they used helps, i. e. ropes, chains, and 
the like, for the purpose specified in the next clause, viz. that of 
undergirding the ship. Most scholars take this view of the mean- 
ing, and it is doubtless the correct one. De Wette would extend 
^oT^^eiats so as to include other similar expedients : they used helps, 
of which {(TTo^tovvwres to ttXoIov was an example. (So-qBuai^ cannot 
denote the services of the passengers, as some have said ; for we 
have no such limiting term annexed as that sense of the expres- 
sion would require. The " helps " here are the vTro^dy/jiara, which 
Hesychius deffiies as " cables binding ships round the middle." 
It is probable that ships were occasionally undergirded with 
planks ; but that could only be done in the harbor, and was a 
different tiling from performing the process at sea. But how, the 
question arises next, were the cables applied so as to accomplish 
the proposed object? Falconer, in liis Marine Dictionary, des- 
cribes the mode of undergirding ships, as practised in modern 
navigation, in the following terms : " To frap a ship (ceintrer un 
vaisseau) is to pass four or five turns of a large cable-laid rope 
round the hull or frame of a sliip, to support her in a great storm. 



Chap. XXVn, 17. 



COMMENTAKY. 



427 



or otlienvise, when it is apprehended that she is not strong enough 
to resist the violent efforts of the sea. This expedient, however, 
is rarely put in practice." In ancient times it was not uncommon 
to resort to tliis process. The larger ships on their more extended 
voyages carried with them {nro^iofxara, or ropes for undergirding, so 
as to be prepared for any emergency which might require them. 
The Attic arsenals kept a supply of them always on hand for 
public use. Tliis mode of strengthening a sliip at sea, although 
not adopted so often as it was anciently, is not unknown in the 
experience of modern navigators. In 1815, Mr. Hemy Hartley 
was employed to pilot the Russian fleet from England to the 
Baltic, One of the sliips under his escort, the Jupiter, was frap- 
ped round the middle by tlu-ee or four turns of a stream-cable. 
Sir George Back, on liis return from liis Ai'ctic voyage in 1 837, 
was forced, in consequence of the shattered and leaking condition 
of liis ship, to undergird her. The Albion, a British frigate, in 
1846, encountered a hurricane on her voyage from India, and was 
under the necessity of frapping her hull together to prevent her 
from sinking. To these more recent instances many others of 
an earlier date might be added.^ The common representation in 
regard to the ancient mode of applying the hypozomata to a ship 
makes it different from the modern usage. Boeckh's view is the 
one followed in most of the recent works. According to his in- 
vestigations, the ropes, instead of being passed under the bottom 
and fastened on deck, " ran in a horizontal direction around the 
ship from the stern to the prow. They ran round the vessel in 
several circles, and at certain distances from one another. The 
length of these tormenta^ as they are called in Latin, varied ac- 
cordingly as they ran around the higher or lower part of the ship, 
the latter being naturally shorter than the former. Their number 
varied according to the size of the sliip." ^ Mr. Smith, in his Dis- 
sertation on the Ships of the Ancients (p. 173 sq.), controverts the 
foregoing opinion, as being founded on a misapprehension of the 
passages in the ancient writers which have been supposed to 

1 Some suppose that Horace alludes to this practice in Od. 1. 14. 6 : — " Sine 
funibus Vix durare carinte Possint imperiosius iEquor." I was once explaining 
this passage to a college class, according to that view, when one of the members 
who had been at sea stated that he himself had assisted in such an operation on 
board a vessel approaching our own coast. 

^ This is quoted from the Dictionary of Greek and Eoman Antiquities, Art. 
Ships. The account rests on Boeckh's authority. The writer of the article on 
Navis in Pauly's Real-Encycklopadie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, fol- 
lows the same authority. 



428 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XXYII, 17. 



prove it. He maintains that the cables, instead of being appHed 
lengthways, were drawn around the middle at right angles to the 
ship, and not parallel to it.^ The other mode, he says, '-'must 
have been as impracticable as it would have been unavailing for 
the purpose of strengthening the ship." Luke states a fact sim- 
ply in relation to this matter ; he does not describe the mode. 
The question, therefore, is one of archaeological interest merely ; 
it does not affect the writer's accuracy. — {jlt] ets ttjv ^vpriv iKire- 
o-wo-t, lest they should he stranded upon the Syrtis. The verb Hterally 
means to fall out, i. e. from the sea or deep water upon the land 
or rocks ; comp. v. 26. 29. Syrtis Major is here meant, which was 
on the coast of Africa, southwest from Crete. This gulf was an 
object of great dread to mariners on account of its dangerous 
shoals. The other Syrtis was too far to the west to have been the 
one to which they would feel exposed in then* present situation. 
Some have taken ^vpriv to denote a sand-bank near Claude ; but 
as any such bank there must have been comparatively unknowTi, 
the witer with that allusion would more natm*ally have left out 
the article. — ^j^aAacravres TO cTKeCo?, having loivered the sail. o-kcCos 
is indefinite, and may be applied to ahiiost any of the ship's ap- 
purtenances, as sails, masts, anchors, and the hke. Many have 
supposed it to refer here to the mast, or, if there was more than 
one in this case, to the principal mast ; but it would seem to put 
that supposition out of the question, that according to all proba- 
bility the masts of the larger saihng ships among the ancients 
were not movable, like those of the smaller vessels, but were 
fixed in their position, and would require to be cut away; a mode 
of removal which the accompanying participle shows could not 
have been adopted in the present instance. The surprising opin- 
ion of some, that o-Ke9os is the anchor, is contradicted by the fol- 
lowmg o^Vws i(f)€povTo. Of the other applications of the word, the 
only one wliich the circumstances of the ship at tliis junctm-e 
naturally suggest is, that it refers to the sail. It is not certain 
how we are to take the article here. It leads us to think most 
directly perhaps of the large, square sail, wliich was attached to 
the principal mast. The ancients had vessels with one, two, and 
three masts.^ to would then point out that sail by way of emi- 

1 The mode of executing this manoeuvre, as I am informed, or at least one 
mode, is to sink the ropes over the prow, and then draw them towards the mid- 
dle of the ship, fastening the ends on deck. 

2 See Pauly's Real-Encyklopadie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, Vol. 
V. p. 463. 



Chap. XXVII, 17. 



COMMENTARY. 



429 



nence. The presumption is, that, if the ship carried other sails, 
as cannot well be doubted, they had taken them down before 
this ; and now, having lowered the only one which they had con- 
tinued to use, they let the vessel " scud under bare poles." This 
is the general view of the meaning. It would follow from this, 
that the wind must have changed its direction before they were 
wrecked on Melita ; for some thirteen days elapsed before that 
event, during which the stoim continued to rage ; and within that 
time, had they been constantly driven before a northeast wind, 
they must have realized their fear of being stranded on the Afri- 
can coast. — But an eastern gale in the Levant, at this season of 
the year, is apt to be lasting ; the wind maintains itself, though 
with unequal violence, for a considerable time, in the same 
quarter. Professor Newman, of the London University, states 
the following fact ^ in his own experience : " We sailed from 
Larnica in Cypms in a small Neapolitan ship with a Turkish 
crew, on the 2d of December, 1830. We were bound for Latika, 
in Syria, — the course almost due east, — but were driven back 
and forced to take refuge in the port of Famagousta, the an- 
cient Salamis. Here we remained wind-bound for days. Owing 
to our frequent remonstrances, the captain sailed three times, but 
was always driven back, and once after encountering very heavy 
seas and no small danger. It was finally the fii'st of January, if 
my memoiy does not deceive me, when we reached the Syrian 
coast." It was probably such a gale which Paul's ship encoun- 
tered, that is, a series of gales from the east, but not a constant 
humcane ; for the seamen were able to anchor and to let down 
their boat, and a part of the crew to attempt to escape in it to 
the shore. If, then, we assume that the wind blew from the 
same point during the continuance of the storm, we must sup- 
pose that they adopted some precaution against being driven 
upon the African coast, which Luke does not mention, although 
his narrative may imply it. The only such precaution, according 
to the opinion of nautical men, which they could have adopted 
in their circumstances, was to lie-to, i. e. turn the head of the 
vessel as near to the wind as possible, and at the same time 
keep as much sail spread as they could carry in so severe a gale. 
For this purpose, they would need the principal sail ; and the sail 
lowered is most likely to have been the sail above it, i. e. the 
topsail, or sujyparum, as the Romans termed it. By the adoption 
of these means they would avoid the shore on wliich they were 



' Mentioned in Mr. Smith's letter, alluded to on p. 422. 



430 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVII, 18. 19. 



so fearful of being cast, and drift in the direction of the island 
on which they were finally wrecked, to, according to this sup- 
position, would refer to the sail as definite in the conceptions of 
the writer, or as presumptively well known to the reader. — ovtoj? 
iffyepovTo, thus (i. e. with the ship undergirded, and with tiie main- 
sail lowered ; or, it may be, with the topsail lowered and the 
stormsail set) theT/ were borne on, at the mercy of the elements. 
Here closes the account of the first fearful day. 

V. 18. crcfio8p(i)s Se ■^eLfxat.o/jiivwv rjixuiv, Nolo ice being violently 
iemioest-tost. — efJyg, on the following day, i. e. after their at- 
tempt to reach the port of Phoenix. The night brought to them 
no relief. The return of day disclosed to them new dangers. 
Tlie precaution of undergirding had accomplished less than they 
hoped. It was evident that the ship must be lightened or foun- 
der at sea. Their next step, therefore, was to try the effect of 
this measure. — iK^oX-qv eTroiovvTo, proceeded to throw overboard^ is 
one of the sea-phrases which Julius Pollux mentions as used by 
the ancients to denote the lightening of a ship at sea. The noun 
omits the article, because they cast out only a part of what the 
vessel contained. We are not told what it was that they sacrificed 
at this time ; it may have been their supernumerary spars and 
rigging, and some of the heavier and more accessible articles of 
merchandise with which the ship was laden. It appears from v. 
38 that the bulk of the cargo consisted of wheat, and they re- 
served that until the last. The seamen in the vessel in which 
Jonah embarked had recourse to the same expedient. " There 
was a mighty tempest in the sea, so that the ship was like to be 
broken. Then the mariners were afraid, and cried every man 
unto his god, and cast forth the wares that were in the ship into 
the sea, to hghten it of them" (Jon. 1, 4. 5). 

V. 19. TT] TpiT-T]. The third day arrives and the storm has not 
abated. They are obliged to lighten the ship still more. Tliis 
renewed necessity appears to indicate that the ship was in a 
leaking condition, and that the danger from this cause was becom- 
ing more and more imminent. It was one of the great perils to 
which ancient vessels were exposed. Their style of architecture 
was inferior to that of modern vessels ; they were soon shattered 
in a storm, " sprang leaks " more easily, and had fewer means for 
repairing the injury. " In the accounts of shipwrecks that have 
come down to us from ancient times, the loss of the ship must, 
in a great number of instances, be ascribed to this cause. Jose- 
phus tells us that, on his voyage to Italy, the sliip sunk in the 
midst of the Adriatic Sea (/SaTrrto-^eVros yap i^/xcoi/ rov -n-Xoiov Kara 



Chap. XXVn, 19. 20. COMMENTARY. 



431 



fxiarov rov'ASpiav). He and some of his companions saved them- 
selves by swimming ; the ship, therefore, did not go down dur- 
ing the gale, but in consequence of the damage she sustained 
during its continuance. One of St. Paul's shipwrecks must have 
taken place under the same circumstances; for he tells us, a day 
and a night I have been in the deep (2 Cor. 11, 25), supported 
no doubt on spars or fragments of the wreck. In Virgil's de- " 
scrip tion of the casualties of the ships of ^neas, some are driven 
on rocks, others on quicksands ; but 

' laxis laterum compagibus omnes 
Aecipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt.' 

The fact, that the ships of the ancients were provided with h'l/po- 
zomata or cables ready fitted for undergirding, as a necessaiy part 
of their stores, proves how hable they were to such casualties." 
It is easy to see, therefore, what must have been the fate of 
Paul's ship had they not discovered land so providentially ; she 
must have foundered at sea, and all on board have perished. — 
avTox^Lpes .... ippfij/ofxev, we cast out ivith our hands the furniture 
of the ship, such as tables, beds, chests, and the like (Mey. De 
Wet. Lng. Alf Wdsth.). The self-inflicted loss in this case 
{avTox^ip^s) , wliich affected so much the personal convenience of 
each one, showed how urgent was the danger. Yet o-kcv-^v is a 
veiy doubtful word. Some understand it of the masts, yards, 
sails, and other equipments of the ship similar to these. With 
this interpretation, we must regard the term as applying to that 
class of objects in a general way ; for we see from v. 29 that they 
retained at least some of their anchors, and from v. 44 that, at 
the last moment, they had boards and spars at command to assist 
them in reacliing- the shore. According to some again, as Wet- 
stein, Kuinoel, Winer, crKevriv denotes the baggage of the passen- 
gers, airroxetpes is more significant with that sense, but ttXoIov as 
genitive of the container, the baggage on board the ship, is very 
harsh, r-^v a-Kcvriv means, says Smith, " the mainyard, an immense 
spar, probably as long as the ship, and which would require the 
united efforts of passengers and crew to launch overboard. The 
relief which a ship would thus experience, would be of the same 
kind as in a modern ship, when the guns are throwm overboard." 
— Some read ipplyafxa/, some tppixpav. Tiscliendorf retains the 
former, as in T. R. Meyer is too positive that the first person 
betrays its origin in aiiroxcipe?. 

V. 20. /x^re .... cTTiKet/xevov, Noiv neither sim nor stars shining 
upon us for many days, and a storm not slight pressing upon us. 



432 



C II M E N T A E Y . Chap. XX VH, 20. 2 1 . 



Observe the force of tlie compounds. The absence of the snn 
and stars increased their danger, smce it deprived them of their 
only means of observation. The Greeks and Romans, m the 
most improved state of navigation among them, were rehictant 
to venture out to sea beyond the sight of land. During the day 
they kept the high lands on shore, or some island, m view, to 
dhect them ; and at night depended for the same purpose on the 
position, the rising and setting of different stars. Diet, of Autt., 
Art. Slii^J. The ma7i2/ or several days include, probably, the tlnree 
days which have been mentioned, but how many of the eleven 
days which followed (v. 27) before the final disaster is uncertain. 
We do not know how long the interv^al was between Paul's ad- 
dress and that event. The expression would be inappropriate, 
however, unless it comprehended the greater part of them. — 
Xoi7r6v,for the future, thenceforth. They relinquish now then last 
hope of escape ; destruction seemed to be inevitable. In their 
condition they must have felt that their only resource was to run 
the vessel ashore. But the state of the weather rendered it im- 
possible for them to distinguish in what dhection the shore lay; 
and thus they were unable to make the only further effort for 
their preseiwation which was left to them. In judging of the 
dangers wliich menaced them, we must take into account the 
state of the vessel, as well as the violence of the storm. — Trepirj- 
pdro means teas utterly taken away. — tov awt.eo-'^aL depends on 
eA.7rts as a genitive construction ; comp. 14, 9. 

Verses 21-26. The Apostle cheers them with the Hope of X>e- 

liverance. 

V. 21. TToAA^s da-trtas denotes much abstinence as to time and 
degi-ee, i. e. both long continued and severe, but not enthe ; see 
on V. 33. This abstinence was not owing to then* want of pro- 
visions (see V. 36), but was the effect, in part at least, of their 
fears and dejection of mind (see v. 22. 36) ; and in part, also, of 
the difliculty of preparing food under such chcumstances, and of 
the constant requisition made upon them for labor. " The hard- 
sliips which the crew endured during a gale of such continuance, 
and their exhaustion from labor at the pumps, and hunger, may 
be imagined, but are not described." — eSet /xev, k. t. A., you ought 
(past as a \dolated duty) ho.ving obeyed me, because the counsel 
was "wise, not authoritative as from an apostle. — dvayeo-^at is 
present because they were still at sea. Note the aorist wliicli 
follows. — Paul recalls to mmd their fonner mistake in disregard- 
ing his advice, not to reproach them, but in order to show his 



Chap. XXVII. 22-25. 



COMMENTAKY. 



433 



claim to their confidence with reference to the present communi- 
cation, /xei/ is unattended here by any responding Si. — Keph^aai 
re TTjv v^pLv ravTqv koX ttjv tprjfjLLav, and to have escaped (ht. gained) this 
violence and loss; see on v. 10. Lucrari was used in the same 
manner. An evil shunned is a gain as well as a good secured. As 
vppiv refers to something actually suffered, it cannot mean harm- 
to their persons (Hws.) ; for the exemption from such mjury of 
which Paul assures them in the next verse and still more em- 
phatically in V. 34, applies undoubtedly to the whole voyage. 

V. 22. ttX^v tov ttXoLov, There shall be no loss except of the 
ship. This hmitation quahfles, not the entire clause which pre- 
cedes, but only aTro/SoXr] ovSe/jiia ecrrat, which we are to repeat be- 
fore the words here, /xovov would have marked the connection 
more precisely. See W. ^ 66. 1. e. As to the rest, compare the 
remarks on .^ewpw in v. 10. 

V. 23. Trapia-rr]. Whether the angel appeared to the apostle in 
a vision or a dream, the mode of statement does not enable us to 
decide. See on 16, 9. — ravTr) rrj wktl, this night just passed, or 
that wliich was passing. Most think it probable that Paul did 
not communicate the revelation to those in the ship until the re- 
turn of day. — ov dfxi, li'hose I am, to whom I belong as his pro- 
perty ; in other words, whose servant I am. — w koX Xarpevw, whom 
also Iicorship, to whom I offer rehgious seivice and homage. This 
verb refers to external acts of worship, and not to a religious life 
in general, except as the latter may be a concomitant of the 
former. 

V. 24. KacaapL cre Set Trapao-rqvaL, thou must stand hefore C(2sar. 
See on 23, 11. To remind the apostle of this still unfulfilled 
purpose of God, was the same thing as to assure him that he 
would escape the present danger. — Kexapto-rat .... o-oG, God has 
given to thee all those icho sail icith thee. They should be pre- 
served for his sake. No one supposes the declaration here to 
affirm less than this. Many think that it implies also that Paul 
had prayed for the safety of those in the ship with him ; and 
that he receives now the assurance that his prayer in their be- 
half has prevailed. For I hope," says Paul in Pliilem. v. 22, 
" that through your prayers I shall be given unto you." Such is 
the view of Calvin, Bengel, Olshausen, De Wette, Lange, and 
others. Bengel remarks here : " Facilius multi mali cum paucis 
piis servantur, quam unus pius cum multis reis perit. Navi huic 
simihs mundus." 

V. 25. TTto-Tero), K. r. X. It is evident from v. 32 that the apos- 
tle had acquired a strong ascendency over the minds of the pas- 

55 



434 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVII, 26. 27. 



sengers in the ship, if not of the others. He could very properly, 
therefore, urge his own confidence in God as a reason (yap) why 
they should dismiss their fears {€v%[jL€LTe), so far at least as the 
preservation of their lives was concerned. 

V. 26. €is yyjaov nva, upon some island. More than this was 
not revealed to him. Paul was as ignorant of the name of the 
place where they were wrecked as the rest of them ; see v. 39. 

— 8e opposes what they must suffer to what they would escape. 

— Set in such a communication may represent the event as not 
merely certain, but certain because it was fixed by the divine 
purpose. — eKTreo-etv, he cast away. Se the remark on v. 17. 

Verses 27-32. The Discovery of Land; and the frustrated At- 
tempt of the Mariners to desert the Ship. 

V. 27. Tea-a-apea-KaLdeKOLTy vv$, the fourteenth night since their 
departure from Fair Havens. — 8ta(/)epo/xeVa)v y]ixZiv kv rw 'ASpta, as 
we were home through (sc. the waters, comp. v. 5) in the Adriatic. 
They may have been driven hither and thither, or onward in one 
direction ; the participle is indefinite. Mr. Smith's calculation 
assumes a uniform drift towards Melita. It has been said that 
the modern Malta Hes too far south to be embraced in the sea so 
designated. The statement is erroneous. In its restricted sense, 
the Adriatic was the sea between Italy and Greece ; but in a 
wider sense it comprehended also the Ionian Sea around Sicily, 
near which was Melita. (Forbg. Handb. II. p. 19; Win. Realw. 
I. p. 23.) The later Greek and Roman writers, as Biscoe has 
shown, gave the name to the entire sea as far south as Africa. — 
vir^voovv .... ■)((Sipav, the mariners suspected that some land was ap- 
proaching them. As Mr. Smith remarks, Luke uses here the 
graphic language of seamen, to whom the ship is the principal ob- 
ject, whilst the land rises and sinks, nears and recedes. The nar- 
rator does not state on what ground they suspected their vicinity 
to the land. It was, no doubt, the noise of the breakers. This is 
usually the first notice of their danger which mariners have in 
coming upon a coast in a dark night. This circumstance fur- 
nishes reason for believing that the traditionary scene of the 
shipwreck is the actual one. It is impossible to enter St. Paul's 
Bay from the east without passing near the point of Koura ; and 
while the land there, as navigators inform us, is too low to be 
seen in a stormy night, the breakers can be heard at a consider- 
able distance, and in a northeasterly gale are so violent as to form 
on charts the distinctive feature of that headland. On the 10th of 



Chap. XXVII, 28. 29. 



COMMENTARY. 



435 



August, 1810, the British frigate Lively fell upon these breakers, 
in a dark night, and was lost. The quartermaster, who first ob- 
served them, stated, in his evidence at the court-martial, that at 
the distance of a quarter of a mile the land could not be seen, 
but that he saw the surf on the shore. — The distance from 
Claude to the point of Koura is 476.6 miles. Luke's narrative 
allows a fraction over thirteen days for the performance of this 
voyage. It must have occupied a day, or the greater part of a 
day, to have reached Claude after they left Fair Havens (see v. 
13-16). According to the judgment of experienced seamen, " the 
mean rate of drift of a ship circumstanced like that of Paul" 
(i. e. working its way in such a direction in a gale of moderate 
severity, against a northeast wind) would be thirty-six and a half 
miles in twenty-four hours. " Hence, according to these calcula- 
tions," says Mr. Smith (p. 122 sq.), "a ship starting late in the 
evening from Claude, would, by midnight on the fourteenth, be 
less than three miles from the entrance of St. Paul's Bay. I ad- 
mit that a coincidence so very close as this is, is to a certain ex- 
tent accidental ; but it is an accident which could not have hap- 
pened had there been any great inaccuracy on the part of the 
author of the narrative with regard to the numerous incidents 
upon w^hich the calculations are founded, or had the sliip been 
wrecked anywhere but at Malta." 

V. 28. (^pa-X^ 8e Stao-TTycravre?. k. t. A. There was but a short 
distance, it will be observed, between the two soundings ; and 
the rate of decrease in the depth of the water, viz. first, tioenty 
fathoms, and Xkv^Vi. fifteen, is such as would not be found to exist on 
every coast. It is said that a vessel approaching Malta from the 
same direction finds the same soundings at the present day. — 
opyvid, fathom, (from opeyoi, to stretch,) arjixaiveL rrjv CKraaiv twv )(€L- 
pwv (Tvv Tio TrXdret rov aTr]^ov<i. Etym. Magn. 

V. 29. ets rpa^ets roivov^, upon rough, i. e. rocky, places. Their 
apprehension arose, not from what they saw, but from what they 
had reason to fear in a dark night on an unknown coast. The 
alarm was well founded ; for the fifteen fathom depth here is as 
nearly as possible a quarter of a mile only from the shore, which 
is girt with mural precipices, and upon which the sea must have 
been breaking with great violence." — eK Trpvfivrjs .... reWapa?, 
having cast out four anchors from the stern. " To anchor success- 
fully in a gale of wind, on a lee shore, requires holding-ground 
of extraordinary tenacity. In St. Paul's Bay, the traditionary 
locality of the shipwreck, the anchorage is thus described in the 
Sailing Directions : — ' The harbor of St, Paul is open to easterly 



436 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXYII, 29. 30. 



and northeast winds. It is, notwithstanding, safe for small ships, 
the ground, generally, being very good; and while the cables 
hold there is no danger, as the anchors icill never start' " The 
ancient vessels did not carry, in general, so large anchors as 
those which we employ; and hence they had often a gi-eater 
number. Atheneeus mentions a ship which had eight hon an- 
chors. Paul's ship, as we see from the next verse, had other an- 
chors besides those which were dropped from the stern. One 
object of anchoring in that way was to arrest the progress of the 
ship more speedily. No time was to be lost, as they knew not 
that they might not founder the next moment upon the shoals 
where the breakers were dashing. Had they anchored by the 
bow, we are told, there was reason for apprehending that the 
vessel would swing round and strike upon the rocks. The an- 
cient ships were so constructed that they could anchor readily by 
the prow or the stern, as circumstances might require. Another 
advantage of the course here taken was that the head of the 
vessel was turned towards the land, which was their best position 
for running her ashore. That purpose they had no doubt formed 
already. "By cutting away the anchors (xas dyKiIpas TrepceXovres), 
loosing the bands of the rudders (di/eVres ras t,€VKTr}pLas), and hoist- 
ing the artemon {kirapavre^ rov apTeixova), all of which could be 
done simultaneously, the ship was immediately under command, 
and could be directed with precision to any part of the shore which 
oiFered a prospect of safety." — The English ships of war were 
anchored by the stern in the battle of Copenhagen and rendered 
very effective service in that position. Mr. Howson mentions 
the singular fact that Lord Nelson stated after the battle that he 
was led to adopt that plan, because he had just been reading this 
twenty- seventh chapter of the Acts. — tjvxovto rjjxepav yeveaSat, they 
desired that day might come. The remark is full of significance. 
In the darkness of the night they could not tell the full extent 
of the dangers which surrounded them. They must have longed 
for returning day on that account. In the mean time it must 
have been difiicult to preserve a vessel which had been so long 
tempest-tost from sinldng. Their only chance of escape was to 
strand the ship as soon as the light enabled them to select a 
place which admitted of it. It is evident that every moment's 
delay must have been one of fearful suspense, as weU as of peril 
to them. 

V. 30. rtov 8e vattrojv, k. r. A.. This ungenerous attempt of the 
seamen to escape confirms the remark before made, that the ship 
was probably in so shattered a state, as to render it uncertain 



Chap. XXVII, 31-33. 



COMMENTARY. 



437 



whether it could outride the storm until morning. They may 
have had another motive for the act. The shore might prove to 
be one on which they could not drive the vessel with any hope 
of safety ; and they may have deemed it more prudent to trust 
themselves to the boat, than to remain and await the issue of 
that uncertainty. — ^aXacrdvTwv r-qv aKa(f)r]v, having lowered down the 
boat, wliich they had previously hoisted on board ; see v. 16. 17. 

— Ik TTpodpa^from the jjrow, since it was nearer thence to the shore, 
and was there only that they could pretend to need anchors, the 
stern being already secure. — dyK^jpa? e/cretVetv, not to cast out 
(E. v.), but stretch out anchors. The idea of extending the cables 
runs into that of carrying out and dropping the anchors. Favored 
by the darkness, and under color of the pretext assumed, they 
would have accomplished their object, had not Paul's watchful 
eye penetrated their design. 

V. 31. etTrev .... crrpaTtojTats. Paul addressed himself to the 
centurion and the soldiers, because the officers of the ship were 
implicated in the plot, or, in consequence of the general deser- 
tion, had no longer any power to enforce their orders. The sol- 
diers are those who had charge of the different prisoners (v. 1), 
subject probably to the command of the centurion who had the 
particular care of the apostle. — ovroi, these, viz. the mariners. — 
v/A€t5 acj^rjvuL ov SvvaorS^c, you cannot he saved. The pronoun is em- 
phatic. The soldiers were destitute of the skill which the man- 
agement of the ship required. It could not be brought success- 
fully to land without the help of the mariners. This remark of 
Paul proves that the plan to abandon the vessel was not confined 
to a portion of the crew, but was a general one. 

V. 32. oLTriKoij/av to, cr^oivCa t^? (TKd<jir]<;, cut off the ropes of the 
hoot., which fastened it to the vessel ; not those by which they 
were lowering it as that was already done (v. 30), The short 
sword of the soldiers furnished a ready instrument for the sum- 
mary blow. — elWa^- avTTjv iKTrecruv, let it fall off (i. e. from the side 
of the vessel), go adrift. The next billow may have swamped 
the frail craft. 

Verses 33-35. Faul assures them again that their Lives would be 

saved. 

V. 33. axpt .... yLvecrS-aL, Now until it should he day, i. e. in the 
interval between the midnight mentioned in v. 27 and the sub- 
sequent morning. — o-T^/xepov is appositional in sense with rjfxepav. 

— 7rpocrSoKiovT€s, waiting for the cessation of the storm (De Wet,). 



438 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXYII, 34-37. 

— aoriroL StareXetTc, ye continue fasting, where the adjective sup- 
phes the place of a participle. W. k 45. 4. — ix-qdilv Trpoo-Xa/Sofjievoi, 
having taken nothing, adequate to their proper nourishment, no 
regular food during all this time ; see v. 21. " Appian," says Dod- 
ridge, " speaks of an army, which, for twenty days together, had 
neither food nor sleep ; by which he must mean, that they neither 
made full meals nor slept whole nights together. The same in- 
terpretation must be given to this phrase." The apostle's lan- 
guage could not be mistaken by those to whom it was addressed. 
Compare v. 21. 

V. 34. ToGro .... vTrapx^i, for this (viz. that they should partake 
of food) is important for your preservation. For Trpo? with this 
sense, see W. ^ 47. 5. f They would have to submit to much 
fatigue and labor before they reached the shore, and needed, 
therefore, to recruit their strength. — ovSevo<s .... Trccrarai, For there 
shall 7iot a hair fall, etc. This was a proverbial expression, em- 
ployed to convey an assurance of entire safety. See 1 Kings 1, 
52 ; Luke 21, 18. 

V. 35. aprov, bread. This word, by a Hebraistic usage, often 
signifies food in the New Testament ; but Kkdaas, which follows, 
appears to exclude that sense here. Yet the present meal had 
no doubt its other accompaniments ; the bread only being men- 
tioned because that, according to the Hebrew custom, was broken 
and distributed among the guests after the giving of thanks. The 
apostle performed, on this occasion, the usual office of the head 
of a Hebrew family. Olshausen expresses the fanciful opinion, 
as it seems to me, that the Christians among them regarded this 
act as commemorative of the Lord's Supper, though the others 
did not understand Paul's design. The lauguage employed here, 
it is true, more frequently describes that ordinance, but it is used 
also of an ordinary meal ; see Luke 24, 30. 

Verses 36-38. They partake of Food and again lighten the Ship. 

Y. 36. ev%fx'6L 8e yevofxevoL Trdvres, Having all now become cheer- 
ful. It is not accidental that the writer makes this remark in 
connection with TrpoaeXd^ovro Tpo(f)rjg. In their despair they had 
lost their inclination to eat ; but the return of hope brought with 
it a keener sense of their wants, and they could now think of sat- 
isfying their hunger. See on v. 21. 33. — koI avrol, also themselves 
as well as he. The apostle had set them the example (^piaro 
icrSUiv), and they all followed it. 

V. 37. The emphatic Travre? in v. 36 leads the writer to specify 



Chap. XXVII, 37. 38. 



COMMENTAEY. 



439 



the number. — at Trao-at i}/vxo.t, all the souls together. For tliis ad- 
verbial use of 7ra?, see the note on 19, 7. For this use of xf/vxct^, 
see on 2, 41. — SiaKocnai ifSSofii^KovTa 1$, tiuo hundred and scventy- 
six. The number of persons on board shows that the vessel must 
have been one of the larger size. In the reign of Commodus, one 
of the Alexandrian wheat ships was driven, by stress of weather, 
into the Pirasus, and excited great curiosity on the part of the 
Athenians. Lucian visited this vessel, and has laid the scene of 
one of his Dialogues (TrXolov rj €vxo-l) on board of her. From the 
information furnished by him it has been estimated that the keel 
of this ship was about one hundred feet in length, and that she 
would measure between eleven and twelve hundred tons. Her 
dimensions, therefore, although inferior to those of many modern 
vessels, "were quite equal to those of the largest class of modern 
merchantmen." Luke's ship was engaged in the same commerce 
(being, to use Lucian's language, /xtW rwv oltt 'AtyuVroi; IraXtW 
o-tTaywywi/) ; and we have no reason to be surprised at her con- 
taining such a number of men. See further, on v. 6. 

V. 38. Ikov^l^ov to ttXolov, Among the nautical terms of Julius 
Pollux, we find Kovf^iarai rrjv vavv; see on v. 18. Luke states 
merely the fact, that they lightened the ship again (it is the third 
time), but gives no explanation of it. The object may have been 
to diminish the depth of water which the ship drew, so as to en- 
able them to approach nearer to the shore before striking. It has 
been conjectured, also, that the vessel may have been leaking so 
fast that the measure was necessary in order to keep her from 
sinking. — iKfSaXXoixevoi rov ctltov, casting out the tvheat or grain, corn, 
since the term has frequently that wider sense. As suggested 
on V. 18, we are to understand here that they threw into the sea 
the grain which constituted the cargo, or the bulk of the cargo, 
which the ship carried. The fact that the ship belonged to Alex- 
andria is presumptive proof that she was loaded with grain, since 
that was the principal commodity exported from Egypt to Italy. 
The explicit notice here, that they lightened the ship by throw- 
ing the grain into the sea, harmonizes with that presumption, and 
tends to confirm it. Some have thought that (jItov may denote 
the ship's provisions ; but these would have consisted of various 
different articles, and would not naturally be described by so spe- 
cific a term as this. The connection, which has been said to favor 
the opinion last stated, agrees equally well with the other. Hav- 
ing their hopes revived by the spectacle of Paul's undisturbed 
serenity, and by his animating address, and being reinvigorated 
after so long a fast by the food of which they had partaken, they 



440 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVII, 38. 39. 



were now in a condition both of mind and body to address them- 
selves to the labors which their safety required. This view, 
therefore, places their lightening of the ship in a perfectly natural 
connection with the circumstances related just before. In addi- 
tion to this, as Hemsen urges, their remaining stock of provisions, 
after so protracted a voyage, must have been already so reduced 
that it could have had little or no elFect on the ship, whether they 
were thrown away or retained. — Mr. Blunt (p. 326) has very prop- 
erly called attention to the manner in which the narrative dis- 
closes to us the nature of the ship's cargo. In the fifth verse we 
are informed that the vessel " into which the centurion removed 
Paul and the other prisoners at Myra belonged to Alexandria, and 
was sailing into Italy. From the tenth verse we learn that it was 
a merchant-vessel, for mention is made of its lading, but the na- 
ture of the lading is not directly stated. In this verse, at a dis- 
tance of some thirty verses from the last, we find, by the merest 
chance, of what its cargo consisted. The freight was naturally 
enough kept till it could be kept no longer, and then we discover 
for the first time that it was ivheat ; the very article which such 
vessels were accustomed to carry from Egypt to Italy. These 
notices, so detached from each other, tell a continuous story, but 
it is not perceived till they are brought together. The circum- 
stances drop out one by one in the course of the narrative, unar- 
ranged, unpremeditated, thoroughly incidental ; so that the chap- 
ter might be read twenty times, and their agreement with one 
another and with contempory history be still overlooked." 



Verses 39-44. The Shipivreck. Those on board escape to the 
Shore by swimming, or on Fragments of the Vessel. 

■ V. 39. rr]v yrjv ovk eTreytVwcrKov, they recognized not the land, 
within view. The day has dawned, and they could now distin- 
guish it. It has appeared to some surprising that none of those 
on board should have known a place with which those at least 
who were accustomed to the sea might be expected to have been 
so well acquainted. The answer is, that the scene of the ship- 
wreck was remote from the principal harbor, and, as those who 
have been on the spot testify, distinguished by no marked fea- 
ture which would render it known even to a native, if he came 
unexpectedly upon it. The Bay, so justly known as St. Paul's 
Bay, is at the northwest extremity of the island, and is formed 
by the main shore on the south, and the island of Salmonetta on 
the north. It extends from east to west, two miles long and one 



Chap. XXVII, 39. 40. 



COMMENTARY. 



441 



broad at the entrance, and at the inner end is nearly land-locked 
on three sides. It is several miles north of Valetta, the famous 
rock-bound harbor of Malta.i — koXttov .... atyiaAoi/, they perceived 
a certain inlet, creek, having a shore, one open or snaooth (see on 
21, 5), on which they could run the ship with a hope of saving 
their lives. " Luke uses here the correct hydrographical term." 
The remark implies that the coast generally was unsafe for such 
an attempt. The present conformation of the coast on that side 
of Malta confirms Luke's accuracy in this particular. The shore 
there presents an unbroken chain of rocks, interrupted at only 
two points. — €t9 ov . . . . ttXoiov, into which they determined, if they 
could, to thrust forth (i. e. from the sea), to drive ashore, the ship. 
For e^cocrai from iiwSio), see W. § 15; K. $ 165. 7. The wind must 
have forced them to the west side of the bay, which is rocky, but 
has two creeks. One of these, Mestara Valley, has a shore. The 
other has no longer a sandy beach, but must have had one for- 
merly, which has evidently been worn away by the action of the 
sea. The vessel grounded (v. 41) before they reached the point 
on shore at which they aimed, though they may have entered the 
creek. 

y, 40. Koi Ttts ayKvpas .... S^dXaaa-av, and having entirely cut 
away the anchors they abandoned them unto the sea. On this force 
of the preposition in TrepieXoVreg, comp. irepirjpeiTo in V. 20. It has 
been referred to the position of the anchors as being around the 
ship; but they had all been dropped from the stern (v. 29), and 
as the strain would be mainly in one direction, they would not be 
likely to be found on different sides of the vessel. Our English 
translators followed the Vulgate in their inaccurate version of 
this clause. — afxa .... TTT^SaXtcov, at the same time having unfas- 
tened the hands of the rudders. Most of the ancient vessels were 
furnished with two rudders. No sea-going vessel had less than 
tv/o, although small boats and river craft, such as those on the 
Nile, were sometimes steered by one. The TrrjSdXia were more 
hke oars or paddles than our modern helm. They were attached 
to the stern, one on each quarter, distinguished as the right and 
the left rudder. In the larger ships the extremities of the rud- 
ders were joined by a pole, which was moved by one man and 
kept the rudders always parallel. See Diet, of Antt., Art. Guber- 

' Smith's chart of St. Paul's Bay is copied in Howson, with the necessary ex- 
planations. 1 had the gratification of a hurried visit to this locality on my way 
to Alexandria. It appeared to me to fulfil every condition of the narrative, as 
the scene of the apostle's shipwreck. 

56 



442 



COMMENTAEY. Chap. XXVII, 40. 41. 



naculum. When a vessel was anchored by the stern, as was the 
case here, it would be necessary to lift the rudders out of the 
water and to secure them by bands. These bands it would be 
necessary to unfasten when the ship was again got under weigh. 
dveVres is the second aorist participle in the active from avi-rjiii 
K. ^ 180. See on 16, 26. — irrapavTc; . . . . rrj nrveovcrrj^ SC. avpa^ 
having hoisted the foresail to the wind, dpre/^wv has been taken by 
different writers as the name of almost every sail which a vessel 
carries, e. g. mainsail, topsail, jib, etc. We have no ancient de- 
finition of the term which throws any certain light upon its mean- 
ing. It passed into some of the modern languages, where it is 
variously applied, but occurs in no ancient Greek author out of 
Luke's account of this voyage. Most commentators, without 
any attempt to substantiate their opinion, put it down as the 
" mainsail." The nautical argument is said to be in favor of the 
foresail, i. e. the sail attached to the mast nearest the prow ; or 
if there was but one mast, fixed to a spar or yard near the prow. 
"As the ancients depended for speed chiefly upon one principal 
sail, an appendage or additional sail at the bow of the ship 
was required for the purpose of directing the vessel when in 
the act of putting about ; for, although there could be no difii- 
culty in bringing the ship's head to the wind with the great 
sail alone, a small sail at the bow would be indispensable for 
making her ' pay ofi',' that is, bringing her head round ; otherwise 
she would acquire stern-way, and thereby endanger the rudders, 
if not the ship itself" The vessels on coins and in other ancient 
representations exhibit a sail of this description. With this sail 
raised, it is said that a ship situated like that of Paul would move 
towards the shore with more precision and velocity than with any 
other. " A sailor will at once see that the foresail was the best 
possible sail that could be set under the circumstances." 

V. 41. TrepiTTco-ovres 8e cts tottov Std^dXao-a-ovy having fallen rnto a 
place having tivo seas. This has been supposed by many com- 
mentators to have been a concealed shoal or sand-bank, formed 
by the action of two opposite currents. In the course of time 
such a bank, as is frequently the case at the mouth of rivers or 
near the shore, may have been worn away,^ so that the absence 
of any such obstruction there at the present time decides nothing 
against that supposition. It has also been understood to have 
been a tongue of land or promontory, against the shores of which 

1 For examples of this, see Lyell's Principles of Geology, p. 285 sq. (8th ed., 
1850). 



Chap. XXVII, 41. 42. 



COMMENTARY. 



443 



the sea beat strongly from opposite quarters. It is not stated that 
any projection exists there now, to which Luke's description, if 
explained in that manner, would apply. Mr. Smith is of the 
opinion that roVos St^aXao-oros may refer to the channel, not more 
than a hundred yards in breadth, which separates the small isl- 
and Salmonetta from Malta ; and which might very properly be 
called a place where " two seas meet," on account of the commu- 
nication which it forms between the sea in the interior of the 
bay and the sea outside. He would place the scene of the ship- 
wreck near that channel, and, according to the representation on 
his map, a little to the north of the place to which tradition has 
generally assigned it. The creek near here, at present without 
a beach (see v. 39), may be the one which they attempted to 
enter. The final shock now ensues. — koI rj /xlv irpwpa, k. t. A., 
And the prow, sticking fast, remained immovable, hut the stern ivas 
broken by the violence of the waves. " This is a remarkable cir- 
cumstance, which, but for the peculiar nature of the bottom of 
St. Paul's Bay, it would be difficult to account for. The rocks 
of Malta disintegrate into extremely minute particles of sand 
and clay, which, when acted upon by the currents, or surface 
agitation, form a deposit of tenacious clay ; but in still water, 
where these causes do not act, mud is formed ; but it is only in 
the creeks where are no currents, and at such a depth as to be 
undisturbed by the waves, that the mud occurs. In Captain 
Smyth's chart of the bay, the nearest soundings to the mud in- 
dicate a depth of about three fathoms, which is about what a 
large ship would draw. A ship, therefore, impelled by the force 
of a gale into a creek with a bottom such as has been described, 
would strike a bottom of mud into which the fore part would fix 
itself and be held fast, whilst the stern was exposed to the force 
of the waves." — Meyer defends tC)v KvfidTOiv with good reason 
against Tischendorf and others. 

V. 42. It is the soldiers who initiate this scheme ; since they 
only and not the mariners were interested in the fate of the pris- 
oners. — jBovXr], plan, resolution, not counsel merely; comp. ^ovXrj- 
/xarog below. — Iva tovs Secr/xcora? aTTOKreivwcn, that they should kill the 
prisoners, defines ^ovkl], and circumscribes the declarative or sup- 
plementary infinitive. W. § 44. 8 ; S. ^ 162. 3. 2. Meyer after 
Fritzsche never admits this use, but insists on Iva as telic even 
here. — Of the rigor with wliich those were liable to be punished 
who were charged with the custody of prisoners, if the latter 
escaped from them in any way, we have had proof in 12, 19 and 
16, 27. 



444 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVIII. 1. 



V. 43. It will be recollected that, according to the Roman 
custom, each of the prisoners was chained to a particular soldier, 
who was liis keeper. As to the relation of these soldiers to the 
centurion, see on v. 31. — cKi^Xvaev avTov<s rov /SovX-^fiaros, resti'ained 
them from their purpose. Thus it happened again (see v. 24) that 
Paul's companions were indebted to their connection with him 
for the preservation of their lives, re connects this clause with 
the next, because of their co-ordinate relation to povX6fX€vo<;. — 
oLTroppLxj/avras has a reciprocal sense. — i^cevaL, to go forth, not from 
the ship, which is the force of Sltto in the participle just before, 
but from the sea i-rn rr/v y^v. 

V. 44. Tov<s XoLTTovs IS tlic subject of i^Uvat, repeated from the 
preceding clause. — ctti cravtcnv, upo7i hoards, such probably as 
were in use about the ship, but not parts of it, which would con- 
found this clause with the next. — Itri tlv(x)v rdv ctTro rov ttXoIov, upo?i 
some of the pieces from the ship, which they themselves tore away 
or which the surge had broken off Most critics distinguish the 
two expressions in this" manner. Kuinoel renders cravto-tv, tables. 
A few understand that term of the permanent parts of the vessel, 
and TLViov airo rov ttXolov of such things as seats, barrels, and the 
like which were floating away from the wreck. But articles of 
tliis description they would be likely to have lost, or to have 
thrown into the sea before this time. — ovroi?, thus, i. e. in the two 
ways that have been mentioned. — Stao-w^^vat, ivere saved. This 
was not the first peril of the kind from which the apostle had 
been delivered. In 2 Cor. 11, 25, he says, "thrice I suffered 
shipwreck, a night and a day have I spent in the deep ; " and he 
recorded that statement several years before the present disaster. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Verses 1-10. Their Abode during the Wi?iter at Melita. 

V. 1. hveyvoicrav, k. t. X., they ascertained (by intercourse prob- 
ably with the inhabitants) that the island is called Melita. That 
this was the modern Malta cannot well be doubted. An island 
with the same name, now Meleda, lies up the Adriatic on the 
coast of Dalmatia, which some have maintained to be the one 
where Paul was wrecked. Bryant defended that opinion. It is 
advocated still in Valpy's Notes on the New Testament. The 



Chap. XXVIII, 1.2. 



COMMENTAEY. 



445 



argument for tliaf opinion founded on the name Adriatic has been 
ah-eady refuted in the remarks on 27, 27. It has also been al- 
leged for it, that no poisonous serpents are found at present on 
Malta. Mr. Smith mentions Coleridge (Table Talk, p. 185) as 
urging that difficulty. The more populous and cultivated state 
of the island accounts for the disappearance of such reptiles. 
Naturalists inform us that these animals become extinct or dis- 
appear as the aboriginal forests of a country are cleared up, or 
as the soil is otherwise brought under cultivation. See note on 
V. 3. It would be difficult to find a surface of equal extent in so 
artificial a state as that of Malta at the present day. The posi- 
tive reasons for the common belief as to the place of the ship- 
wi'eck are, that the traditional evidence sustains it ; that Malta 
lies in the track of a vessel driven by a northeast wind; that the 
reputed locality of the wreck agrees with Luke's account; that 
the Alexandrian ship in which tbey reembarked would very natu- 
rally winter there, but not at Meleda; and that the subsequent 
course of the voyage to Puteoli is that which a vessel would pur- 
sue in going from Malta, but not from the other place. Malta is 
sixty miles from Cape Passero, the southern point of Sicily, and 
two hundred miles from the African coast. It is farther from the 
main land than any other island in the Mediterranean. It is sev- 
enteen miles in length, nine miles in its greatest breadth, and 
sixty miles in circumference. It is nearly equi-distant between 
the two ends of the Mediterranean. Its highest point is said to 
be six hundred feet above the level of the sea. 

V. 2. ol Se /Sdp^apoi. The inhabitants are called barbarians 
with reference to their language, which was not that either of 
the Greeks or Romans ; not because they were rude and degrad- 
ed. It is strange that Coleridge should say that the Melitseans 
cannot be meant here because they were highly civilized. These 
islanders belonged to the PhcBnician race, and spoke a Semitic 
dialect, most probably the Punic, i. e. the Phosnician as spoken 
by the people of Carthage. " The Hebrew language," in its 
widest extent, says Hupfeld, "was the language not merely of 
the Hebrews, but of the other nations that inhabited Canaan, or 
PalcestiMa, especially of the Phcenicians, so renowned as a com- 
mercial people in the ancient world, and of the Carthaginians 
des ended from them. This is proved especially by the proper 
names of the Canaanites in the Bible, and of the Phoenicians 
and Carthaginians in the classic writers, which are all formed in 
the Hebrew manner, and also by the remains of the Phoenician 
and the Punic language on Phoenician monuments and in the 



446 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVIII, 2. 3. 



classics, so far as these have been as yet deciphered." i The 
Greeks and Romans who settled on the island at different times 
never mtroduced to any great extent their language or customs, 
— ov rr]v rvxov(Tav. See on 19, 11. — TrpocreXdl^ovTo, received to them- 
selves, or to their regard; comp. E-om. 14, 1 (De Wet); not to 
their fire (Mey.). — Sta tov verov rov e^ecrrwra, on account of the 
rain ichich came upon us (De Wet. Rob.) ; the present rain 
(Wetst. E. v.). They would suffer the more from this inclem- 
ent weather after so much exposure and fatigue. This remark 
in regard to the rain and cold disproves the assumption of some 
critics that it was a Sirocco wind, i. e. from the southeast, which 
Paul's ship encountered. That wind does not continue to blow 
more than two or three days, and is hot and sultry even as late 
as the month of November. 

V. 3. avo-Tpixj/avTO'^ .... ttXtJ^o?, Nbiv Paid having collected a 
great number (a heap) of dry sticks, such as would naturally be 
found among the rocks around the shore. — txi^voi, a viper. The 
Greeks applied this term to that reptile in distinction from other 
serpents, as is evident from Aiistot. Lib. 1. c. 6 : aX)C ol /xlv aXXot 
woTOKovcTLv 6(f)€Ls, 7] S' cj^tSva fxovov t,oiOTOK€i. Vlpcrs arc thc ouly vi- 
viparous serpents in Europe. It was remarked above that the 
viper is unknown in Malta at the present day. " No person," 
says Mr. Smith, " who has studied the changes which the opera- 
tions of man have produced on the Fauna (animals) of any coun- 
try, will be surprised that a particular species of reptiles should 
have disappeared from that of Malta, My friend, the Rev. Mr. 
Landsborough, in his interesting excursions in Arran, has repeat- 
edly noticed the gradual disappearance of the viper from that 
island since it has become more frequented. Mi*. LyeLl,^ in quot- 

' It has been frequently asserted that the ancient Punic is the basis of the lan- 
guage spoken by the native Maltese of the present day. That opinion is incor- 
rect. Malta, at the time of the Saracen irruption, was overrun by Arabs, from 
whom the common people of the island derive their origin. The dialect spoken 
by them is a corrupt Arabic, agreeing essentially with that of the Moors, but in- 
termixed to a greater extent with words from the Italian, Spanish, and other 
European languages. The Maltese language approaches so nearly to the Arabic 
that the islanders are readily understood in all the ports of Africa and Syria. Gese- 
nius first investigated thoroughly this dialect in his Versuch iiber die maltesische 
Sprache, etc. (Leipzig 1810). He has given the results of this investigation in 
his Article on Arabien in Ersch and Gruber's Encyklopadie. In his History of 
the Hebrew Language, he remarks that, although the ancestral pride of the Mal- 
tese themselves may dispose them to trace back their language to the old Punic, 
yet it contains nothing which is not explained far more naturally out of the 
modern Arabic, than as the product of so ancient a tongue. 

2 Principles of Geology (7th ed,), p, 655. 



Chap. XXVIH, 3. 4. 



COMMENTAEY. 



447 



ing the travels of Spix and Martins in Brazil, observes : * They 
speak of the dangers to which they were exposed from the jagnar, 
the poisonous serpents, crocodiles, scorpions, centipedes, and spi- 
ders. Bnt with the increasing popnlation and cultivation of the 
country, say these naturalists, these evils will gradually diminish ; 
when the inhabitants have cut down the woods, drained the 
marshes, made roads in all directions, and founded villages and 
towns, man will, by degrees, triumph over the rank vegetation 
and the noxious animals.' " — Ik rrjg -^ep/xT^?, fro?n the heat, the 
effect of it (De Wet.) ; or (less appropriate to the noun) from the 
place of it, as explained by Winer 47. 5. b.) and others. But 
the best manuscripts read anro (Lchm. Tsch. Mey,), and the sense 
then is (comp. 20, 9 ; Luke 19, 3), on account of the Iteat. The 
viper had evidently been taken up among the sticks which Paul 
had gathered; and, as may be inferred from eTrt^eVros l-nX t7]v 
Tvvpdv, had been thrown with them into the fire. This latter sup- 
position is required by the local sense of ck tt}? ^ipixr]?, and is en- 
tirely consistent with the causal sense. The viper was probably 
in a torpid state, and was suddenly restored to activity by the 
heat. It was now cold, in consequence both of the storm and 
the lateness of the season (v. 2) ; and such reptiles become tor- 
pid as soon as the temperature falls sensibly below the mean 
temperature of the place which they inhabit. Vipers, too, lurk 
in rocky places, and that is the character of the region where the 
incident occurred. They are accustomed, also, to dart at their 
enemies, sometimes several feet at a bound ; and hence the one 
mentioned here could have reached the hand of Paul as he stood 
in the vicinity of the fire.i — Instead of i$eX%vaa (T. R.), having 
come forth, the more descriptive Si€$€\%vcra (Tsch. Mey.), repre- 
sents the viper as having come forth (from the fire) through the 
sticks among which it Avas taken up. — Ka^rjif/e, faste7ied itse/f in 
the sense of the middle. This reflexive use of the active oc- 
curs only here, wliich accounts for KaS-q^j/aro, as read in some 
copies. 

V. 4. to? Se, K. T. X., Nbiv as the barbarians saw the aniynal hang- 
ing from his hand, to which it clung by the mouth. Aristotle also 
uses S^rjpiov of the viper. That it was "venomous" (E. V.) re- 
sults, not from this mode of designation, but from 9(t8m. Luke 
does not say expressly that Paul was bitten ; but the nature of 
the reptile, the leap, the clinging to his hand, leave us to infer that 

- For the information in this note concerning the habits of the viper, I am 
indebted chiefly to Professor Agassiz of Cambridge. 



448 



COMMENTAKY. 



Chap. XXVIII, 5-7. 



with almost entire certainty. Those who stood near and wit- 
nessed the occurrence supposed evidently that such was the fact. 
That he should have escaped being bitten under such circum- 
stances would have been hardly less miraculous than that the 
ordinary effect of the poison should have been counteracted. We 
seem to be justified, according to either view, in regarding his 
preservation as a fulfilment of the promise of Christ in Mark 16, 
17. 18. On the form of Kp^fxa^^vov, see K. k 179. 5. — <f>ov€vs . . . . 
ovTos, this man is a murderer. They perceived from his chain, per- 
haps, or some other indication, that Paul was a prisoner. The 
attack of the viper proved to them that he must have committed 
some atrocious crime, ^ovev? points, not to a specific offence, but 
to the class of offenders to which they supposed he might be- 
long. — Slky] Irjv ovk eiacrev, justice suffered not to live. Observe 
the past tense. They consider liis doom as sealed. Vengeance, 
in their view, had already smitten his victim. 

V. 5. eVa^ev ov^\v kukov, sufered no evil. This statement agrees 
with the supposition either that he had not been bitten, or that 
the poison had produced no effect upon him. 

V. 6. avTov [jiikXeLv Tri/xTrpacr-^at, that he woldd be injiamed, (ht. 
burn), since inflammation is attended with heat. — KaraTrlTrreLv 
a</)va) vcKpov, that he ivould suddenly fall down dead. Sudden col- 
lapse and death ensue often from the bite of serpents. Shak- 
speare speaks as a naturalist when he says of the asp-bitten 
Cleopatra, 

" Trembling she stood, and on the sudden dropped." 

— jixTySev oLTOTTov, nothing bad, injurious; in a moral sense, in Luke 
23, 41. — fxeTa^aWofievoL may take after it rrjv yvwfxrjv or omit it. — 
S^ebv avTov dvai, that he was a god. Bengel : " Aut latro, inquiunt, 
aut deus; sic modo tauri, modo lapides (14, 13. 19). Datur ter- 
tium ; homo Dei." 

V. 7. Tvepl rov Toirov iKCLvov, around that place, the one where 
they were wi-ecked. Tradition places the residence of Pubhus 
at Citta Vecchia, the Medina of the Saracens ; which, though in 
the centre of Malta, is but a few miles from the coast (see 
on V. 1). — rw TrpcoTO) tt}? vricrov. There can be no doubt that 
Publius is called the first (or chief) of the island because he 
was the Roman governor. Melita was first conquered by the 
Romans during the Punic wars, and in the time of Cicero (4 Ver. 
c. 18) was annexed to the praetorship of Sicily. The praetor of 
that island would naturally have a legate or deputy at this place. 



Chap. XXVIII, 7. 



COMMENTAEY. 



449 



The title Trpcoros, under which he is mentioned here, has been 
justly cited by apologetic writers, as Tholuck, Ebrard, Krabbe, 
Baumgarten, Lardner, Paley, Howson, as a striking proof of 
Luke's accuracy. No other ancient writer happens to have given 
his official designation ; but two inscriptions, one in Greek and 
the other in Latin, have been discovered in Malta, in which we 
meet with the same title employed by Luke in this passage.^ It 
is impossible to believe that Publius, or any other single individ- 
ual, would be called the first man in the island, except by way 
of official eminence. It will be observed that the father of Pub- 
^ lius was still living, and during his lifetime he would naturally 
have taken precedence of the son, had the distinction in this 
case been one which belonged to the family.^ — i^/Aas k^kvia^v^ 

' " The one in Greek is supposed to form a votive inscription by a Roman 
knight, named Aulas Castricius, ' first of the Melitans ' (tt^cStos MeAiTatwr), to 
the emperor. The Latin inscription, on the pedestal of a column, was discov- 
ered at Citta Vecchia, in excavating the foundation of the Casa del Magistrato, 
in 1747." 

' I have allowed this note to remain as it stood in the other edition, as it rep- 
resents the general opinion of scholars respecting the ofl&cial rank of Publius. 
Yet it is possible that they have erred in assigning this precise import to the 
title. I insert with thanks for the suggestion the following criticism of President 
Woolsey on this point : " The best information which we can obtain respecting 
the situation of Malta at the time of Paul's visit, renders it doubtful, to say the 
least, whether the interpreters are in the right as it regards the station of Publius. 
In a Greek inscription of an earlier date we find mention made of two persons 
holding the ofiice of archon or magisti*ate in the island. A later inscription of 
the times of the Emperors may be translated as follows : ' Lucius Pudens, son of 
Claudius, of the tribe Quirina, a Roman eques, first [tt/jwtos, as in Acts] and 
patron of the Melitaeans, after being magistrate and having held the post of 
flamen to Augustus, erected this.' Here it appears that the person named was 
still chief man of the island, although his magistracy had expired. From this 
inscription and others in Latin found at Gozzo, it is probable that the inhabitants 
of both islands had received the privilege of Roman citizenship, and were enrolled 
in the tribe Quirina. The magistracy was, no doubt, that of the Duumvirs, the 
usual municipal chief officers. The other titles correspond with titles to be met 
with on marbles relating to towns in Italy. Thus the title of chief corresponds 
to that of princeps in the colony of Pisa, and is probably no more a name of 
office than the title of patron. For no such officer is known to have existed in 
the colonies or in the mumcipia, and the princeps colonios of Pisa is mentioned at a 
time when it is said that owing to a contention between candidates there were no 
magistrates." — The difference does not affect the value of the alleged proof of 
the narrator's accuracy ; for in either case the term is a Roman title, and is ap- 
plied by Luke to a person who bears it at the right time and in the right place. 
Indeed, the appellation of prince or patron would be more striking than that of 
magistrate, inasmuch as the range of its application is narrower, and a writer who 
was not stating the truth would be more liable to introduce it under circum- 
stances that would render it inadmissible. 

57 



450 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVIII, 8-11. 



entertained us, viz. Luke, Paul, Aristarchus (27, 2), and no doubt 
the noble-hearted Julius ; not the entire two hundred and sev- 
enty-six (Bmg.), as so indiscriminate a hospitality would be un- 
called for and without any sufficient motive. 

V. 8. TTvpeTOi's. The plural has been supposed to describe the 
fever with reference to its recurrent attacks or paroxysms. This 
is one of those expressions in Luke's writings that have been 
supposed to indicate his professional training as a physician. 
See also 12,23; 13, 11; and especially the comparison (6 tSpws 
avTOv oxret S^pofJi/SoL aLfjLaTO<; Kara^atVoj/res) in his Gospel (22, 44). 
It is correct to attach to them that significancy. No other writer^ 
of the New Testament exhibits this sort of technical precision 
in speaking of diseases. The disorder with which the father of 
Publius was affected was dysentery combined with fever. It 
was formerly asserted that a dry climate, like that of Malta, would 
not produce such a disorder ; but we have now the testimony of 
physicians resident in that island, that it is by no means uncom- 
mon there at the present day. 

V. 10. ot Kttt, who also, on their part, i. e. while they came and 
were healed of their maladies. — TroXXats Ti/>tats eTt/x?yo-av i^/xa?, hon- 
ored us (viz. Paul and his companions) with many honors, courte- 
sies. They were entertained with a generous hospitality, and 
distinguished by marks of special regard and kindness. Some 
render rt/xats rewards or presents ; but the next clause appears to 
limit their reception of the favors in question to the time of their 
departure and to the relief of their necessary wants. It is cer- 
tain that they did not, even then, accept the gifts which were 
proffered to them as a reward for their services ; for that would 
have been at variance with the command of Christ in Matt. 10, 8. 

Verses 11-16. Prosecution of the Journey to Rome. 

V. 11. ixera rpei<s ixrjva<s. The three months are the time that 
they remained on the island. They were probably the months 
of November, December, and January. The season may have 
admitted of their putting to sea earlier than usual. The arrival 
at Mehta could not have been later than October, for a brief in- 
terval only lay between the fast (27, 9) and the beginning of the 
storm (27, 27). — Iv ttXolio irapaKex^iixaKOTi. Luke does not state 
why this vessel had wintered here. It is a circumstance which 
shows the consistency of the narrative. The storm which occa- 
sioned the wreck of Paul's vessel had delayed this one so long, 
that it was necessary on reaching Melita to suspend the voyage 



Chap. XXVIII, 12. 13, COMMENTARY. 451 

until spring. This vessel had been during the winter at Valetta, 
which must always have been the principal harbor of Malta. — 
Trapao-qfjuo ALoo-Kovpots, ivith the sign Dioscuri, or distinguished by 
Dioscuri, i. e. having images of Castor and Pollux painted or 
carved on the prow, from which images the vessel may have been 
named. This use of figure-heads on ancient ships was very com- 
mon. See Diet, of Antt., Art. Insigne. Castor and Pollux were 
the favorite gods of seamen, the winds and waves being supposed 
to be specially subject to their control. It is of them that Horace 
says (Od. 1. 12. 27-32) : 

" Quorum simul alba nautis 

Stella refulsit, 
Defluit saxis agitatus humor ; 
Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes, 
Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto 

Unda recumbit." 

See, also, Od. 1. 3. 2. Trapad-qp^i^ may be a noun or an adjective. 
The former appears to have been most common in this applica- 
tion. The other construction is easier as regards the dative, and 
is preferred by De Wette. 

V. 12. ^vpaKovo-a'i, Syracusce. This city, the capital of Sicily, 
on the southeastern coast of that island, was about eighty miles 
north from Melita. It was built partly on the adjacent island of 
Ortygia, and from that circumstance, or as others say because it 
included at length several villages, may have received its plural 
name. The modern Siracusa or Siragossa occupies only a part 
of the ancient city, viz. Ortygia (Forbg.). — eTre/xetVa^ev. They 
may have stopped here for trade, or in the hope of a better 
wind. 

V. 13. TrepieX-^ovre?, having come around or about. The sense 
of the preposition it is impossible to determine with certainty. 
One supposition is, that it refers to their frequent alteration of 
the ship's course ; in other words, to their tacking, because the 
wind was unfavorable. So Smith, Howson, and others, explain 
the word. Mr. Lewin thinks that " as the wind was westerly, 
and they were under the shelter of the high mountainous range 
of Etna, they were obhged to stand out to sea in order to fill 
tkeir sails, and so come to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep." i 
Another view is, that they were compelled by the wind to follow 

' " I was informed by a friend many years ago, that when he made the voyage 
himself from Syracuse to Rhegium, the vessel in which he sailed took a similar 
circuit for a similar reason." Lewin, II. p. 736. 



452 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVIII, 13. 



closely the sinuosities of the coast, to proceed circuitously. De 
Wette says, which is much less probable, that they may have 
gone around Sicily, or the southern extremity of Italy. — ei? 'PtJ- 
ytov, unto Rhegium, now Reggio, which was an Italian seaport, 
opposite to the northeastern point of Sicily. Here they remained 
a day, when the wind, wliich had been adverse since their leav- 
ing Syracuse, became fair, and they resumed the voyage. The 
steamers between Naples and Malta touch at Messina, and Reg- 
gio appears in full view on the ItaUan side. If Paul passed here 
in February (v. 11 above), the mountains on the island and on 
the main land were still covered with snow, and presented to 
the eye a dreary aspect. — iTnyevoixivov votov, a south wind having 
arisen on them ; comp. the compound participle in v. 2, and in 27, 
20. The dative of the person is often expressed after Ittl with 
this force ; see Herod. 8. 13. — SevrepaioLf on the second day ; comp. 
John 11, 39. This adverbial use of the ordinals is classical. K. k 
264. 3. b. — €ts ILoTioXov;. Puteoli, now Pozzuoli, was eight miles 
southwest from Neapolis, the modern Naples. It derived its 
name from the springs (putei) which abound there, or from the 
odor of the waters (a 2mtendo)} Its earlier Greek name was 
AtKaLapx^ia. It was the principal port south of Rome. Nearly 
all the Alexandrian and a great part of the Spanish trade with 
Italy was brought hither. The seventy-seventh Letter of Seneca 
gives a lively description of the interest which the arrival of the 
corn-ships from Egypt was accustomed to excite amon,g the inhab- 
itants of that town. A mole with twenty-five arches stretched 
itself into the sea, at the entrance of this bay, alongside of wliich 
the vessels as they arrived cast anchor for the delivery of their 
freight and passengers. Thirteen of the piers which upheld tliis 
immense structure, show their forms still above the water, and 
point out to us as it were the very footsteps of the apostle as he 
passed from the ship to the land. — The voyage from Khegium 
to Puteoli, which the Castor and Pollux accomplished in less than 
two days, was about one hundred and eighty miles. The pas- 
sage, therefore, was a rapid one ; but as examples of the ancient 
rate of sailing show, not unprecedented. Herodotus states that 
a ship could sail seven hundred stadia in a day, and six hundred 
in a night, i. e. thirteen hundred in twenty-four hours, which 
would be at the rate of about one hundred and fifty Enghsh miles 
a day. Strabo says, that a voyage could be made from Sammo- 

1 As examples, travellers will recollect the Grotto del Cane near Cumae, and 
the Baths of Nero at Baia. 



Chap. XXVIII, 13. 14. COMMENTARY. 



453 



nium to Egypt in four days, reckoning the distance at five thou- 
sand stadia, or about five hundred and seventy-three miles. This 
would be saihng one hundred and forty-three miles in twenty- 
four hours, or six miles an hour. Pliny mentions several voyages 
which would be considered very good in modem times. He says 
that the prefects Galerius and Babilius arrived at Alexandria, the 
former on the seventh, the latter on the sixth day, after leaving 
the Straits of Messina. He states, also, that passages were made, 
under favorable circumstances, from the Straits of Hercules to 
Ostia, in seven days ; from the nearest port of Spain, in four ; 
from the pro\dnce of Narbonne, in three ; and from Africa, in two. 
Probably the most rapid run mentioned by any ancient writer is 
that of Arrian, in his Periplus of the Euxine, who says that 
" they got under way about daybreak," and that by midday they 
had come more than five hundred stadia ; that is, more than fifty 
geographical miles, which is at least eight miles an hour.^ The 
mean of the foregoing examples is seven miles an hour ; and if 
we suppose that the Castor and Polux sailed at that rate, the 
passage would have required only about twenty-six hours. This 
result agrees perfectly with Luke's account ; for he states that 
they left Rhegium on one day and arrived at Puteoli on the next. 
Their course, it will be obsei-ved, was nearly due north, and they 
were favored with a south wind. 

V. 14. e-TT* avroh, icith (lit. upon) them; comp. 21,4. The local 
idea blends itself with the personal. See W. ^ 48. c. — rj^ipas 
cTTTa, a lueek; see on 20, 6. They had an opportunity to spend a 
Sabbath with the Christians there. The centurion granted tliis 
delay, not improbably, in order to gratify the wishes of Paul. 
After such events, the prisoner would have a power over his 
keeper well nigh unbounded. In the mean time, the news of 
the apostle's anival would travel to Rome, and thus prepare the 
way for what we read in the next verse. — Kat ovroi^, k. t. X., and 
so, after the interval thus spent, ive loeyit unto Rome ; not ca^ne 
unless the remark be proleptic. The incidents in v. 15 occur on 
the way thither. On leaving Puteoli, Julius and his party would 
proceed naturally to Capua, about twelve miles, the nearest point 
for intersecting the Appian Way. The distance from Capua 
to Rome by this road was about one hundred and twenty-five 
iniles.2 

^ I have relied for these statements, partly on Forbiger, and partly on Biscoe 
and Smith. 

2 Mr. Howson's map of this journey to the city will enable the reader to follow 
the apostle's course very distinctly. 



454 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVIII, 15. 16. 



V. 15. Two companies of the Christians at Rome went forth 
to meet the apostle ; but separately and at different times. Hence 
the adv^anced party reached Appii Forum, about forty miles from 
Rome, before Paul appeared ; the later party met him at Tres 
TaberncB, which was thirty miles from Rome. (Itiner. Antonin.) 
Other estimates (Itiner. Hieros.) place Appii Forum a few miles 
nearer to Rome. This town was named from Appius Claudius 
Csecus, who built the Appian Way. It lay on the northern bor- 
der of the Pontine Marshes, at the end of the canal which ex- 
tended thither from a point a few miles above Anxur or Terra- 
cina. Horace (Sat. 1. 5. 4) speaks of Appii Forum as "full of 
boatmen," who were engaged in forwarding passengers over this 
canal, a distance of twenty miles. The Appian Way ran near 
the canal, and it would depend on circumstances unknown to us, 
whether the centurion travelled in one mode or the other. Strabo 
mentions that night-travellers (as in the case of Horace) usually 
preferred the boat. The present Locanda di Foro Appio, a 
wretched inn, marks probably the site of Appii Forum. It is 
almost the only human shelter in the midst of a solitude enliv- 
ened once by incessant com_merce and travel. — Tres TaherncB, 
as appears from one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (2. 12), must 
have been near where the cross-road from Antium fell into the 
Appian Way. It is thought to have been not far from the mod- 
ern Cisterna, the bulk of which hes on the traveller's left in 
going from Rome to Naples, under the shadow of the Volscian 
Hills. — o^s . . . . S^dpaos, whom Paul seeing gave thanks to God and 
took courage. He may have met a few of the Roman Christians 
in foreign lands, but was a stranger to nearly all of them except 
in name, and would approach the city with the natural anxiety 
of one who had yet to learn what feelings they entertained tow- 
ards him. Such a cordial reception, such impatience to see him 
and welcome him to their hearts, would scatter all his doubts, 
and thrill his bosom with gratitude and joy. The church at Rome 
contained heathen converts as well as Jewish. The apostle of 
the Gentiles would see a special cause for encouragement and 
thanksgiving, in the presence of such witnesses of the success 
of the gospel in the great metropolis. 

V. 16. As Paul travelled on the Appian Way, he must have 
entered Rome through the Capenian Gate, not far from the mod- 
ern Porta San Sebastiano. — 6 €Kar6vTapxo<; .... o-rpaTOTreSdpxr], the 
centurion delivered the 2')'i'isoners to the commander of the camp, i. e. 
the praetorian camp, where the emperor's body-guard v/as quar- 
tered. See Phil. 1, 13. This camp or garrison had been built 



Chap. XXVIII, 16. 



COMMENTARY. 



455 



by Sejanus, the favorite of Tiberius, in the vicinity of the Forta 
Nomentana (Win.). The exact spot is known to be that within 
the projection, at the northeast corner of the present city-wall. 
Nearly all critics at present, as Olshaiisen, Anger, De Wette, 
Meyer, Wieseler, suppose this officer, i. e. the mcefecius prcetorio^ 
to be meant here. The prisoners who were sent to Rome from 
the provinces were committed to his custody. There is a differ- 
ence of opinion in regard to the article. The command of the 
praetorian guard was originally divided between two prefects, but 
during the reign of Claudius, Burrus Afranius, a distinguished 
Roman general, was appointed sole prcsfectus prcetorio, and re- 
tained this office as late certainly as the beginning of A. D. 62. 
On his death the command was committed again to two prefects, 
as it had been at first, and this continued to be the arrangement 
until a late period of the empire. The time of Paul's arrival at 
Rome could not have been far from A. D. 62, as admits of being 
shown by an independent calculation (see In trod. ^ 6. 5). Wie- 
seler (p. 86) supposes rw o-TparoTreSdpxr) to refer to Burrus, as sole 
prefect at that time, and he urges the expression as a reason for 
assigning the apostle's arrival to A. D. 62, or the year preceding. 
It is very possible that this view is the correct one. It would 
furnish a striking coincidence between Luke's narrative and the 
history of the times. Yet, in speaking of the prefect, the writer 
may have meant the one who acted in this particular case, the 
one who took into his charge the prisoners whom the centurion 
transferred to him, whether he was sole prefect or had a colleague 
with him ; comp. 24, 23. De Wette assents to Meyer in this ex- 
planation of the article. The expression, as so understood, does 
not affirm that there was but one prefect, or deny it. — raJ 8e Ilau- 
Xo), K. T. A., But it was permitted to Paul (i. e. by the prefect to whom 
he had been consigned) to dwell hy himself, instead of being con- 
fined with the other prisoners. This was a favor which the Ro- 
man laws often granted to those who were not suspected of any 
very serious offiince. The centurion, who had already shown 
himself so friendly to the apostle, may have interceded for him ; 
or the terms in which Festus had reported the case (see on 26, 
32) may have conciliated the prefect. In the use of this liberty, 
Paul repaired first to the house of some friend (v. 23), and after- 
wards rented an appartment for his own use (v. 30). — o-w to3 
^vXdaa-ovTL avrov arparMrr], ivith the soldier who guarded him, and 
to whom he was fastened by a chain. Different soldiers relieved 
each other in the performance of this office. Hence, as Paul 
states in Phil. 3, 13, he became, in the course of time, personally 



456 



COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVm, 17-20. 



known to a great number of the praetorian soldiers, and through 
them to their comrades. The notoriety wliich he thus acquired 
served to make his character as a prisoner for the sake of the 
gospel more widely known, and thus to aid him in his efforts to 
extend the knowledge of Cluist. To this result the apostle re- 
fers in Phil. 1, 12 sq. 

Verses 17-22. Paul has an Interview with the chief Men of the 
Jews at Rome. 

V. 17. /xera i7/xepas rpet?, after three days, on the tliird from his 
arrival ; comp. 25, 1. The apostle's untiring activity is manifest 
to the last. — rcov 'lovSatW are the unbelieving Jeivs, not the Jewish 
Christians. Their men would be the rulers of the synagogue, 
or would include them. — evavrtov governs the dative here, as in 
1 Thess. 2, 15; comp. 26, 9. — 7rot?^o-a?, though I had done. — 
'Iepo(ToXvfji(i)v, from Jerusalem, whence he had been sent to Csesa- 
rea. — ets rag ;)(€t/oa? rwv 'PcD^aatcov, into the hands of the Romans, 
viz. Felix and Festus, who represented their countrymen. The 
remark refers to them, as is evident from di/aKptVavres in the next 
verse. 

Y. 19. dvTiXeyovre?, objecting, describes very mildly the opposi- 
tion of the Jews to the apostle's acquital. dSeXc^ot, Xaw, Trarpwot?, 
^l(jpar]\, which follow so rapidly breathe the same conciliatory 
spirit. Such expressions show how self-forgetting Paul was, how 
ready to acknowledge what was common to his opponents and 
himself. — rjvayKdcrS^rjv eTriKaXecrao-^at KatVapa, I was compelled to 
appeal unto Ccesar ; as his only resort in order to save hunself 
from assassination or judicial murder ; comp. 25, 9 sq. — ov^ ws, 
K. T. \., not as having (i. e. because I had) afiythhig (as the mo- 
tive for this appeal) to charge against my nation, viz. before the 
emperor. The apostle would repel a suspicion wliich he sup- 
posed it not unnatural for the Roman Jews to entertain ; or, pos- 
sibly, would deny an imputation with which the Jews in Pales- 
tine had actually aspersed him (WiesL). Paul says my nation 
(eSvov; /xov) and not people (see Xaw above), because Kato-apa 
just before distinguishes the Romans and the Jews from each 
other. 

V. 20. Sto, Tavrrjv ovv tyjv alrlav, On this account, therefore, viz. 
that his feelings towards the Jews were so friendly. — -n-apeKaXeaa 
{i/xac iSelv, I called, invited, you that I might see you. Some sup- 
ply ijjii as the object of ISeLv, wliich destroys the unity of the sen- 
tence. — €V€Kev .... lo-paTjA, for on account of the hope of Israel 



Chap. XXVIII, 21. 22. COMMENTARY. 



457 



i. e. the hope of a Messiah which the nation entertained ; comp. 
26, 6. Tliis clause is coordinate with the one which precedes. 
It states an additional reason why he had sought the present in- 
terview. — TTjv akvcnv ravrrjv Tre/otKei/xat, I am compassed ivith this 
chain, have my arm bound with it. So, also, when the apostle 
wrote in Phil. 4, 4, " Rejoice in the Lord always ; and, again, I 
say, rejoice," he was manacled as a felon, and was Hable at any 
moment to be condemned to the wild beasts or the block. The 
construction is simjlar to that of the accusative after passive verbs ; 
, comp. TreptKCirat dcr^eVetav in Heb. 5, 2. 

V. 21. 17/xet? ovr€ ypdfxfxaTa, k. r. A., We received neither letters, 
etc. This statement refers to their having received no official 
iuformation, either wi'itten or oral, in regard to the circumstances 
under which Paul had been sent to Rome. Some have supposed 
the Jews to be insincere in tliis declaration, as if it was improb- 
able that they should have been uninformed in regard to so im- 
portant an event. But we have no sufficient reason for calhng 
in question their veracity. The Palestine Jews could hardly have 
foreseen the issue to which the case was so suddenly brought ; 
and hence, before the apostle's appeal, would have deemed it 
unnecessary to apprise the Jews at Rome of the progress of the 
trial. It is barely possible that they could have forwarded inteUi- 
gence since the appeal had taken place. Paul departed for Italy 
evidently soon after he had appealed, and must have availed 
himself of one of the last opportunities for such a voyage wliich 
the season of the year allowed. Having spent the winter at 
Melita, he had proceeded to Rome at the earliest moment in the 
spring ; so that in the ordinary course of things he must have 
arrived there in advance of any ship that might have left Pales- 
tine after the reopening of navigation. — Repeat dTro ttJs 'lovSaia? 
after Trapayevo/xevos. — rW tcoi/ dSeX^wv, any one of the brethren, of our 
countrymen, i. e. as a special messenger, as a complainant. 

V. 22. dlioG/xev 8e Trapa crov oLKova-ai, But (though in the absence 
of such information we offer no complaint) we deem it proper 
(Mey. Rob.) to hear from thee; comp. 15, 38. The verb may also 
mean we desire (De Wet. E. V.), but is less common in that 
sense. — Trept /xev yap ttJs atpeo-ews ravrq'iyfor concerning this sect of 
which Paul was known to be an adherent ; and as that circum- 
stance (ydp) was not in liis favor, they intimate that he was 
bound to vindicate himself from the reproach of such a connec- 
tion. The Jews, it will be observed, in their reply to the apostle, 
abstain from any allusion to the Christians at Rome; indeed, 
they might have expressed themselves in the same manner had 

58 



458 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXVIII, 22. 



no church, existed there at this time, or had they been entirely 
ignorant of its existence. To understand them, however, as af- 
firming that they had heard of the sect only by report, that they 
possessed no personal knowledge of any who were connected 
with it, is certainly unauthorized. Baur^ proceeds on this false 
assumption, and then represents the passage as inconsistent with 
the Epistle to the Romans, which was written several years be- 
fore this, and exhibits to us a flourishing church in the Pwoman 
metropolis. Zeller says the same thing. The peculiarity in the 
case is not by any means that the Jews denied that they were 
acquainted with those who held the Christian faith, but that they 
avoided so carefully any reference to the fact ; what they knew 
was matter of general notoriety (-n-avTaxov dvrtXeyeTat) ; they de- 
cline the responsibiUty of asserting anything on the ground of 
their own personal knowledge. Various explanations have been 
given of this reserve on the part of the Jews. Olshausen's 
hypothesis is, that the opposition between the Jewish Christians 
and the Jews had become such, before Claudius banished the 
latter from Rome, as to separate them entirely from each other; 
and consequently that the Christians there remained in fact un- 
known to the Jews who returned to Rome after the decree of 
banishment ceased to be in force. This view is improbable, and 
has found no supporters. The opinion of many of the older 
critics, to which Tholuck ^ also has returned, is that the Trpwrot 
Twv 'lovSatW affected to be thus ignorant in regard to the Roman 
Christians ; that they wished to deceive the apostle, and uttered 
a direct falsehood when they told him that they had received no 
information concerning him from the Palestine Jews, The best 
account of this peculiarity, it appears to me, is that which Phi- 
lippi has suggested in his recent Commentary on the Epistle to 
the Romans.^ The situation of the Jews at Rome, after their 
recent banishment by Claudius, was still critical and insecure. It 
was very important for them to avoid the displeasure of the gov- 
ernment ; to abstain from any act or attitude that would revive 
the old charge against them of being quarrelsome or factious. 
They saw that Paul was regarded with evident favor by the 
Roman officers ; they had heard from him that the procurator 
would have acquitted him, but the obstinate Jews had compelled 

1 Paulus, der Apostel, sein Leben und Wirken, seine Briefe und seine Lehre, 
p. 368 sq. 

2 Commentar zum Briefe Pauli an die Romer (1842), p. 14. 

3 Commentar iiber den Brief Pauli an die Romer, von Friedrich A. Philippi 
(1848), p. XV. 



Chap. XXVni, 23-25. COMMENTAEY. 



459 



him to appeal to Csesar. Having had no intelligence from Judea, 
they might fear that their countrymen there had gone too far, and 
had placed it in the power of Paul to use the circumstance to 
the disadvantage of the Jewish cause at Rome. Hence they 
considered it advisable for the present to concihate the apostle, 
to treat liim mildly, to keep out of sight their own relations to 
the Christian sect. They say what was true. No special and 
express information had been forwarded to them respecting his 
person and the occurrence mentioned by him, and they knew 
that the sect had everywhere an evil name. But they suppress 
their own view in regard to the Christian faith, as something 
they do not consider it necessaiy and expedient to avow, and, 
out of fear of the Roman magistrates, would draw as little at- 
tention as possible to their hostile position towards the Cluis- 
tiaus. 

Verses 23-29. His Second Interview with the Jews. 

V. 23. ra^a/xeyot Se avrw rj/xipav, Now having appointed for him a 
day, at his own suggestion perhaps, since by leaving it to them 
to designate the time he w^ould be more sure of their presence. 
— ek TTjv $€VLav, unto his lodging. The term implies (Hesych.) 
that it was a place w^here he was entertained as a guest (comp. 
Philem. 22) ; and those critics are right who distinguish it from 
the "liired house" mentioned in v. 30. The apostle, at first, 
as would be natural, was received into some one of the Chris- 
tian families at Rome ; but after a time, for the sake of greater 
convenience or independence, he removed to apartments which 
would be more entirely subject to his own control. That Aquila 
(Rom. 16, 3) became his host again as he had been at Corinth 
(18, 3) is not impossible. — TrXeioves, more than on the former oc- 
casion. — TTu^oyv .... 'I-r/o-ot), i. e. and persuading them of the things 
concerning Jesus. For the double accusative, see on 19, 8. Here, 
too, the act of the participle refers to the speaker's aim or object, 
without including the result. It may be inferred from what fol- 
lows, that the greater part of those whom Paul addressed with- 
stood his efforts to win them to the truth ; comp. v. 25. 

V. 24. ot /xeV and ot Se distribute the Jews into opposite par- 
ties. The proportion which the convinced bore to the unbeliev- 
ing we must gather from the drift of the narrative. 

V. 25. dcrv/x(^a)vot 8e oi/xe? Trpo? akXrjXov^, And being discordant 
among one another. Tliis variance they may be supposed to have 
evinced by an open declaration of their different views, by the 



460 



COMMENTARY. 



Chap. XXVIH, 26-30. 



expression of dissent and objection on the part of those who dis- 
believed. — eiTTovTos rov UavXov prj^a ev, Paul having said one word^ 
at the time of their departure '(De Wet.) ; not as the occasion of 
it (Mey.). It was one final, significant word, as opposed to many 
words ; comp. Luke 20, 3. — Sia 'Ho-atw, through Isaiah. See on 
2, 16. 

V. 26. Xeyoi/, viz. Isa. 6, 9 sq., cited according to the Seventy. 
The passage is quoted also in Matt. 13, 14 sq. and John 12, 40. — 
For the Hebraistic ciko^ aKovacre, see the note on 4, 17. — ov /xt] 
crvvrjT€ may express the future result with more certainty than the 
future indicative. See on 13, 41. — For (^Xiivovres /SXeij/ere, see on 
7, 34. 

V. 28. ovv, therefore, i. e. since they are so hardened and in- 
corrigible. — oTt . . . . o-wrrjpLov, that to the Gentiles the salvation ivas 
sent, i. e. by God in the coming of the apostle to Kome. — avroi, 
they (emphatic), although they are heathen. — /cat aKova-ovTat, also 
will hear it, viz. the message of this salvation. The object of the 
verb is implied in aTreardXr]. Kal connects the reception with the 
offer of the gospel. — Our eyes trace here the last words in 
Luke's record, which fell from the lips of Paul. It is remarkable 
that they are precisely such words. The apostle of the Gentiles 
points again to his commission to preach to all nations, and de- 
clares that the heathen, to whom he was sent shall accept the 
Saviour whom the Jews disowned. 

V. 29. This verse in the common text repeats what has been 
said in the eighteenth verse. It appears to be not genuine. Its 
principal witnesses are G H, the Ethiopic, and some of the 
later fathers. It is wanting in ABE, the Syriac, and the best 
Latin authorities. Leading critics, as Mill, Lachmann, Tischen- 
dorf, Green, reject the verse. 

Verses 30. 31. The Condition of the Apostle during his Captivity. 

V. 30. £/xetv€ 8i€TiW oX-qv, remained two whole years, i. e. in the 
state mentioned, with the evident implication that at the end of 
that time his condition changed. Some critics deny the correct- 
ness of this inference ; but the better opinion affirms it. Had 
the apostle been still in confinement, the writer would have em- 
ployed more naturally the present tense or the perfect {remains 
ox has remained) instedidL \h.Q aorist. The reader's conclusion 
is, that the two years completed the term of the apostle's cap- 
tivity, and that when Luke penned the sentence, the prisoner 
was either at liberty or else was no longer living. Lekebusch 



Chap. XXVin, 30. 31. COMMENTAEY. 461 

(p. 415) pronounces this view an inevitable one. See on next 
verse. — The Stenav 0A.77V Avould bring the nan-ative down to A. D. 
64. Some months lay between the commencement of this year 
and the outbreak of Nero's persecution. See Introd., p. 27. — 
iv tSto) fxLor^t^ixarL, in Ms oivn hired house, i. e. liired at his own ex- 
pense. In the bosom of a Christian church, the apostle could 
not have been destitute of the means of providing for such an 
expense. We learn, also, from Phil. 4, 14, 18, that during this 
captivity Paul received supplies from the church at PhiHppi. — 
dTreSe'xero, in its special sense, received gladly, because it afforded 
him such joy to preach the Gospel; comp. 15, 4; 18, 27. 

V. 31. hha.(TKO)v, sc. avTOi's. The construction is similar to that 
in v. 23. — aKojXiJTa)?, without molestation on the part of the Roman 
government.^ According to the Roman laws, a citizen under 
arrest, in ordinary cases, could give security or bail, and thus 
enjoy his personal liberty until he was brought to trial. The 
freedom gi-anted to Paul was so ample, that one might almost 
suppose that he was permitted to exercise that right ; but it is 
rendered certain by Phil. 1, 13. 16, that he continued to be 
guarded by a Roman soldier. — Among the friends with Paul 
during this confinement who have been mentioned in our narra- 
tive, were Luke, Timothy, Epaphras, Mark, Aristarchus, and 
Tychicus. The interruption of his personal intercourse with the 

1 Agrippa the First was imprisoned in early life, at Eome. The account of 
his captivity confirms so entirely Luke's account of the manner in which Paul 
was treated as a Eoraan prisoner, (so unlike our modern usages,) that it may not 
be amiss to mention some of the circumstances. We obtain the information 
from Josephus (Antt. 18. 6. 5 sq.). Agrippa, on being arrested, was committed 
to Macro, the praetorian prefect, and confined in the praetorian camp. He was 
there kept under a guard of soldiers, to one of Avhom he was chained (called his 
(Tuj/SeTos). A particular centurion had the oversight of the prisoner and the sol- 
diers who guarded him. But the condition of those confined in this manner de- 
pended very much on the character of those who had the immediate charge of 
them. The soldiers who watched Agrippa treated him, at first, with great sever- 
ity. Hence Antonia, a sister-in-law of Tiberius and a friend of Agrippa, inter- 
ceded with Macro and induced him to appoint a guard known to be of a milder 
disposition. The situation of Agrippa was now improved. His friends who had 
been excluded from him, were permitted to visit him and to supply his necessary 
wants (comp. 24, 23). But during this time, about six months, he was still con- 
fined in the pratorian camp. On the death of Tiberius the mode of his cap- 
tivity was changed again. Caligula ordered him to be removed from the prajto- 
rium to the house which he had occupied before he was bound. Here he was 
still guarded as a prisoner, but was subject to so much less restraint that his con- 
dition was one of comparative liberty. His captivity, in this last form of it, was 
doubtless like that of Paul during the two years that he " dwelt in his own hired 
house " at Eome. 



462 



COMMENTAEY. 



Chap. XXYHI, 31. 



churclies caused the apostle to address them bj letter, and thus 
the restramt on his liberty proved the means of opening to him a 
sphere of activity, which has given him access to all nations, 
which makes him the contemporary of every age. As nearly all 
critics allow, he wrote during this captivity his Epistles to the 
Ephesians, the Colossians, the Pliilippians, and Philemon. — It 
must suffice to allude merely to the subsequent history of the 
great apostle. I cannot hesitate to agree with those who believe 
that Paul on being brought to trial under his appeal to the empe- 
ror was acquitted, and, casting aside his chains, went forth to la- 
bor again for the spread of the gospel. We see from his letters 
written while he was a captive that he was expecting to regain 
his liberty. See, for example, Phil. 1, 25; 2, 23. 24; Philem. v. 
22. Even if Paul entertained this belief as a matter of judg- 
ment merely, and not in the exercise of a faith warranted by a 
special revelation, we must allow at all events that he had good 
means for forming a correct opinion of his prospects, and should 
be supposed, therefore, to have realized his hope, and not to have 
been condemned, contrary to such manifest intimations of a dif- 
ferent result. The journeys and labors indicated in the Pastoral 
. Epistles make the supposition of an interval between a first and 
second imprisonment important if not indispensable as a means 
of reconciling Luke's account with this part of the apostle's cor- 
respondence. The facts mentioned in the letters to Titus and 
Timothy have no natural place in the portion of Paul's history 
recorded in the Acts. The style, too, and the chcle of ideas in 
these Epistles indicate a later period in the life of the writer and 
in the progi'ess of the churches, than that of the conclusion of 
Luke's narrative. Finally, the historical testimony, as derived 
from the earliest sources, asserts a second Roman captivity in the 
most explicit manner. Clemens, the disciple and companion of 
Paul, affirms that the apostle before his martyrdom travelled " to 
the boundary of the West," an expression which the Roman wri- 
ters in that age applied to the Trans-Alpine countries ; and the 
Canon of Muratori (A. D. 170) represents " a journey into Spain," 
as a well-known event in Paul's history. Eusebius states the 
common belief of the early churches, in these words : " After 
defending himself successfully it is currently reported that the 
apostle again went forth to proclaim the gospel, and afterwards 
came to Rome a second time, and was martyred under Nero." — 
Hints in the Epistles and traditions supply all that is known or 
conjectured respecting this last stage of the apostle's ministry. 
It is supposed, that on being liberated (writers do not agree as to 



Chap. XXVIH, 31. 



C ]\I M E N T i\ E Y . 



463 



the precise order), he visited again parts of Asia Minor and 
Greece ; went to Crete and founded or more probably strength- 
ened the churches there ; made liis long-contemplated journey to 
Spain ; wrote his First Epistle to Timothy, and his Epistle to 
Titus ; after several years of effective labor, was apprehended again 
as a leader of the Christian sect ; was brought a second time as a 
prisoner of Christ to Rome ; was tried there and condemned to 
suiFer death. His Roman citizenship exempted him from the 
ignominy of crucifixion, and hence, according to the universal tra- 
dition, he was beheaded by the axe of the lictor. The same tes- 
timony places liis martyrdom in the year A. D. 68, the last year 
of Nero's reign. It was in the daily expectation of this event 
that he wrote the last of his Epistles, the second to Timoth}^ It 
is in that Epistle, written as the aged servant of Clnist looked 
back to his trials all surmounted, forward to the hour when he 
should soon be forever with the Lord," yet amid his own joy 
still mindful of the welfare of others, that we hear his exultant 
voice : " I am now ready to be offered, and the tune of my de- 
parture is at hand. I have fought a good fight, I have finished 
my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up 
for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous 
judge, shah give me at that day; and not to me only, but unto 
aD them also that love his appearing." - 



Il 



ABBREVIATIONS. 



NAMES OF WRITEES ABBREVIATED IN THE NOTES. 

The works of those referred to in the following list are mostly Commen- 
taries, and may be presumed to be well known. The titles of some of those 
which are less common have been given at the foot of the page where they 
occur for the first time. 



Alf. 


Alford. 


Hnr. 


Heinrichs. 


Ang. 


Anger. 


Hws. 


Howson. 


Bez. 


Beza. 


Kriig. 


Kriiger. 


Blmf. 


Bloomfield. 


Kuin. 


Kuinoel. 


Bmg. 


Baumgarten. 


Kyp. 


Kypke. 


Bng. 


Bengel. 


Lchm. 


Lachmann. 


Bottg. 


Bottger. 


Light. 


Lightfoot. 


Bretsch. 


Bretschneider. 


Lng. 


Lange. 


Brud. 


Bruder. 


Mey. 


Meyer. 


Calv. 


Calvin. 


Neand. 


Neander. 


Chryst. 


Chrysostom. 


Olsh. 


Olshausen. 


De Wet. 


De Wette. 


Raph. 


Raphael. 


Doddr. 


Doddridge. 


Bob. 


Robinson 


Ebr. 


Ebrard. 


Schbttg. 


Schbttgen. 


Forbg. 


Forbiger. 


Str. 


Stier. 


Frtz. 


Fritzsche. 


Suid. 


Suidas. 


Gesen. 


Gesenius. 


Thol. 


Tholuck. 


Grot. 


Grotius. 


Tsch. 


Tischendorf. 


Grsb. 


Griesbach. 


Vitr. 


Vitringa. 


Hems. 


Hemsen. 


Wetst. 


Wetstein. 


Heng. 


Hengstenberg. 


Wdsth. 


Wordsworth. 


Hertz. 


Hertzog. 


Whl. 


Wahl. 


Hesych. 


Hesychius. 


Wiesl. 


Wieseler. 


Hmph. 


Humphry. 


Win. 


"W iner. 



OTHER ABBREVIATIONS. 

Cranm. Cranmer's Version of N. T. T. R. Received Greek Text. 

E. V. Common English Version. Vulg. Vulgate N. Testament. 

Genv. Geneva Version. Wicl. Wiclif 's Version. 
Tynd. Tyndale's Version. 

59 



i 



IN"DES: I 



The following Index is intended to exhibit the contents of the Notes as distin- 
guished for the most part from the contents of the History. 



A. 

Abraham, not the oldest son of Terah, 
125. 

Aceldama, 45. 

Achaia, how applied by Luke, 296 ; inter- 
changed with Hellas, 327. 

Acropolis of Athens and Corinth, 296. 

Acts of the Apostles, by whom written, 1 1 
sq.; authenticity of the book, 16 sq. ; its 
object and plan, 19 sq. ; when and where 
written, 20 sq. ; why closed so abruptly, 
21 sq. ; its relation to Luke's Gospel, 33. 

Adramyttium, its situation and its present 
state, 410. 

Adriatic, how extensively applied, 434. 

Agahus, 193, 349. 

Agrippa the First, year of his death, 23 ; 
his family, 195; his character, 196; 
circumstances of his death, 202 sq. ; 
account of his imprisonment at Rome, 
461. 

Agrippa the Second, his history, 392 sq.; 

object of his visit to Ceesarea, 393 ; 

turns off Paul's appeal with a jest, 407. 
Ain Haniyeij, Philip's fountain, 157. 
Akerman, Numismatic Illustrations, 174, 

275. 
AJcka, 348. 

Alexander, of whom the apologist, 321. 

Alexandrian corn-ships, 452. 

Alms-distributors, cause of their appoint- 
ment, 114; not called deacons, 116. 

Amphipolis, on the military road through 
the north of Greece, 271. 

Ananias, nature of his crime, 99 ; why 
punished with such severity, 102. 

Ananias, (high-priest,) to be distinguished 
from Annas, 370 ; was the actual high- 
priest, 370. 

Andriaca, port of Myra, 414. 

Angels, import of their address in 1, 11 



obscure, 39 sq. ; gave the law, 142; 
were supposed to be the guardians of 
men, 200. 

Anointing, its import as a symbol, 95. . 

Antioch in Syria, by whom built, the 
seat of missionary operations, 1 90 ; its 
harbor, 206 sq. ; visited by Paul four 
times, 306. 

Antioch in Pisidia, on the central table- 
land of Asia Minor, 213 ; discourse of 
Paul in the synagogue, 213 sq. ; may 
have been visited on the apostle's sec- 
ond missionary tour, 254. 

Antipatris, supposed to be the modern 
Kefr Saba, 378 ; night journey thither, 
379. 

Antonia, castle of, 357; Paul's sp3ech 

from the stairs, 361 sq. 
Aorist, peculiar form, 63 ; mistranslated 

often, 93, 136, 395 ; epistolary use, 378. 
Apollonia, on the way from Philippi to 

Thessalonica, 271. 
Apollos, at Ephesus, 306 ; his talents, 307 ; 

at Corinth, 308. 
Aposiopesis, instances of, 373. 
Apostates, how treated by the Jews, 370, 

375. 

Apostles, what was necessary to their of- 
fice, 36, 38 ; main point of their testi- 
mony, 47 ; not limited to twelve, 50.; 
were not ignorant that the gospel was 
to be preached to the heathen, 69 ; re- 
linquished the Jewish rites by degrees, 
74 ; acknowledged a higher law than 
that of men, 92, 107, sq., 264 ; did not 
insist on a community of goods, 99 ; 
were empowered to confer the Spirit, 
149 ; aimed in their missionary policy 
to secure the chief towns, 254, 296 ; 
how far they were infallible, 419. 

^ppea^ judicial, how limited, 392. 

Appian Way, 454. 



468 



INDEX. 



Appii Forum, 454. 

Appointed unto life, 224. 

Aquila, where he was converted, 296 ; 
Ms frequent change of residence, 296 ; 
why mentioned after Priscilla, 303 ; his 
connection with Apollos, 307. 

Aramaean, 45, 360. 

Aratus, a poet, 293. 

Areiopagus, in what part of Athens, 269 
sq. ; Paul not tried before the court of 
this name, 280; outline of his speech 
there, 282 sq. 

Aretas, took possession of Damascus, 22 
sq. ; assisted the Jews to capture Paul, 
168. 

Aristarchus accompanied Paul to Jerusa- 
lem, 328 ; in what sense his " fellow- 
prisoner," 411. 

Artemon, what sail intended, 442 ; its ef- 
fect on a vessel, 442. 

Article, with proper names, 35 ; before 
partitives, 104 ; Middleton's rule, 150 ; 
force of, 85, J 87, 387, 455 ; disregarded 
in E. v., 173, 187 ; for the pronoun, 
293 ; wrong in E. V., 397, 399. 

Ashdod, its present site, 159. 

Asia, how much it included, in the Acts, 
41 ; rapid extension of the gospel there, 
312 ; may denote Asia Minor, 410. 

Asiarchs, their office, and occasion of 
their friendship for Paul, 320. 

Assos, its situation, 332 ; why Paul went 
thither on foot, 333. 

Astrology, among the Orientals, 208. 

Athens, how far from Bersea, 276 ; extent 
of its idolatry, 277 ; had but one agora, 
277 ; character of its inhabitants, 278 
sq. ; origin of its altar "to an un- 
known god," 286 sq. ; visited by the 
apostle but once, 295. 

Attaleia, distance from Perga, 212; its 
site described by Beaufort, 237. 

Augustan cohort, 409. 



B. 



Bohr's Symbolik, 95. 

Baptism, administered in the name of 
Christ, 68 ; that of Cornelius and other 
heathen, 187; that of Lydia and her 
household, 269 sq. ; how it was per- 
formed in the jail at Philippi, 268 ; 
words relating to, 268; how that of 
"^ohn differed irom that of the apos- 
tles, 307 ; was repeated in the case of 
certain disciples at Ephesus, 310 sq. ; 
mode of, 364 ; was the sign of repent- 
ance and faith, 364. 

Barbarian, how applied, 445. 

Barnabas, signification of his name, 98 ; 
his influence at Jerusalem, 169 ; his in- 
terview with Paul at Tarsus, 192; ac- 



companies the apostle in his first mis- 
sionary tour, 204 ; why he was called 
Jupiter at Lystra, 230 ; went as a dele- 
gate to Jerusalem, 238 sq, ; his disa- 
greement with Paul, and their subse- 
quent relations to each other, 251 ; the 
letter ascribed to him not genuine, 251. 
Baths of Nero, 452. 

Baumgarten, his theory of the design of 

the Acts, 34. 
Bernice, facts in her history, 393. 
Beroea, its distance from Thessalonica, 

on what river, present name, 275. 
Bethany, the scene of the Ascension, 40 

sq. 

Beth-horon, 378. 

Bethzur, fountain there, 157. 

Birks, his Horae Apostolicae, 363. 

Biscoe, on the Acts, 131. 

Bishops, the same as presbyters, 236. 

Bithynia, not entered by Paul, 254 ; the 

persecution there under Trajan, 401. 
Blasphemy, 118. 

Blunt, his Undesigned Coincidences, etc., 
387. 

Boeckh on the mode of undergirding an- 
cient ships, 427. 

Body, with which Christ rose, 36, 163. 

Bolingbroke, remark of, 156. 

Brethren, in what sense, 166; how con- 
structed, 217 ; conciliatory use, 78, 135, 
362, 456. 

Burial, hastened in the East, 101, 

Burrus, prefect at Eome, 455. 



Ccesarea, its importance in Jewish history, 
159 ; the seaport of Judea, 305; how 
often Paul was there, 348. 

Calf, why worshipped by the Hebrews, 
138. 

Canal, through the Pontine Marshes, 454. 
Candace, mentioned in the classics, 154; 

the name of a dynasty, 154. 
Candor of the sacred writers, 185 sq., 

320, 394. 
Canon of Muratori, 462. 
Capenian Gate 454. 
Captain of the temple, 85. 
Captivity, Paul's second at Rome, 462. 
Capua, how far fl'om Eome, 453. 
Carriage, sense of in N. T., 350. 
Castor and Pollux, name of a ship, 449, 

453. 

Cayster, a river, 304. 

Cemetery, signification of the word, 145 ; 

first used by Christians, 145. 
Centurions, always mentioned favorably, 

175. 

Chains, how fastened to prisoners, 195. 
Charran, in Mesopotamia, 124. 



INDEX. 



469 



Chios, an island in the JEgean, 333. 

Ch'estus, an instigator of the Jews at 
Eome, 297. 

Christ made his resurrection certain to his 
disciples, 35 ; was omniscient, 48 ; in 
what capacity he reigns as Mediator, 
67 ; miracles wei'e wrought in his name, 
75, 89, 174; is the author of natural 
and spiritual life, 77 ; his final coming 
described as near, because near to a 
true Christian consciousness, 80 sq. ; 
was worshipped by the first disciples, 
145, 165, 180 ; is the final Judge of 
men, 186, 294; fulfilled the prophe- 
cies, 216, 272 ; was destined to suffer, 
405. 

Chios, now Scio, 333, 
Cicero, his letters, 459. 
Ciita Vecchia, in Malta, 448. 
Christians, origin and import of the name, 
192 sq. 

Chronology, why that of the Acts still dif- 
ficult, 22 ; dates that may be estab- 
lished, 32 sq. ; computed by the Jews 
in different ways, 127 ; on what prin- 
ciple we are to judge of the accuracy 
of chronological designations, 214 sq. 

Cilicia, why named always after Syria, 
170. 

Citizenship Roman, immunities which it 
secured, 269 ; seldom claimed falsely, 
367 ; how acquired by foreigners, 368. 

Claude, now Gozzo, 425 ; distance from 
the point of Koura, 435. 

Claudius, the famine in his reign, 194; 
his banishment of the Jews, 296 ; re- 
stored Achaia to the Senate, 301. 

Clemens, his letter, 462. 

Clergy, origin of the term, 43. 

Climate in Palestine, 106. 

Cnidos, name of a town and promontory, 
416 ; ruins which exist there, 416. 

Coincidences between the Acts and the 
Epistles, 227, 232, 234 sq., 247, 315, 
316, 326, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 365, 
385 ; between the Acts and Josephus, 
111, 124, 181, 196, 202, 373, 381, 387, 
388, 389, 409; between the Acts and 
Philo, 124, 143, 375 ; between the Acts 
and the classical writers, 154, 209, 259, 
269, 277, 282, 285 sq., 296 sq., 300 sq., 
312, 388, 395 sq., 407. 

Coins still extant, of Cyprus, 209 ; of 
Philippi, 258 ; of Beroea, 275 ; of Nyssa, 
322; of Ephesus, 322, 359; of Tar- 
sus, 360 ; of Adramyttium, 410. 

Coleridge, his singular opinion, 445. 

Colonnade at Damascus, 167. 

Colosse, whether visited by Paul, 255. 

Coming, final of Christ, 40, 81 ; Avhen ex- 
pected, 82. 

Communion, when first used of the Lord's 
Supper, 71. | 



Community of goods, in the first church, 
96, sq. 

Conspiracy against Paul, 374. 

Copenhagen, battle of, 436. 

Corinth, how far distant from Athens, 
276 ; how long Paul remained there, 
300 ; made a second journey thither 
which is not recorded, 325 ; his third 
journey, 326. 

Corinthians, Epistle to, 315, 325. 

Cornelius, not a Jewish proselyte, 175; 
nature of the homage which he offered 
to Peter, 179 ; time of his conversion, 

. 189 ; in what sense he was the first 
convert from heathenism, 241 . 

Cos or Co, its situation, 344 ; why now 
called Stanchio, 345. 

Council at Jerusalem, 241 . 

Council of Trent, decree of, 311. 

Crete, 417 ; has good harbors on the north 
side, 417. 

Crispus, bishop of JEgina, 299. 

Custodia libera, 389. 

Cydnus, a river, 170. 

Cyprus, visited by Paul on his first tour, 
207 ; traversed by a good road, 209 ; 
governed by a proconsul, 209 ; left to 
the windward on Paul's voyage to 
Rome, 412 sq. 



D. 



Damascus, its situation, 160; labors of 
Paul there, 167. 

David, his tomb,_ 65 ; was inspired, 67 ; 
would build the temple, 141. 

Davidson, his Introduction to the New 
Testament cited, 3, 7, 131; his Lect- 
ures on Biblical Criticism, 339. 

Day, commenced early in the East, 106. 

Death, as viewed by Christians, 145. 

Demhra, modern name of Myra, 352. 

Demetrius, his occupation, 317 ; his artful 
speech, 319. 

Demons, their testimony to Christ, 147. 

Derbe, near the base of the Black Moun- 
tain, 228 ; remarkable ruins still found 
there, 228 ; why not mentioned in the 
Second Epistle to Timothy, 234 ; why 
named before Lystra, 252. 

Diana, use made of her shrines, 317; 
how extensively worshipped, 319; re- 
peating her name a religious act, 321 ; 
tradition as to the origin of her image, 
323. 

Dioscuri, an image and a name, 449. 
Dispolitans, an Egyptian dynasty, 132. 
Dominus, its Roman use, 396. 
Drachm, Attic, its value, 315. ^ 
Drusilla, her family, and facts in her his- 
tory, 387. 
Dust thrown into the air, 366. 
Duumviri, 449. 



470 



INDEX. 



E. 

Egyptian impostor, referred to by Lysias, 
359 ; how Luke's account of him may 
be reconciled with that of Josephus, 
359 sq. 

Egyptian history obscure, 132. 

Elam or Elamais, where situated, 55. 

Elders. See Presbyters. 

Elymas, the Magian, introduced so as 

to present a true pictui'e of the times, 

208 ; origin of his name, 210. 
Ephesus, Paul's first visit there, 304 ; his 

return, 309 ; residence of the proconsul, 

323. 

Epicureans, the " minute philosophers of 
their day," 278 ; their principles, 278. 

Epistles of Paul, when and where written : 
those which he sent from Rome, 30, 462 ; 
the First and Second to the Thessalon- 
ians, 303; that to the Galatians, 312 ; the 
First to the Corinthians, 312 ; the Sec- 
ond to the Corinthians, 325 ; that to 
the Romans, 327. 

Erastiis, 317. 

Esdud, 159. 

Ethiopia, of what country the name, 154 ; 
the gospel preached there at an early 
period, 158. 

Ethiopian eunuch, his country and rank, 
154 ; why he was reading the prophe- 
cies, 455 ; traditional scene of his bap- 
tism, 157 ; his reputed name, 158. 

Eucharist, how observed, 71. 

Eunuch, where baptzied, 157. 

Euroclydon, 424. 

Eutychus, whether restored to life, 332. 
Evangelist, application of this term, 348. 
Exorcism at Ephesus, 313 sq. 

F. 

Faith, an act of divine power, 78, 308 ; its 
purifying efficacy, 242 ; the condition 
of pardon, 403 ; the evidence of repent- 
ance, 404. 

Fair Havens, on the south of Crete, 417 ; 
the council held there, 420. 

Famine, foretold by Agabus, 193 ; how 
extensive, and when it occurred, 194. 

Felix, when recalled from office, 24 ; his 
character, 376, 377, 381; how long he 
was procurator, 382 ; attempted to 
bribe Paul, 388. 

FeUon, Prof., his opinion on a passage in 
Arrian, 422. 

Ferasches, their office, 371. 

Festus, when appointed procurator, 25 ; 
his character, 389 ; why he wished to 
send Paul to Jerusalem, 391 ; Avhy he 
conferred with his council, 392 ; Luke 
describes him in accordance with his- 
tory, 395 sq. 



Foreknowledge of God, as related to his 
purpose, 63, 402. 

G. 

Gains, different persons of tliis name, 
320, 328. 

Galatia, not visited on Paul's first mis- 
sion, 228 ; vv'hen the gospel was first 
preached there, 255 ; why named be- 
fore Phrygia, 306. 

Galatians, Epistle to, 312. 

Gall, of what the figure, 152. 

Gallio, his character correctly drawn, 
300; carried his impartiality too far, 302. 

Gamaliel, how described in the Talmud, 
109 ; alleged anachronism in his speech, 
140 sq. ; singular character of liis ad- 
vice, 112. 

Gangas, a stream near Philippi, 257. 

Garlands, used in sacrifice, 231. 

Garrison, Roman at Jerusalem, 357 ; 
Turkish, 258 ; at Rome, 454. 

Gate, the Beautiful, its situation, 74 sq. ; 
Capenian, through which Paul entered 
Rome, 454 ; Nomentana, near the pre- 
fect's camp, 455. 

Gates, Cilician, 237. 

Gaza, when destroyed by the Romans, 
1 53 ; the roads which lead thither, 1 53 sq. 

Gazith, hall of council, 389. 

Gehenna, how understood by the Jews, 
409. 

Geih, on Roman law, 380. 

Genitive of relationship, 41. 

Gentiles, their acceptance of the gospel 
foretold by the prophets, 54, 244. 

Gesenius, his view of the Maltese lan- 
guage, 381. 

Gift of tongues, how confeiTed on the day 
of Pentecost, 51 ; object of the endow- 
ment, 52 ; the miracle unquestionable, 
53 ; why described so concisely, 187. 

Gophna, 378. 

Gospel, universality of its design, 184; 
first preached to the heathen, 191 ; 
characterized as a system of grace, 223 ; 
why subverted by the Jewish attach- 
ment to circumcision, 289. 

Gozzo, an island, 425. 

Green, his Developed Criticism, 95. 

Greek Language, used with great purity 
by Luke, 14 ; spoken extensively in 
Palestine, 123 ; furnished a medium of 
intercourse between different nations, 
230, 359, 

Grotto del Carne, 452. 

H. 

Hades, personified, 65. 
Haliacmon, a river at whose mouth Paul 
embarked for Athens, 276. 



INDEX. 



471 



Harvest, when ripe in Ep^ypt, 415, 
Haiiran, east of the Joi'dan, 160. 
Heathen, described as those "aftir off/' 
53 ; have sufficient light to create obli- 
gation, 232, 292 ; acknowledged blind- 
ly the existence of God, 288 ; have no 
excuse for their idolatry, 292 ; must 
repent to be prepared for the judgment, 
293. 

Heathenism, its immorality, 245. 
Hebraisms, 39, 40, 83, 99, 108, 134, 136, 

137, 165, 244, etc. 
Hebrews, Epistle to, 30. 
Hebron, whether confounded by Stephen 

with Sychem, 131. 
Hellenists, how distinguished from Greeks, 

114, 191 ; why Paul labored specially 

for them, 169. 
Herod Antipas, his war with Aretas, 22 : 

his exile on the banks of the Rhone, 

205. 

Hess, his History of the Apostles, 54. 

Holij Spirit, why expressed often without 
the article, 35 ; inspired those who 
wrote the Scriptures, 43 ; his agency 
characteristic of the new economy, 60 ; 
bestowed on the apostles, 96, 99 ; re- 
sisted by the Jews, 142 ; in what sense 
unknown to John's disciples, 309 ; qual- 
ified religious teachers for their office, 
253, 339 ; peculiar sphere of in Acts, 
255. 

Horace, quoted, 349, 427, 451. 

Horeb, why interchanged with Sinai as an 

equivalent designation, 135. 
Humiliation of Christ, 156. 
Humphrey, his Commentary on the Acts, 

34. 

Hupfeld, on the prevalence of the He- 
brew language, 445. 

I. 

Iconium, how far from Antioch, 226 ; de- 
scribed by Leake, 226. 

Illiterate in the Jewish sense, 91. 

llhjricum, when visited by Paul, 326. 

Impi^ratii-e, dehortatory use, 145, 178. 

Impiuvium in ancient houses, 268. 

Indich, name of tlie Eunuch, 158. 

Infant ^^tism, founded on no sure proof- 
'text^pN. T., 260; opinion of schol- 
ars orocerning, 259 sq. ; confessed to 
be not scriptural, 260. 

Infinitive, as used with the article, 74 ; 
not pleonastic, 75; how constructed, 
327. 

Inscriptions that corroborate Luke's his- 
tory : one given by Gruter, 174; one 
found at Thyatira, 259 ; two in Malta, 
449. 

Italian cohort, why so named, 1 74 ; why 



stationed at Caesarea, 175 ; may be 
identical with the Augustan, 409 sq. 



J. 

Jacob, where buried, 130 ; the number of 
his family on his descent into Egy])t, 
129 sq. ; his bridge over the Jordan, 
160. 

Jailor at Philippi, how we may view the 
circumstances of his conversion, 266 sq. 

James the Elder, 196. 

James the Younger, pastor at Jerusalem, 
351 ; his advice to Paul, 353. 

Jerusalem, destruction of, a type, 61 ; how 
often visited by Paul after his conver- 
sion, 306, 350 sq. ; why supposed to be 
his proper field of labor, 365. 

Jest, that of Agrippa, 407. 

Jeics, desired to die at Jerusalem, 53 ; 
could not inffict capital punishment, 
144; numerous in Cyprus, 207; way 
in which they instigated the heathen 
against the Christians, 225, 227 ; en- 
joyed religious toleration, 263, 301 ; 
expelled from Rome, 296 ; were hated 
by the Greeks, 301 ; held that the end 
justifies the means, 375 ; their singular 
reserve in the interview with Paul at 
Rome, 457. 

Joel, his prophecy (3, 1 — 5) explained, 
58 sq. 

John the Baptist, his disciples, 309 sq. ; 
his confessed inferiority to Chidst, 216 ; 
nature of his baptism, 307 ; by whom 
slain, 388. 

Joppa, how^ far from Lydda, 172; its 

present name, 173. 
Josephus, his shipwreck in the Adriatic, 

430. 

Judas the Galilean, the place of his birth, 
111; ground of his opposition to the 
Roman government, 112. 

Judas the traitor, his end well known 
at Jerusalem, 43 ; no inconsistency 
in the different accounts of his death, 
44. 

Judgment, day of, 80 sq. ; to be universal, 
186, 294 ; for the righteous and the 
wicked, 384 ; moral effect of looking 
for, 385. 

Julius, his kindness to Paul, 412. 
Justin Martyr, his testimony concerning 
the Sabbath, 334. 

K. 

Kefr Saba, the supposed site of Antipa- 
tris, 378. 

Kingdom of God, sense of the phrase, 235. 
Kingdom of Christ as Mediator, tempo- 
raiy, 68. 



472 



INDEX 



Kh'chhofer, his work on the New Testa- 
ment Canon, 11. 
Kishon, river near Carmel, 348. 
Knohd, his Volkertafel, 124. 
Konieh, 226. 

Koura, a point at the entrance of St. 
Paul' s Bay, 434 ; the scene of a mod- 
ern shipwreck, 434 sq. 

Kurtz, his article on " The Angel of the 
Lord," 136. 



Laity, denied the cup by Catholics, 71. 

Lange, his Leben Jesu, 329. 

Laodicea, whether visited by Paul, 355. 

Lascea, its site identified, 417 sq. 

Latin, not used in the courts, 380. 

Latinisms in the Greek of the New Testa- 
ment, 193, 313, 360. 

Law, the higher, 107. 

Laying on of hands, its significance, 116. 

Levites, as a temple-guard, 85 ; their 
right of property, 98. 

Lewin, his Life and Epistles of Paul, 369. 

Liberality of the first Christians, 72 ; of 
the believers at Antioch for those in 
Judea, 194 ; true rule of, 194. 

Libertines, who they were, 117. 

Lie-to, a sea phrase, 429. 

Lucian, his account of the ship driven 
into the Piraeus, 439. 

LuTce, the wTiter of the Acts, 1 1 ; peculi- 
arities of his style, 13 ; sketch of his 
life, 14 sq. ; value of his testimony as 
a physician, 15; examples of his ac- 
curacy as an historian, 174, 196, 209, 

263, 272, 277, 300, 379, 384; has not 
shown himself ignorant of Jewish cus- 
toms, 181 ; his first connection with 
Paul, 256 ; writes as an eyewitness, 

264, 331, 345 ; abounds in the use of 
nautical terms, 415 ; traces of his medi- 
cal profession, 450, 

Luthard, his review of Meyer, 215. 
Lutro, perhaps Phoenix in Crete, 420. 
Ljycaonia, its extent, 228. 
Lycaonian dialect, what is known of it, 
230. 

Lydia, her name, 259 ; members of 

her household, 259. 
Lysias, why he favored Paul, 375 ; his 

letter, 376 ; his misrepresentation, 377. 
Lystra, its bearing from Iconium, 228 ; its 

exact position not fixed, 228. 



M. 



Macedonia, how applied by the Greeks, 

257 ; its Roman signification, 298. 
Macro, the prefect, 461. 
Madiam or Midian, where situated, 135. 



Malta, 445. 

Maltese language, 446. 

Manaen, in what sense " bronght up with 
Herod," 205. 

Marches, how rapidly performed by 
ancient armies, 378 sq. 

Mark, his relationship to Barnabas, 204 ; 
in what capacity he attended Paul, 
208 ; his abrupt return from the mis- 
sion, 212 ; regained the apostles' con- 
fidence, 259. 

Markets, the resort of loungers, 273 ; 
com-ts held in them, 272, 323. 

Martyr, how distinguished in sense from 
witness, 364. 

Matala, cape of, 422. 

Medina, 448. 

Meleda, not the island where Paul was 
wrecked, 444 sq. 

Melita, why not recognized by the marin- 
ers, 440 ; the island where Paul was 
wrecked, 445 ; its extent, 445 ; annexed 
to the prEetorship of Sicily, 448. 

Mestara Valley, 441. 

Middle voice, how used, 364. 

Miletian speech, attested as genuine, 343. 

Miletus, how far from Ephesus, 333 ; ad- 
dress of Paul there to the Ephesian 
elders, 334 ; how far from the sea, 344. 

Milton, 293, 345. 

Miracles, how designated, and import of 
the terms, 62 sq. ; what rendered those 
at Ephesus remarkable, 313. 

Mitylene, 333. 

Mohammedan monks, 322. 

Mole at Pozzuoli, 452. 

Moloch, how to be understood in Steph- 
en's speech, 139. 

Morier, his Travels, 371. 

31oses, how a mediator hke Christ, 83 ; 
his age, 135 ; his eloquence, 137; how 
regarded by Stephen, 137. 

Mosque of Omar, 358. 

Movers, his explanation of Eemphan, 
140. 

Myra, its situation, the ruins found 
there, 414. 



N. 



ISiame of the Lord, meaning of, 62, 68. 
Names used among the Jews^fcO; of 

places, permanent, 375. 

Navigation, in what part of the com- 
menced and closed by the ancients, 
413 ; how regulated at a distance from 
the land, 432. 

Nazarene, how applied to Christ, 62, 75, 
89. 

Nazarites, rules to which they were sub- 
ject, 304, 353 ; their expenses defi-ayed 
often by others, 353. 

Nazarceans, 310. 



INDEX. 



473 



Neapolis, whether Paul landed there, 257. 
Nehj Dauid, a mosque, 65 ; that of Is- 
mail, view from, 412. 
Negatives, not confounded, 1 64. 
Nicopolis, 379. 

Numerals, how constmcted, 74, 332 ; in- 
definite use of, 376. 



0. 



Obedience to God, the first law, 107. 

Olivet, origin of the name, 40. 

Omissions in the Acts show the history to 
be independent of the Epistles, 264. 

Oracles abolished, 345. 

Ordination of Timothy, 253. 

Oriental Customs, laying gifts at the feet 
of kings, 97 ; imposition of hands, 116 ; 
uncovering the feet, 136 ; shaking off" 
the dust of the feet, 225 ; rending the 
gannents, 231 ; thro^^dng dust into the 
au-, 366 ; silence enjoined by striking 
on tlie mouth, 370 sq. 

Orontes connected Antioch with the sea, 
206 sq. 

Ortygia, 451. 

Overseer, same as bishop, 334. 



Paphos, what place of this name intended, 
208. 

Paronomasia, a striking case, 152. 

Paiiiciple past ^ith a past verb, 348, 

Parthia, its boundaries, 55. 

Pastoral Epistles, when written, 462, 463. 

Paul, year of his conversion, 22 ; how old 
then, 144 ; early life and training, 145 
how long he remained in Arabia, 167 
his first journey to Jerusalem, 169 
mode of his journey from Ctesarea to 
Tarsus, 170 ; how long he remained in 
Syria and Cilicia, 170; why he says 
nothing of his alms-visit to Jerusa- 
lem, 195; in what year he made his 
second journey to Jerusalem, 204 ; why 
his name was changed from Saul to 
Paul, 210; encountered "perils of 
rivers" and "perils of robbers" in the 
Pisidian highlands, 213; how long he 
was absent on his first mission, 238 ; 
his relation to Barnabas after their se- 
paration, 251 ; year in which he de- 

. parted on his second mission, 251 ; on 
what principle he circumcised Timo- 
thy, 253 ; why he neglected to plead his 
Eoman citizenship at Philippi, 269 sq.; 
whether he was tried before the court 
of the Areiopagus, 280 sq. ; the trade 
at which he wrought, 297 ; how long 
he was absent on his second tour, 305 
sq. ; his mode of preaching at Ephesus, 



323 ; his unrecorded visit to Corinth, 
325 ; characteristic of him that he re- 
fers so often to liis own example, 336 ; 
duration of his third missionary tour, 
351 ; his attempt to conciliate the Jew- 
ish believers justifiable, 352; at what 
age he entered the school of Gamaliel, 
362 ; his zeal as a Pharisee, 362 ; how 
he acquired his Roman citizenship, 
368; noble-minded confession of his 
error, 372 ; how he viewed liis perse- 
cution of the church, 399 ; was not a 
member of the Sanhedx-im, 400 ; when 
he preached in Judea, 404 ; manner in 
which he replied to the charge of in- 
sanity, 406 ; his accuracy vindicated, 
420 ; his calmness amid the tempest, 
433 ; his ascendency over others, 433, 
453 ; how he felt on approaching 
Rome, 454 ; how he became known to 
the Proetox-ians, 456 ; his last words 
x-ecorded by Luke, 460 ; his condition 
wliile he was a prisoner at Rome, 461 ; 
his companions at that time, 461 ; 
whether he was x-eleased, 462 ; his sub- 
sequent labors, 462 sq. ; his joy in the 
prospect of death, 463. 

Pentecost, of what commemorative, 50; 
howloxigit continued, 356. 

Per-^a, Paul's course thithex-, 212 ; its site 
described by Sir C. Pellows, 212. 

Periplus, of Arrian, 421, 425. 

Peter, an affinity between his speeches 
and his Epistles, 17; why he rei^re- 
sented the pardon of Simon as doubt- 
ful, 151; had not the ordinaxy Jewish 
prejudices, 1 74 ; how he regax-ded the 
Ixomage of Cox-nelius, 180; devolved 
baptism on his assistants, 188 ; manner 
in which he was chained, 197; his 
journey to Rome, 200 ; postux-e in 
which he was crucified, 201 ; in what 
sense he first preached to the heathen, 
241 ; his last x-ecorded act, 243 ; at 
what time he arrived at Antioch, 262. 

Peutinger's Table, 208. 

Pharaoh, his policy towards the Hebrews, 
133 sq. 

Pharisees, their opinions, 273 ; represented 
as stx'ict by Josephus, 398. 

Philip, in what city of Samaria he 
preached, 147 ; his residence at Caesa- 
rea, 159 ; why he was called an Evan- 
gelist, 348. 

Philippi, its port, 257 ; its x'ank as a city, 
257 ; few Jews reside there, 258 ; why 
its magistrates were called pra^tox's, 
283 ; character of the church there, 
271. 

Philippi, Prof., his mode of accounting 
for the silence of the Jews in regard to 
the Roman Christians, 458. 

Philippians, Epistle to, 462. 



60 



474 



INDEX. 



PhineJca, 429, 

Phoenicia, how extensiye, 190. 

Phcenix, its situation, 420 ; dii'ection in 

which its harbor opened, 421 ; ]\Ir. 

Smith's view untenable, 421. 
Phri/f/ia, how bounded, 56 ; little known, 

255. 

Pliny, his letters, 312, 401. 
Plouyh, used in the East, 402. 
Politarclis, accurately used, 274. 
Pooh, around Jerusalem, 70. 
Porta Nomentana, 455 ; San Sebastiano, 
454. 

Portress, among the Jews, 199. 
Possession, demoniac, distinguished from 

ordinary disease, 104, 247 sq. 
Potter's Field, its situation, 46. 
Pozzmli, 452. 

PrcEtorimn, at Csesarea, 380 ; at Eome, 
455. 

Prayer, at what hours offered by the 
Jews, 58, 73 ; was addressed to Ohi-ist 
by the first disciples, 48, 165; a part 
of tlie preacher's work, 115; whether 
uttered in concert, 1 94 ; the attitude in 
which it was offered, 343 ; was the 
means of saving Paul's companions in 
the ship, 433. 

Precipices, south of Jerusalem, 45. 

Presbyiers, how elected, 235 sq. ; Nean- 
der's view, 235 sq. ; origin of the term, 
236 sq ; same as bishops, 334. ^ 

Priests, divided into classes, 85 ; distin- 
guished from Levites, 98 ; many con- 
verted, 116. 

Prisoners, in what manner they were 
chained, 197 ; were subject to different 
degrees of rigor, 387, 388, 394 ; some- 
times Avore their chains when on trial, 
407 ; were often sent to Rome from the 
provinces, 408 ; were committed to the 
prcetorian prefect, 461. 

Proconsuls, how distinguished from pro- 
praetors, 209. 

Prodigies, how precursors of calamity, 61. 

Prophesying, Scripture sense of, 59. 

Prophets, how related to teachers, 204. 

Proseucha, at Philippi, 258. 

Protestants, their view of the gospel, 166. 

Proverbs, examples of, 362, 402, 438. 

Provinces divided into imperial and sena- 
torian, 209. 

Psalms explained (66, 25,) 46 sq.; (109, 
8), 47; (16, 8—11), 64; (118, 22), 
90; (2, 1. 2), 94. 

Ptolemais, situation and modem name, 
348. 

Puhlius, his title confirmed by inscrip- 
tions lately found, 449 ; a question as 
to his rank, 449. 

Purpose of God in saving men, 244. 

Puteoli, its situation, 452 ; entiy-port of 
the wheat ships, 452. 



Q. 

Quaternion, 197. 

Quatuorviri, where found, 263. 

Queen, Candace, 154; of Adiabene, 194. 

Qui facit, &c., a law phrase, 44. 

Quirina, a Roman ti'ibe, 449. 

Quotations from the Old Testament, how 
applied sometimes in the New, 46 ; 
with what degree of verbal accuracy 
made, 58, 79 sq, 140, 222, 244 ; why 
conformed to the Septuagiut, 244. 

R. 

Ras-el-Ahiad, a cape, 412. 

Readings, various; occur in the Acts, 55, 

84, 158, 161, 249, 339, 348, 382, 424; 

many of them unimportant, 395. 
Recorder, at Ephesus, 276 ; his speech 

adroit, 277. 
Redemption, effected chiefly by the death 

of Christ, 339 sq. 
Refreshing, times of, 80. 
Remphan, 139. 

Repentance, a divme gift, 198, 190, 259 ; 
required of those who received baptism, 
216. 

Reservoirs, how used in the East, 70. 

Restoration, what intended by, 82. 

Resurrection, that of Christ ascertained 
confidently by his disciples, 36 ; proved 
the Saviour's mission, 47 ; denied by 
the Sadducees, 86 ; excited the ridi- 
cule of the Athenians, 294 ; an article 
of the Jewish belief, 373 ; effect of the 
belief of, on the mind of Paul, 384. 

Reuss, his Histoire de la Theologie, 255. 

Revealer, under the ancient dispensation, 
identical with the Logos, 136. 

Revelation, important law of, 52. 

Rheqium, now Reggio, 452; distance to 
Puteoli, 387. 

Rheims translation, whence made, 323. 

Rhodes, 345 ; journey thither from Beirut, 
346. 

Road between Bethlehem and Hebron, 
157. 

Roads from Jenisalem to Gaza, 153. 
Robinson, his description of Mars' Hill, 
279 sq. ; of the castle of Antonia, 357. 
Roofs, how built, 176. 
Romans, Epistle to, 327. 
Rudders, in ancient vessels, 441. 



S. 

Sabbath, Christian ti-aces of its observ- 
ance in the New Testament, 329 ; rests 
on apostolic institution, 330. 

Sacarii, 360. 

Sacrifices, their typical import, 73. 



t 



J 



IND 



Sadducees, their principles, 86, 373. I 
Salamis, the scenery there, 207. 
Salmone, the eastern promontory of Crete, 
417. 

Sahnonetta, an island in St. Paul's Bay, 
440. 

Salvation gratuitous, 239. 
Samaritan Codex, its critical value, 126. 
Samothrace, 256 sq. 

Sanhedrim, its organization, 87 ; its pro- 
ceedings public, 88, 91 ; place of ses- 
sion, 119; different modes of designa- 
tion, 94, 160 ; extent of its power, 160; 
qualitications of its members, 400. 

Schneider, B. Rev., extract from his jour- 
nal, 347. 

Scorpion, a peculiar scourge, 113. 

Scribes, the Jewish scholars, 373. 

Seleucia, the great seaport of northern Sy- 
ria, 206 sq. ; appearance of the coun- 
try from the bay, 207. 

Sepp, his Leben Jesu, 168, 398. 

Sergius Pauhis, his office, 209 ; his title 
confirmed as correct, 209. 

Servant, a title of the Messiah, 77. 

Shekinah, what it was, 123. 

Ships, ancient, their size, 414 sq., 438, 
sq. ; how they were undergirded, 426 
sq. ; were easily shattered, 430 ; could 
anchor by the stern, 435 sq. ; were 
steered with two rudders, 441 ; de- 
pended for speed chiefly on one sail, 
442 ; had figure-heads, 251 ; how rap- 
idly they could sail, 452. 

Shipiorech, scene of Paul's, 443. 

Sidon, its harbor, its distance fi'om Ceesa- 
rea, 412. 

Simon, the Magian, character of his pre- 
tensions, 148 ; exposure of his hypoc- 
risy, 150 ; Avhether indentical with a 
certain other Simon, 152. 

Simony, how the word arose, 150. 

Smith, E., his visit to Antipatris, 398. 

Smith, J., his work on " The Voyage and 
Shipwreck of St. Paul," 411. 

Solomon's Porch, why so called, 76. 

Sonntag, his explanation of the difficulty 
in regard to Theudas, 110 sq. 

Spain, Paul's journey to, 462. 

Spirit, see Holy Spirit. 

St. Paul's Bay, de^ribed, 440; visit to, 441; 
place of the apostle's shipwreck, 443. 

St. Philip's Fountain, 157. 

Stephanas, his family, 260. 

Stephen, his doctrines, 118 ; nature of the 
accusation against him, 119 ; analy- 
sis of his speech, 120 sq. ; Jseander's 
analysis, 121 ; that of Luger and Baur, 
122; was probably a Hellenist, 123; 
difficulties in his discourse examined, 
125, 127, 129, 130 sq., 139 sq. ; his dy- 
ing prayer, 145 ; not the only witness 
whose blood was shed, 400. 



EX. 475 

I Stier, on the discourses of the Apostles, 87* 
Stoics, the tendency of their philosophy, 
278. 

Straight, the street so called, 164. 
Striking, as said of winds, 429. 
Stuart, Prof., his Interpretation of the six- 
teenth Psalm, 64 ; his view of Christ 
as Mediator, 67. 
Sun, darkening of, a prophetic symbol, 61. 
Synagogues, how numerous at J erusalem, 
117 sq. ; their officers, 160; punish- 
ment inflicted in them, 401. 
Syracuse, how far from Melita, 386. 



T. 

Tabor, sea visible there, 112. 

Tarsus, its literary eminence, 170; its 
political importance, 360 ; did not pos- 
sess the rights of Roman citizenship, 362. 

Tellell-Hasey, 158. 

Temple, how its services were performed, 
85 ; its destruction foretold by Stephen, 
119 ; constructed so as to shadow forth 
spiritual traths, 140 ; regarded with ex- 
cessive veneration by the Jews, 142; 
portion of it interdicted to foreigners, 
356. 

Temple-sweeper, 322. _ 
Terracina, 120. 

TertuHus, his gross flattery, 381. 
Testament Old, as divided by the Jews, 
213. 

Theatres, used among the Greeks for pub- 
lic business, 202 sq., 319. 

Theophilus, a representative of those for 
whom Luke wrote, 19; his rank and 
country, 33. 

Thessalonians, Epistles to, 303. 

Thessalonica, its distance from Philippi, 
272 ; result of Paul's labors there, 272 
sq. ; how long he remained, 274. 

Theudas, why not mentioned byjosephus, 
110 ; may have been referred to under 
a different name. 111. 

Tholuck, on the influence of heathenism, 
245 ; on Paul's speeches as compared 
with his Epistles, 335 ; his mode of rec- 
onciling Luke's account of the Eg}^)- 
tian imposter with that of Josephus, 
360. 

Timothy, was a native of Lystra, 252 ; 
why required to be circumcised, 253 ; 
whether he rejoined Paul at Athens, 
276 ; why he was sent from Ephesus 
into Macedonia, 316 ; could not have 
wi-itten any part of the Acts, 329 ; 
Epistles to, 463 

Titus, Epistle to, 463 

Toleration, granted by the Romans to the 
Jews, 369. 

Traditions, among the Jews sanctioned as 



476 



INDEX. 



true: — in regard to Abraham's first 
call, 125 ; in regard to the tomb of the 
patriarchs, 130 sq. ; in regard to the age 
of Moses, 135 ; the giving of the law 
by the agency of angels, 142 sq. ; the 
length of Saul's reign, 216. 
Tres TaberncB, 454. 

Troas, correctly distinguished from Mysia, 
255. 

Troqyllium, name of a town or an island, 
333. 

Tyndale, at Wittenberg, 425. 

Tyre, the emporium of Phoenicia, 346 ; 
its ruins beneath the Sea, 346 ; the 
gospel preached there at an early pe- 
riod, 347 sq. 

Tyropoeon, 369. 

U. 

Undergirding of vessels, how performed, 
420. 

Unity of the human race, asserted by 

Paul, 289 sq. 
Unknown God, at Athens, 285. 
Upper Room, its use, 41, 331. 
Ur of the Chaldees, 124. 
Urfa, a modern city, 125. 
Usher, his chronology, 125. 

V. 

Valetta, 451. 

Validity of the choice of Matthias as an 

apostle, 58. 
Valpy, Notes on N. T., 444. 
Vengeance, not imprecated on Simon by 

the apostles, 150. 
Verbals in His, 405. 
Via Appia, 454. 

Vieiv from the Acropolis at Corinth, 276 ; 
of ruins at Tyre, 340 ; from Nazareth, 
412. 

Vintage, time of in Palestine, 57. 
Viper, why extinct in Malta, 445 ; its hab- 
its, 447. 

Virgil, on the dangers of the sea, 431. 
Vizier, Joseph's ofiice in Egypt, 129. 
Volscian Hills, 454. 

Vomel, his translation of the twenty-sev- 
enth chapter, 419. 

Vow, whether that mentioned in 18, 18 
was Paul's or Aquila's, 303 ; how long 
that of a Nazarite continued, 353 

Voyages, how rapidly made in ancient 
times, 453. 



W. 

Wailing, oriental mode of, 146. 

Walch, his Dissertationes, etc., 91. 

Way Appian, 454. 

Way, those of the, 161, 384. 

Wiclif, source of his translation, 323. 

Wieseler, his view of the duration of Pen 

tecost, 356 ; his mode of reckoning the 

twelve days, 383. 
Windows, how made in Eastern houses 

331. 

Winds, which prevail in the Mediterra- 
nean near the end of summer, 412 ; 
which blow off the land on the coast 
of Cicilia, 414 ; as denoting points of 
the compass, 421 ; change suddenly 
from the south to the north, 423 sq. ; 
those from the east apt to be lasting, 
429 ; at what rate they would drive a 
ship situated like that of Paul on the 
voyage to Eome, 435. 

Winer, limits assigned by him to Pro- 
consular Asia, 55 ; his opinion of the 
night-journey to Antipatris, 379. 

Witness iuM'ard, of the Spirit, 109. 

Women, heathen, converts to Judaism^ 
225. 

Woolsey, President, suggestions of, 274, 
449. 

Wordsworth, his Notes on the Acts, 191. 

Worship, began at dawn in the temple, 
105 ; nature of Sabaism, 139 ; that 
of the temple emblematical, 140; per- 
formed at the river-side by the Jews, 
258. 

Y. 

Year of Paul's conversion, 22. 

Yoke, Jewish, 242. 

Young man, as said of Saul, 144. 



Z- 

Zahians held that John was the Messiah, 
310. 

Zealots unknown as a sect till after the 
time of Christ, 141 ; designated those 
in the church who contended for Jew- 
ish rites, 352. 

Zeal of Paul as a Pharisee, 362. 

Zeller, nature of his objections, 87. 

Zion Mount, a burial place, 65. 



INDEX II. 



The following are the Contents of the History, with the chapters and verses, 
and the pages of the Commentary on which the sections may be found. 



Chap. 


Verse. 


Page. 


I. 


1-3 


Relation of the Acts to the Gospel of Luke, . . - - 


33 




4, 5 


Promise of the Saviour to send the Spirit, - - - - 


36 


(I 


6-1 i 


His last Interview with the Disciples, and His Ascension, 


37 


iC 


12-14 


Return of the Disciples to Jerusalem, 


40 




15-22 


Address of Peter on the Choice of a new Apostle, - - - 


42 




23-26 


Appointment of Matthias as an Apostle, . - - - 


48 


ir. 


1-4 




50 


(( 


5-13 


Impression of the Miracle on the Multitude, ... 


53 


(( 


14-36 


The Discourse of Peter, 


57 


ei 


37-42 


Effect of the Discourse in the Conversion of three Thousand, 


68 


it 


43-47 


Benevolence of the First Christians ; their Joy, their Increase, 


71 


III. 


1-10 


Healing of the lame Man hy Peter and John, 


73 


<( 


11-26 




76 


IV. 


1-4 


The Imprisonment of Peter and John, . . . . 


85 


(( 


5-7 


Their Arraignment before the Sanhedrim, . . . . 


87 




8-12 


Testimony of Peter before the Council, . . . . 


89 




13-18 


Decision of the Sanhedrim, 


91 


(( 


19-22 




92 




23-31 


The Apostles return to the Disciples, and unite with them in 










93 


(( 


32-37 


The Believers are of one Mind, and have all Things common. 


96 


V. 


1-11 


The Falsehood of Ananias and Sapphira, and their Death, 


98 




12-16 


The Apostles still preach, and confirm their Testimony by 










103 




17 25 


Renewed Imprisonment of the Apostles, and their Escape, 


104 


(I 


26-28 


They are arrested again, and brought before the Council, 


106 




29-32 


The Answer of Peter, and its effect, . - . . . 


107 


t( 


34-39 




109 


(( 


40-42 


The Apostles suffer joyfully for Christ, and depart to preach 








Him anew, - 


113 


VI. 


1-7 


Appointment of Alms-Distributers in the Church at Jerusa- 










114 




8-15 


The Zeal of Stephen, and his Violent Apprehension, 


117 






Discourse of Stephen before the Sanhedrim, 


120 


VII. 


1-16 


History of the Patriarchs, or the Age of the Promises, - 


123 


(( 


17-46 


Age of Moses, or the Jews under the Law, - - - - 


132 


(< 


47-53 




141 



/17R 




INDEX II 




Chap* 


Verse. 




Page. 


VTT 

V 11, 


'^1 fin 
04— DvJ 


TliQ T^/\ri 4-1-1 Cfrt-rkTirtt-i — 


^ AO 


VTTT 

V 111. 






' 140 








14/ 


(( 


Q—l Q 


Simon the Sorcerer, and tis Professed Belief, « • . 


1 tQ 
148 




14-1 / 




149 


(( 


1 c_o 1 

lo 44 


The Hypocrisy of Simon, and its Exposure, - - - . 


iou 


(C 






1 


tc 


OCr-4L/ 




1 ^^7 

lot 


TV 
lA. 


1-y 


Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus, - - 


loy 


(( 


lU-lo 


Ananias is sent to Saul, and baptizes him, - - - . 


164 




19-23 




167 


(e 






Id/ 




<iD J 1 


Paul returns to Jerusalem, and goes thence to Tarsus, » 


loy 




ol—oD 


Peter preaches at Lydda, and heals a Paralytic, 


171 


J, 


36-43 




1 7*3 
1 16 




i— o 




174 


(( 


9-16 




I7fi 
1 /D 


(( 


17 9*? 
1 /—'Co 




1 78 
1 /O 




99 '^'^ 




1 




o4— 4o 




l&o 


(( 


44 — lo 


Cornelius and others receive the Spirit, and are baptized, 


18/ 




1 1 c 
l-lo 


Peter justifies himself at Jerusalem for his visit to Cornelius, 


188 




19-24 




1 on 




25 26 


Paul arrives at Antioch, and labors there, - - - . 


1 Q9 




97 •^n 

-4 / — OU 


Barnabas and Saul are sent with Alms to Jerusalem, 


193 




1 9 


Renewed Persecution at Jerusalem, and Death of James, 


IQ*^ 

lyo 


(C 


0—') 




lyo 


et 


fi 1 1 

u— 11 




1Q7 

ly / 


(I 


12-17 


iTcicr rcpdiro lu luc iiuusc ui i>iary, wucrc iiic uioLipich «*rc 








praying, 


1QQ 

lyy 




lo, ly 




9ni 
4UI 




90 91 
4U— 44 




909 




9'^ 




4U4 


"VTTT 


1—0 


Barnabas and Saul are sent to preach to the Heathen, 


9n 1 

4U4 




A 19 
4 14 


The Journey to Cyprus, and its Results, .... 


4U0 


(( 


1 Q 1 

lo 10 


They proceed to Perga, and thence to Antioch in Pisidia, 


212 




1 fi /1 1 
10-41 




213 


<c 


49-4Q 
44 4y 




4^J 


n 


OU o4 


They are persecuted, and depart to Iconium, _ . _ 


99 
440 


VTA7 


1-7 


They preach at Inconium, but are persecuted and flee to Lys- 








tra, 


226 




CIO 


Paul heals a lame Man at Lystra, 


229 




14-18 


Speech of Paul to the Lystrians, 


231 




19-28 


They proceed to Derbe ; and then retrace their way to Anti- 








och in Syria, 


233 


XV. 


1-6 


Paul and Barnabas are sent as Delegates to Jerusalem, - 


238 


11 


6-12 




241 




13-21 




243 




22-29 


They appoint Messengers to the Churches, and send a Letter 










246 


(I 


30-35 




249 


It 


26-41 


Paul and Barnabas resume their Work in diflFerent Fields of 










250 



INDEX II. 



479 



Chap. 


Terse. | 


XVI. 


1-5! 


(( 


6-10! 


(( 


11-15 

" 1 




16-18 




19-24 [ 




25-29 




30-34 




35-40 


XVII. 


1-4 


c< 


5-9' 


(C 


10-13 ' 


le 


14, 15 


ii 


16-18 




19-21 


i( 


22-31 




32-34 ' 


xvni. 


1-11 




12-17 ■ 




18-22 [ 


cc 


1 

23 ' 


i( 


24-28 

1 


XIX. 


1 

1-7: 

i 


cc 


1 

8-12, 




13-17 


(C 


18-20 




1 

21, 22 




23-27 


c< 


28-34 




1 

35-40 J 


XX. 


1-6 1 

I 




7-12 , 




13-16 




17-35 




36-38 


XXI. 


1-6 




7-16, 




1 

1 

17-26 




27-30 




31-40 


XXII. 


1-21 




22-29 




30 


XXIII. 


1-10 




11-15 i 



Paul and Silas revisit the Churches and Deliver the Decrees, 
They prosecute their Journey to Troas, . . . . 
aul and his Associates arrive in Europe, and preach at Phi- 

lippi, . . . 

Healing of a Demoniac Woman, ------ 

Imprisonment of Paul and Silas, 

An Eartliqualie shakes the Prison, 

Conversion of tlie Jailer and his Family, - . . . 



Page. 

252 
2.54 

256 
261 
263 
265 
266 
268 
271 
273 

Paul and Silas proceed to Beroea, - 274 

275 
276 
279 
284 
294 
295 
300 



Paul advances to Athens, 

How he is aflfected by the Idolatry there, 

Paul repairs to Mars' Hill to explain his Doctrine, 

Speech of Paul on Mars' Hill, . - . - 

Paul is interrupted, and leaves the Assembly, 

Ai-rival of the Apostle at Corinth, and his Labors there, 



lem, and thence to Antioch, _ - . 
Departure of Paul on his Third Missionary Tour, 



Gospel, 



John, 



The Defeat of certain Jewish Exorcists, 
Slany are converted, and confess their Si 
The Apostle proposes to leave Ephesus, 
Demetrius excites a Tumult at Ephesus, 



Theatre, 



302 
306 

306 

309 
311 
313 
314 
315 
317 

319 



perses the Multitude, - - 322 

aul proceeds a second time to Greece, and returns from there 

to Troas, - 324 

Paul preaches at Troas, and administers the Sacrament, - 329 

He and his companions advance to Miletus, - - . 332 

Address of Paul to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus, - - 334 

He prays with the Elders, and embarks again, - - - 343 

They continue the Voyage to Tyre, 344 

From Tyre they proceed to Ptolemais, and thence to CiBsarea 

and Jerusalem, 347 

Paul assumes a Vow, to conciliate the Jewish Believers, - 350 

He is seized by the Jews, and dragged from the Temple, - 355 
The Roman Commander rescues Paul from the hands of the 

Jews, 

Paul's Speech on the Stairs of the Castle, 



He is examined before the Sanhedrim, 
Paul's Speech before the Jewish Council, 



357 
361 
366 
369 
370 
374 



480 



INDEX II. 



Chap. 


Verse. 


"WTTT 


16-22 




40-JU 




ol oo 


J\.Ji^L V . 


1 — Q 

i y 






<( 


24-27 


XXV. 


1-5 


l( 




t( 




(I 


23—27 


J\.A. V i. 


1-23 




24-29 




30-32 


"V W7TT 


1-5 


(I 


J 


{( 


io— ID 




17-20 




Ol OA 


<( 


27-32 


tc 


33-38 


tt 


39-44 


XXVIII 


1-10 




11-16 


(( 


17-22 


(C 


23-29 


(< 


30,31 



Page. 

The Plot is made known to the Roman Commander, - - 375 

The Letter of Lyslas to Felix, 376 

Paul is sent to Felix at Casarea, 37Q 

TertuUus accuses Paul before Felix, - - . . . 38O 

The Apostle's Defence before Felix, 382 

Paul testifies before Felix and Drusilla, - - - - 387 

Festus refuses to bring Paul to Jerusalem, .... 339 

Paul appeals from Festus to Caesar, 390 

Festus confers with Agrippa concerning Paul, - - . 392 

Paul is brought before Agrippa, 395 

His Speech before Agrippa, 393 

Answer of Paul to Festus, ^ - 405 

Agrippa pronounces him innocent, 408 

Paul embarks at Caesarea for Rome, and proceeds as far as 

Myra, ----- 408 

Incidents of the Voyage from Myra to Crete, - . - 414 
A Storm rages and drives the vessel to Claude, - - - 422 
They undergird and lighten the ship, but despair of safety, - 426 
The Apostle cheers them with the hope of Deliverance, - 432 
The Discovery of Land, and frustrated Attempt of the Mari- 
ners to desert the Ship, 434 
Paul renews his Assurance that their Lives would be saved, 437 
The Shipwreck. Those on board escape to the Shore, - - 440 
Their Abode during the Winter at Melita, - . . - 444 

Prosecution of the Journey to Rome, 450 

Paul meets with the Chief Men of the Jews at Rome, - 456 

His Second Interview with the Jews 459 

Condition of the Apostle during his Captivity, - - - 460 



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This Cycxop^ia is designed to furnish a DicnoNARY of the BnsLE, while at the same time it answers the place of 
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A condensed view of the various branches of Biblical Science comprehended in the work. 

1. Biblical CRinasM. — Embracing the History of the Bible Languages ; Canon of Scripture ; Literary History 
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The following extract of a letter is a fair specimen of individual letters received from each of the gentlemen 
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" I have examined it with special and unalloyed satisfaction. It has the rare merit of being all that it professes 
to be ; and very few, I am sure, Avho may consult it, will deny that, in richness and fulness of delsiil, it surpasses 
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W. B. Sprague, D.D., Pastor of Second Presbyterian Church, Albany, N. Y. — J. J. Carruthers, D.D., Pastor of 
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Hartford, Ct.— Daniel Sharp, D.D., late Pastor of Third Baptist Church, Boston.— N. L. Frothingham, D.D., late 
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gregational Church (Unitarian) , Boston. — A. L. Stone, Pastor of Park Street Congregational Church, Boston. — 
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HISTORY OP PALESTINE, from the Patriarclial Age to the Present Time ; with Intro- 
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A TREATISE ON BIBLICAL CRITICISM ; Exhibiting a Systematic View of that Science. 
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General Introduction, in Introductions to the Old and New Testaments. 

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HISTORY OF CHURCH ]\rUSIC IN AMERICA. Treating of its peculiarities at different. 

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Terms, found in the Holy Scriptures ; intended principally for Sabbath School Teachers and Bible Classes By 
Rev. Howard ]\L\lcom, D.D., President of Lewisburg College, Pa. IGmo, cloth, 60 cts. 

A COMMENTARY ON THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 

By Horatio B..Hackett, D.D., Prof, of Biblical Literature and Interjirelation, in tlie Xewton Theo. Insiitution. 

Jg@=- This most important and very popular work, lias been tliorouu'hly rcvis(Kl (some parls being entirel^y 
rewritten) , and considerably enlarged by tlie introduction of iin].()rtani new matter, the result of the Author's 
continued laborious investigations, since the publication of the first ''dition, aided by the mure recent published 
criticisms by other distinguished Biblical Scholars, in this countrj' and in Furope. 

CRUDEN'S CONDENSED CONCORDANCE ; a New and Complete Concordance to the 

Holy Scriptures. By Alexander Cruden Revised and Re-edited by the Rev. Daatd Kjxg, LL.D. Octavo, cloth 
backs, $1.25. 

The principal variation from the larger book, consists in the exclusion of the Bible Dictionary (which has always 
been an incumbrance), the condensation of the quotations of Scripture, arranged under their most obvious heads, 
which, while it diminishes the bulk of the work, greatly facilitates the finding of any required passage. 

We have, in this edition of Cruden, the best made better ; that is, the present is better adapted to the piTrposes 
of a Concordance, by the erasure of superfluous references, th,e omission of unnecessary explanations, and the 
contraction of quotations, etc. It is better as a manual , and better adapted by its price, to "the means of many who 
need and ought to possess such a work, than the former large and expensive edition. — Puritan Recorder. 

GOULD & LINCOLF, Publishers, Boston. 

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